Chew Heng Ching
Singapore
“Sir, in terms of sports facilities, we, as a nation, are certainly very well-endowed. We have many stadiums, swimming complexes, sports halls, multi-purpose fields, tennis courts, school fields and many, many more.”
“These jobs need not necessarily be limited to menial jobs like cleaners, sweepers and lift attendants, but could be extended to include the services of older professionals such as engineers, accountants, managers, and clerical officers.”
“For this reason, Sir, I am a bit disappointed with the Budget in that we could have done more for our SMEs, many of which have also made sacrifices in the past and are still struggling and not able to reap the benefits of economic recovery.”
“In so doing, we may have addressed the form of the issue at high cost to our charities, deterred some good people from coming forward to serve and to volunteer, but may miss out on the substance, which is the bigger picture, ie, what is the best means with reasonable level of disclosure and accountability to help meet the needs of the nee…”
“May I, therefore, suggest that the Government look into the plight of these wet market stall owners. Many wanted to give up their stalls but, with outstanding loans from the banks, they could not. Some wanted to sell their stalls but there were no buyers. And their children are not willing to take over the stalls.”
“May I therefore propose that the Ministry, in the light of this massive LUP project announced by the PM, review the adequacy and the use of town council sinking funds.”
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“Through this arrangement, the CPF can stay focused on providing basic retirement needs, while employers should be encouraged to develop individualised programmes for their employees based on individual needs and abilities. Sir, coming back to CPF cuts, the proposal has the effect of reducing disposable income of Singaporeans. I would like to suggest that measures to reduce costs, to free up cash and improve cash flow for Singaporeans be implemented. By this, I refer to the need for the Government to review some of its rates and fees that affect household expenditures. One specific area would be the maid's levy. A reduction in the maid's levy may not fully offset the cash depletion impact of the CPF cuts, but will serve to offset the inelastic costs due to economic needs imposed on families. And in this case, the services of a maid. I am, therefore, proposing that perhaps the Government could consider at least a $100 cut in maid's levy to make up for the reduction in cash following the CPF reduction. This cut could be limited to one maid per household. This would certainly go some way towards the cash top-up for mortgages. Sir, besides the maid's levy, I urge the Government to also consider other measures to assist Singaporeans in cash top-up following the CPF cuts. I propose that the Government review its various rates and fees and taxes including utilities costs, property taxes, petrol taxes and road taxes. With the upfront cost of vehicle ownership already loaded in the COE system now, such reduction in petrol and road taxes would again free up cash for Singaporeans, who require vehicles as a means of facilitating business. For Singaporeans who rely on public transport, transport companies should be encouraged to pass on such savings to the consumers.”
“A simultaneous effort to review all these costs and reduce them is indeed necessary if we are to be successful in making Singapore competitive again. I therefore urge the Government to consider measures beyond CPF cuts and implement these reductions if we are to send a strong signal to investors. PM mentioned that in the course of this debate, DPM Lee will announce a package of measures to alleviate the adverse impact that the proposed CPF cuts may have on Singaporeans. I hope these measures will help Singaporeans rework their cashflow on their mortgages and yet leave them with sufficient disposable income to maintain a reasonable standard of living. Sir, on the CPF changes announced by the PM, I am glad that we stay focused on the retirement aspects of CPF in a way that there are enough retirement funds for Singaporeans as well as help reduce overall cost to employers. I support an immediate reduction of the employer's CPF contribution by 3% to send the right signal to companies and workers on the urgency of wage reforms. I also advocate the principle of flexibility in CPF contribution rates, as explained by the PM. While the workers' fixed salary's CPF contribution rate will now be capped at 30% with the proposed changes, I propose that we consider allowing a higher CPF contribution rate for the variable bonus. Indeed, we should encourage companies that are doing well and could afford to pay performance bonus to pay a higher CPF rate for their employees if they so choose. Sir, together with a more flexible CPF rate, I urge the Government to introduce tax incentives to encourage companies to implement a wider range of private "retirement" plan options for their valued employees.”
“Sir, like Mr Chiam, I too did not have access to PM's speech. Therefore, PAP MPs do not have any undue advantage over Opposition MPs. Sir, since the turn of the new millennium, the world is now a different place. We may not have gone through the severe economic shock of the Asian financial crisis. But we have weathered perpetual storms in the form of September 11, global terrorism, SARS and the gulf war. The recent bombing in Jakarta, one year after the Bali tragedy, underscores the fragile and uncertain world in which we live. On the economic front, we face keener competition from the global marketplace. Singaporeans, in recent years, have had to face wage freeze, salary cuts and, most unfortunately, rising structural unemployment. The picture is indeed not a rosy one. Yes, there has been a pick-up in sentiment in the US and Japan economies, and the economic numbers following the slowdown in the second quarter of this year are starting to look up. However, we must not be complacent. Without clear and decisive actions to combat the costs of doing business in Singapore, or sending the right signal to the international business community, we run the risk that any nascent economic recovery may pass us by this time. In this regard, Sir, I feel that the proposed CPF changes, whilst they may appear untimely and harsh, are necessary. I agree with many Singaporeans that the CPF changes alone will not solve our high business cost problems and make Singapore competitive again. Wage cost is but only one cost component. Our other cost components, like land costs, rental, utilities, taxes and Government rates and fees, are also important.”
“Sir, the Acting Minister for Community Development and Sports recently launched the Code of Governance for the National Sports Associations (NSAs). This is indeed a good move as it will make the NSAs more effective, more transparent and more accountable to the Government, their various stakeholders and the general public at large as public monies are involved in the running of NSAs. I fully support this move. I would like to ask the Minister how does his Ministry propose to implement the Code of Governance among the NSAs. I understand compliance is compulsory by 31st March next year, and there is not much time. Sir, I raise this because I was involved in the implementation of the code of corporate governance for listed companies in Singapore, in my capacity as Chairman of the Singapore Institute of Directors. I know that the task is not easy, given the initial resistance to change and compliance and having to educate the many people involved in the management of these companies. Numerous seminars and workshop sessions have to be held to explain the code. In the end, we could get companies to comply with the code in spirit and in form, but ensuring that the substance and the commitment are also there is more difficult. It takes time to change mindset. Sir, I raise this concern because I believe that implementing the Code of Governance among NSAs is easier said than done. It requires a lot of effort and planning on the part of everybody. I would therefore like to ask the Minister if he would enlighten the House on the challenges facing his Ministry in the implementation of this code.”
“Sir, the setting up of the Sports School to provide world-class sports training to talented student athletes to help them reach their fullest potential is indeed a good step. I understand the first batch of students will be recruited in January next year. Sir, when a local newspaper reported recently that only Express stream students will be admitted to the school, there was public uproar. Many objected to setting high academic qualification as an entry criterion. It was even reported in the Straits Times on 12th March that based on a survey of some 100 readers of the Straits Times, only three agreed that high academic qualification is needed. Even Khoo Swee Chiow, our well-known Mt. Everest hero, objected to the criterion. In an e-mail to the Straits Times, he wrote: "Our Government wants to stress sports. Yet the Sports School will be compromised by academic achievement and this is a mixed signal. Academic pursuit must be secondary. Michael Jordan only does one thing in life - play basketball. Tiger Woods only does one thing in life - play golf. Ask them how much time they spend in practice, they will probably say, "All my life". Ask Fandi Ahmad, I am sure he has the same answer." 1.30 pm Sir, in the light of this strong objection to setting high academic qualifications as a criterion for admission to these schools, like my earlier colleagues who have spoken on the subject, I would like to ask the Minister to review the entry criteria for admission to the Sports School. Could the Minister also tell us what plans he has to ensure that the Sports School would help fulfil our dream of becoming a sporting nation?”
“True, we are a smaller nation and would find riding the rough tides of economic ocean tougher at times. However, in our smaller size lies our flexibility to adapt and change. As long as Singaporeans continue to pull together to make the painful sacrifices, our long-term economic future is in good hands. Indeed, unlike Japan, it is fortunate that Singaporeans have chosen wisely to have good continuous stable Government, which is able to implement essential policies for the long-term good of Singaporeans, even if it involves some pain in the near term. We should be proud of that, stand tall against the challenges we face, and I am confident that, with continued good Government in place, we will rise to the occasion again. Sir, I support the Budget Statement delivered by the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance.”
“There must be a sea change in our thinking across-the-board, so that flexibility in approach, daring to try, and risk taking, can permeate throughout our society. Sir, another measure that many would like to see would be the freeing up of the portion of CPF beyond the Minimum Sum, for use as business investment. There are some who have substantial savings in their CPF. These individuals are likely to be successful in their career, and have substantial private savings and investments, and insurance or pension plans of their own. Having a significant portion of their funds locked up in CPF would be a disadvantage, should we want to encourage entrepreneurship among the more able in our society. I would therefore like to suggest that perhaps a means test, say, for an individual having $X of private investment/pension set aside already, be adopted to allow for the withdrawal of CPF for business investment. Entrepreneurial activity should not be capped on the basic assumption that Singaporeans cannot think and plan for themselves, and need to lock up funds in their CPF. Some can and should be given the leeway to expand the depth of enterprise in our economy. Finally, Sir, I speak for many Singaporeans in expressing our concern about the state of our economy. True, pump-priming does not work that well in Singapore, as 80 cents of a dollar pumped in is leaked out in our highly open economy. The conditions in the labour market in the private sector are still difficult, with pay cuts, wage freezes and retrenchments seen. And this is now seen in the public sector, such as HDB and PSA Corp. Still, Sir, it is not all doom and gloom. Many have alluded to the problems facing Singapore today as akin to Japan after the twin bubbles in their property and stock markets burst in 1992.”
“Sir, there is also a need for more attention to be paid to our younger workers and students in secondary and tertiary education. This generation should not be told to achieve greater academic qualifications and skills upgrades alone. It is precisely this motivation that has made many Singaporeans kiasu. The higher the educational certificate, or the more paper qualifications achieved, the higher the opportunity costs in leaving the comfort zone from the rule-based path of JC, university, stable job and career growth. I note the disappointment aired by a recent graduate to the Straits Times' Forum Page last week on not being able to land a job after getting his university qualifications. This is in stark contrast to the winner of Her World's Young Woman Entrepreneur Award, Elim Chew, who graduated from the school of hard knocks, at the lower end of her "O" level cohort, and many business failures. Persevering and with drive, she now runs a business of more than $10 million turnover per year. We would need to train students to inculcate in them the mindset of risk-taking and self-reliance, so that the future economy in Singapore can be bottom-up, broad-based with depth and breadth of enterprise. Sir, take another example of mindset change. It was recently reported that the School of Sports Excellence to be set up has a criterion to take in only students who are from the Express stream. Why do we restrict ourselves to this rule? True, some of our top sportsmen have been strong academically as well, but there are many more equally successful, such as Fandi Ahmad and Remy Ong. Our Asian Games bowling champion, Remy Ong, for instance, has even set up his own business. They are both not from the Express stream.”
“And, without rules, Singaporeans cannot perform. They are paralysed. Sir, we need to change our mindset. I fear that whilst our budget initiatives to boost entrepreneurship are good, we would not realise the intentions, if steps are not taken to also address this mindset across all Singaporean society. Civil servants, for instance, need to be prepared to make decisions that would be pro-business and pro-entrepreneurs. Civil servants must not assume that the businessmen are out to cheat the system and exploit loopholes. There is a need for a comprehensive review of internal policies that stymie business and entrepreneurs, so that the spirit of free enterprise can be enabled. I acknowledge that the Ministerial Committee on Services and the initiatives to streamline rules and regulations are already in place. However, Sir, more needs to be done at a faster pace. Sir, I have long pointed out in this House that to effectively change the bureaucracy, we would need to enable more cross-overs of private sector talents into the civil service - perhaps, even as high as the Permanent Secretary level. After all, if the status quo continues, it could be self-perpetuating and not be conducive and responsive to change. Those from the private sector surely would be able to bring their perspective, from being on the other side of the table, to good and immediate use, rather than trying to get civil servants with long-standing practices to try to stand in the shoes of the private sector - a much more onerous task. I suggest that the Government seriously look at employing more private sector talents into key positions within the civil service, in the same way that we are now seeing more Ministers in Cabinet who are from the private sector.”
“The appointment of my GRC colleague, Mr Raymond Lim, to head the entrepreneurship drive is a testament to the Government's commitment to ensure that Singaporeans can be lured out of their comfort zones, with incentives and some prodding on their backs. I am confident Mr Raymond Lim will do a good job and have as many of the ERC's recommendations on entrepreneurship implemented as quickly as possible. However, Sir, I do not envy him. He has a difficult task ahead. Unfortunately, I believe that to be successful in this initiative to boost entrepreneurship, no amount of safety nets and incentives alone will be enough to tempt Singaporeans out of their comfort zones. They are so used to the tried and tested path of pursuing higher education, jobs and stable careers. There has to be a complete overhaul of the different parts of Singaporean society, both in mindsets and aspirations and, perhaps, a slow and gradual erosion of our kiasu and kiasi mentality. Sir, taking a leaf from Mr Sim Wong Hoo's Chaotic Thoughts from the Old Millennium, Singaporeans, by and large, suffer from "NUTS" or the "No U-Turn Syndrome". He points out that: "In the US, where there is no sign on the road, it means that you can make a U-turn. When the authorities do not want people to make U-turns, they put up signs to tell you not to make U-turns. In Singapore, it is the reverse. When there is no sign on the road, you are not allowed to make U-turns. When the authorities allow you to make U-turns, then they will put up a sign to give you that right." Sir, the bottomline is that both systems serve the same purpose, ie, to better manage traffic. They look similar, but the social repercussion is significant. The "no U-turn syndrome" has created a way of life for us that is based on rules.”
“We have been in a "soft spot" for over two years now and, unlike during the Asian financial crisis some five years ago, the US economy is also in bad shape. With a structurally weakening US dollar following budget and external deficits in the US, our ability to export ourselves out of any economic weaknesses may be further compromised. In addition, our reliance on MNCs to provide stable manufacturing jobs is fast being eroded by the cheaper competitors like India and China. In many respects, Sir, whilst we strive for value-added and highly skilled jobs to move up the value curve in job creation, or indeed to fulfill the EDB's vision to transform Singapore into a "Global Entrepolis", we have to be very mindful of the fact that Singapore, with its high wage and land costs, will find it harder and harder to continue to be relevant economically. The Budget 2003's proposals on putting off the restoration of employers' CPF contributions, and its lack of incentives to further stimulate demand in the property market, may be difficult for Singaporeans to understand. Some measures which affect the pockets of the man-in-the-street are no doubt painful. They are, however, inevitable. Going forward, more radical measures to address these two cost components may still be required. And if we do not do that, when the next economic boom comes, Singapore may be left behind. Seen in this light, Sir, to me, the crucial platform that Budget 2003 has incorporated from the ERC's recommendations is its emphasis on entrepreneurship and the growth of Singapore companies. I am glad the Government has now recognised that we must reduce our over-reliance on MNCs, and actively promote entrepreneurship, self-reliance and innovation among Singapore companies.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, there are many who have criticised the Budget for being "a non-event" and "uninspiring". In fact, one critique is on the removal of taxation on interest income from savings. One sarcastic remark often heard is that Singaporeans have no money to generate interest to be taxed now, given that economic conditions are so bad. Even for those who have money, interest rates are so low that the impact of the relief is negligible. So, why introduce it now? Sir, like many other brickbats, these comments have missed some of the more salient benefits and measures announced in the Budget which will have a positive impact on the long-term health of the Singapore economy. Singaporeans do have good reasons to be concerned about their economic prospects and livelihoods, given the uncertainties that surround the world economy and the political environment today. However, they cannot and should not just leave the job of reinventing the economy to the Government, and assuming that the Government will save the day, or will hand out something to them should things worsen. There is a fundamental need in our Singaporean society to change our mindset to economic and social matters and indeed foster a greater spirit of self-reliance. And this is the biggest challenge before us. If we band together and change the way we see ourselves and do business, be more entrepreneurial in many aspects, the world is still our oyster. There are grounds to be optimistic and not miss the silver linings contained in the Budget 2003. Nevertheless, Singaporeans cannot just stick their heads in the sand like ostriches, and ignore the reality of the weak global economic environment confronting us today.”
“With Singaporeans expected to study and work overseas for long periods of time, as part of the economic changes anticipated, returning Singaporean families have found that the mother tongue criterion for local schools too restrictive for them. This is an additional source of stress for both students and parents returning from overseas. If we can broaden the criterion to other languages, making exception for this group of Singaporeans returning from overseas, we might even enhance Singapore's future as a globalised economy plugged into the world. It would also encourage Singaporeans overseas to return and contribute positively to our country. In conclusion, I support the motion moved by the Minister for Education. I agree that we should change our JC curriculum to achieve a broader based education and to develop thinking, communication and learning skills. However, I call on the Minister to review our teaching methods, to place less emphasis on examinations, to do away with ranking of JCs, and to reward our teachers in many other ways. Examination result is but only one of the ways. Whilst the desired ends for our education system are well intended, I fear that we may not achieve them if the means towards these ends are not properly addressed.”
“In the new environment envisaged, teachers would need to acquire expertise in teaching and assessing students in the areas of thinking skills and innovation. They would need to both set challenges and structure courses to bring out these skills in the students, as well as assess students in these new areas. This is indeed a fundamental change in much of our traditional education philosophy. Our existing teaching resources may not be suitably equipped to meet these new challenges. We therefore need to retrain our existing teaching staff to re-equip them to implement some of these ambitious plans. I would like to ask the Minister if he could elaborate on any special training plans to cater for these changes. The Report has indicated that additional teaching resources would be required to tide in for the period up to full implementation of the new JC education system. Would these new teaching staff resources replace existing ones? I would like to seek the assurance from the Minister that opportunity be given to the current teaching staff to fully enable them to adapt to the new regime. I agree that, in the interim, we may have to import foreign talents to help implement these changes. If so, I would hope that specific plans for local succession, after skills have been acquired and nurtured by our local teachers, be put in place so that we do not create a dependency effect on foreign talents in our JC education system in the long term. Finally, I would like to raise a suggestion that the mother tongue criterion could be broadened to include any second language.”
“With the continuance of such incentive structures for our teachers and principals in our education system and the ranking of JCs based largely on competitive quantitative criteria, I am doubtful that the high ideals raised in this JC Report can be fully realised. At worst, we might merely create additional subjects or subject areas including project work, CCAs and the lot, where students will be pressured to compete for the sake of competition, and not enable them to be thinking individuals, capable of independent learning and enterprise. The end result is a JC education where students and teachers become more stressed out and we end up with the same products, this time with students scoring As, not just in Mathematics/Science or the Arts/Humanities subjects, but both, and end up none the better. Madam, I would therefore like to recommend that the Ministry review the need to rank JCs and relook at the reward system for our principals and teachers when we implement measures to improve our JC education system. There should also be less emphasis on examinations or using examination results as a sole criterion to measure the performances of our students, as well as principals and teachers. Unless we do this, our best intentions behind the proposed changes may not be realised. The new reward system should be based on how well our JCs train our students to achieve a broader based education and master learning and thinking skills, and not just on the number of As obtained in H1 and H2 level subjects in the 'A' level examinations. Madam, still on the subject of incentives and rewards for our teachers and principals, I would like to raise the issue of teaching resources.”
“Indeed, as MPs, whenever we meet residents, be they students, parents or teachers, their common complaint is that our education system is too stressful and pressurising. Our current emphasis of rewards for students and teachers based largely on academic performance is partly to be blamed. The proposed changes will result in a broader-based education through additional broader qualifications in H1 or H2 level subjects. However, if the underlying structure of our education system is not refocused, we might just end up with students with broader based qualifications and scoring a lot more 'As', this time in both the Mathematics/Science and Arts/Humanities subjects, but still the same by-product of our education system - rote learners, good in mastering contents, knowledgeable but lack thinking skills, little independent thoughts, with less enterprise and initiative or little interest in the world around them. Madam, I am concerned that this scenario could be a real possibility if we do not change our system of rewarding our principals and teachers. The Ministry's criteria of success in ranking JCs and secondary schools by academic results, and the performance evaluation of principals and teachers whose career advancement is based, to a large extent, on the deliverance of these results, are fundamental to the pressure cooker, high stress, rote learning environment we have today. Principals and teachers have incentives to prepare model answers to enable students to be examination smart and get top grades - at the expense of a real education per se, since it is in the interest of their own career development to do so.”
“Mdm Deputy Speaker, I would like to express my appreciation to members of the JC/Upper Secondary Education Review Committee led by SMS Tharman for their work and in coming up with some recommendations on the challenges pertaining to JC and upper secondary education. I am pleased to see that a broader and more flexible JC curriculum to cater for greater diversity in our education system has been recommended. I am certain that if these measures are successfully implemented, it would lay the foundation for our children to compete more effectively in a globalised economy which requires breadth of knowledge and applications instead of rote learning and specialisation. I understand the proposed changes will also shift the emphasis of education from one of content mastery to learning skills and from knowing to thinking. In particular, a greater emphasis towards project work and the offering of elective subjects like Knowledge and Inquiry, besides the General Paper, would work in the long-term interest of our students. Whilst the objectives and end results of the proposed JC education seem laudable, I feel that the means towards these ends are just as important and should be adequately addressed. Whilst the report goes a long way in addressing the practical needs and qualifications our students ought to achieve and also the future needs of the economy, like many speakers before me, I am concerned that it does not address many of the root concerns of our education system as it stands today. I refer specifically to the "pressure cooker" environment that has arisen, from the focus of achieving success based mainly on academic excellence or qualifications or indeed what goes into the report card that our students receive today.”
“In summary, Sir, I support the recommendations of the ERC Sub-Committee and would urge the Government to further enhance the flexibility of the CPF scheme, in particular, to give greater recognition and leeway for members to subscribe to private-sector pension schemes using their CPF money and to withdraw the Minimum Sum amount should they be able to show that they have invested in private pension funds on their own, and have pensions or insurance plan resources in excess of this Minimum Sum.”
“Secondly, by requiring members to set aside a Minimum Sum in addition to what is available from their own retirement planning under private pension schemes or plans produces an inefficient allocation of resources. Singaporeans who are able would be better placed to manage the Minimum Sum on their own and would otherwise be restricted from using these funds for more productive investments or entrepreneurial activities. Thirdly, it is also inefficient to members who are able to plan ahead to have an increasing amount of savings tied down in their Special Accounts that have limited investment options under the current scheme. Allowing a greater use of the Special Account to contribute efficiently to private pension plans would both benefit the individuals as well as promote the development and growth of the financial services industry, in particular, the insurance companies, for which the pooling of more CPF assets could render them more viable and efficient as well. Sir, as with any changes that will affect the lives of Singaporeans, there will be some resistance and unhappiness over some of the recommendations that affect different individuals. However, it is reassuring to hear from the Government that it will implement the changes as recommended progressively over a period of time, and as painlessly as possible. I am also certain that with greater information and more publicity, Singaporeans will understand the need for such changes, and recognise that CPF's strong emphasis on individual responsibility to secure their retirement expenditure, healthcare and home ownership is in their long-term interest.”
“I suggest the Government give more recognition and accord more flexibility on the part of those individuals who are able to look after their own financial affairs in contributing to private-sector pension schemes or insurance plans. This will enable the CPF scheme to be seen for what it truly is - to be a facilitator to members' retirement needs, rather than a burden. In line with this and to encourage individuals to take greater responsibility for their own financial planning retirement needs, I would suggest the Government look into introducing an "opt-out" option for the Minimum Sum for individuals who are able to demonstrate that they have set aside more than adequate resources for their retirement needs through private-sector pension funds or insurance policies. And this is not limited to just those who are ranked above the 80th percentile of the wage earners. Sir, having a rising Minimum Sum annually beyond $80,000 from June next year in line with benchmark wage growth presents a number of problems. Firstly, it creates an illusion for the less financially astute that since the number is Government mandated, it would be sufficient for their needs, which is not necessarily so. As a consequence, it may discourage members from taking greater personal responsibility over their own retirement needs, and not make additional provisions through investing or saving on private pensions or insurance plans. This may lead to disappointment in the future as, indeed, the Sub-Committee has rightly pointed out that the Minimum Sum may not go far enough to cater for rising standards of living in the future.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to express my appreciation to members of the ERC Sub-Committee for their recommendations on the CPF. I support the recommendations and would like to offer some suggestions on the greater use of private sector pension scheme as an extended form of the CPF scheme. Sir, since its introduction in the 50s, there have been many refinements in the CPF scheme, influencing home ownership, healthcare, family protection, asset enhancement and retirement needs. And in the years ahead, we could anticipate further refinements or changes, as Singapore faces significant economic and social challenges, from an increasingly competitive global environment, maturing economy and a rapidly ageing society. Sir, the report has alluded to the need for the Government to facilitate the provision of low-cost privately managed pension plans to CPF members as an additional option under the CPF framework. I strongly support this move and would like to offer some suggestions. This move towards private sector pension plans will allow greater flexibility for members to invest and secure their own retirement. And to make this possible, I would urge the Government to: (a) consider allowing members to use their CPF money to subscribe to private-sector pension schemes; (b) review some of our existing policies and rules that may pose as obstacles or impediments towards this goal, ie, our tax regime, to make it more "friendly" towards annuities, pensions and so on; and (c) consider an "opt-out" option under the Minimum Sum Scheme. Sir, the provision and contribution by CPF members towards private-sector pension funds would reduce the burden and dependence on a centralised state-run pension fund.”
“Sir, for many years, Singaporeans have identified with the National Stadium and its vicinity as a venue for various sporting activities. They range from the former Malaysia Cup to even the recent Singapore Rugby 7. The Kallang area indeed contains some of the symbols of the Singapore heartbeat that we are striving to build so that Singaporeans can identify with. In the Budget debate in the House here last year, in your capacity as the Minister for Community Development and Sports then, you told the House that the Government intends to redevelop the National Stadium into an integrated sports hub which will provide Singaporeans with a world-class venue to watch top level sports, as well as provide excellent facilities for sports participation. Sir, the Kallang area has historical heritage value for Singapore and is used for a wide variety of sporting activities for the participation of both the young and old. It is an area where Singaporeans could use and develop their sports talents and yet be a good venue for healthy lifestyle pursuits and family recreation. I am given to understand that commercially, land use in the Kallang area, as calculated by MOF and URA, may have better yield from other uses besides sports, especially with the proposed location of the new MRT line there. I believe we could still achieve this by blending on the development of the sports hub with appropriate commercial activities and yet meet the needs of MOF. I would therefore like to ask the Minister if he is still proceeding with the development of the sports hub at the Kallang Theatre, in view of the concern of MOF and URA, and, if so, to give the House an update on the proposed redevelopment of the National Stadium and the sports hub in that area.”
“Nevertheless, I would like to ask the Minister if his Ministry is working closely with MOF and the various agencies under his charge to develop and implement a Code of Practice for fund-raising, in line with the national effort to promote transparency and ensure greater accountability in the use of public monies, which include charities. I would like to recommend that this be looked into so that public accountability can be strengthened and that kind and generous Singaporeans can be assured that their money is going to where their hearts want it to go.”
“Sir, it is heartening to note that the standard of corporate governance in our public companies in Singapore has improved in recent years. This follows a gradual implementation of the Code of Corporate Governance practices recommended by the Corporate Governance Committee some 1 1/2 years ago. There has also been some adoption of better governance practices among the larger private companies, including having greater transparency and more independent audit committees and board members. However, Sir, in the area of non-profit charitable organisations, there are currently no such practice codes to guide and strengthen the management of large sums of public monies. For example, from time to time, there has been public disquiet or criticism over the use of funds by large charitable organisations, like NKF, Community Chest, and so on. I believe greater oversight of charitable organisations, through the formalisation of a proper governance code similar to public companies, may help strengthen and further enhance the confidence of Singaporeans who contribute to charities. Sir, the formulation of a Code of Good Governance Practices for charitable organisations is indeed timely. Why? Because in the recent Budget debate, DPM Lee has proposed that double tax relief be given for donations to Institutions of Public Character (IPC). IPC status is also made more readily available for qualifying charitable private foundations. Sir, I see this as part of the national effort to encourage more Singaporeans to donate to charities. I understand the promulgation of such a code rests with the Commissioner of Charities under the Ministry of Finance, and MCDS' role is just to help promote more charitable giving.”
“Sir, we could prevent abuse of the scheme by, say, tying the payment of unemployment benefits during this period to skills training or retraining and/or active job search. In this way, we could avoid inadvertently promoting the welfare state mentality and the disincentives to work. Sir, I see the introduction of this kind of unemployment insurance as a possible extension of our CPF scheme, ie, to expand the coverage of our social security to meet unforeseen unemployment circumstances. This is also in line with our plan to encourage greater self-sufficiency and responsibility for individuals, whilst catering for a real and possible need in the future, in view of globalisation and our changing domestic economy. I would, therefore, like to ask the Minister if his Ministry has conducted any studies on unemployment insurance and, if so, whether he would consider introducing some form of unemployment insurance scheme, similar to the Medisave scheme, through the CPF.”
“Sir, it looks like the days of full employment are over. Like all developed economies, we may have to accept that there will always be some form of structural unemployment, because there is a mismatch between the skills of laid-off workers and the skills requirements of new job openings. Indeed, it has been forecasted by many economists that the longer term natural rate of unemployment in Singapore will rise to about 4%-5%. Sir, if this rate stays or increases in the long run, there could be an increasing burden on society. A possible way out is to look into having some form of unemployment insurance for workers or for employees in general. This would help the unemployed workers tide over temporarily, whilst they seek retraining or alternative employment. Sir, for the private sector to run such an unemployment scheme alone without it being made compulsory by law for all employees may not be economically viable, as there is a lack of economies of scale and the problem of what is often called in the insurance industry "adverse selection", in that only those most at risk would take up this form of insurance. Those who have relatively secure jobs, like in the civil service, would not take up. The scheme could be similar to the concept of Medisave or medical insurance where individuals may be mandated by law to contribute, say, 2-3% of their CPF contribution towards an unemployment insurance scheme. Since all employees will have to contribute on their account to this scheme, it can also be administered privately, instead of being State run. An unemployed individual may draw on these balances and the insurance for a period of time to help him meet his or her financial obligations during this period.”
“Civil servants must accept that they are not perfect and be prepared to admit that certain policies are wrong and correct them early. Inducting private sector talents who have experienced the harsh realities of the business world outside is an essential part of the process of changing mindset and self-renewal. Selecting and appointing Ministers from the private sector have contributed to this idea generation, changing mindsets and implementation process. The recent batch of our junior Ministers, majority of whom are from the private sector, is indeed a good move. More must be done. Sir, we should be looking forward to the day when some from among our Permanent Secretaries will be drawn from the private sector. I would, therefore, like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether the Government, drawing on the experience of recent years, now has a comprehensive plan and, if so, what is this plan to further achieve this goal of inducting private sector talents into the civil service, as part of the overall objective and mission of renewing and strengthening the civil service and changing the mindsets of civil servants.”
“Sir, I shall be short and sharp. Over the years, MPs and Ministers have emphasised the importance of private sector inputs and injecting fresh ideas and talents into the civil service. Some 5-6 years ago, the Government tried to recruit some private sector executives to the elite Administrative Service. However, as we understand, the response was poor and only a handful of executives participated in the scheme and, for the few mid-career private sector talents who had joined the civil service, including the high profile, Dr Finian Tan, most have lasted only about two to three years. Sir, a recent article in the Straits Times on 24th April said that the Public Service Division is indeed embarking on a new campaign to woo more private sector talents to join the civil service. This is good news. Just last month, the PSD also announced that its Administrative Officers go on attachment with global consulting firms like McKinsey, while the EDB said that they would try to draw in mid-career executives from the private sector to join its service. Sir, in the past few years, we have also seen the Government tapping on more and more private sector expertise, by getting them to serve on its various committees to provide inputs and ideas for policy formulations. The Economic Review Committee and its various sub-committees is one such example. Sir, they are all steps in the right direction. Sir, I believe Singaporeans are generally supportive of this idea and in a rapidly changing economy, more new ideas and a willingness to try new ideas are required in our bureaucracy. Changing the mindsets of civil servants is equally important and should be an on-going process.”
“That would be inimical to the democratic process that we are fostering, and I believe that it would also be against the idea of active citizenry, because the exercise of political judgement and political will is, if one may call it, one of the fundamental attributes of exercising actively one's citizenship. I agree that there must be some regulation so that the stated objective of having a clean and fair election can be maintained, as it has been in the past. But I do hope that the regulations will be seen to be clear and transparent to all parties concerned. Finally, Sir, I express strong support for the restrictions on exit polls and the like. I have often wondered why voters would be swayed simply by numbers rather than issues, so I think this is indeed a very proper thing to exclude from the political campaign period. In general, I support this Bill.”
“It must surely be in the public interest that candidates and voters should be able to communicate with each other without being regarded as being in a commercial capacity. Sir, the only type of person that would be caught would be those employed by politicians to answer email or respond to messages, presumably because he is doing so in the course of his employment and, therefore, can be regarded as acting commercially. If this is correct, and I do not say that it is, I wonder whether this is actually Parliament's intention. I should have thought that the objective would be to stop commercial posters using the Internet to bombard individuals with political advertisements. If so, I am not sure that the legislation, as drafted, would achieve in the purpose for restricting such people from doing so. Sir, I would also like to know whether in the case of a political website, is it permissible for such a website to host a page where supporters can, for example, send their messages of support for the party or its policies? Would individuals doing so be regarded as infringing regulations, existing or proposed? I ask this because, again, the amendment exempting individuals from liability only speaks of communicating between individuals, not between individual and political party, for example. So I hope the Minister can clarify this particular point. Sir, I hope that the Minister will make it very clear to every Singaporean that the regulations are not intended to stifle political comment, especially during election time.”
“It is important therefore that they are seen to be fair to all parties. I also believe strongly in the Minister's statement that politics should be based on factual and objective presentation of issues and reasoned debate. It does not follow of course that such a situation cannot arise in a cyberspace environment. The real question is: if left unregulated, will an undesirable situation arise? By which is meant a situation where voters are not able to judge objectively what is true and what is not. One may argue, for example, that the laws of defamation and other forms of mis-statement would be available to control such excesses and, therefore, further regulation would not be necessary. Be that as it may, the Bill opts for control through regulation, and it is to this approach that I now turn. It is unfortunate that we are debating this Bill without having a complete idea as to what sort of features or items would be allowed on a political website. The Minister mentioned just now that a full list of features will be released when they are finalised. Firstly, may I ask the Minister when we can expect to see such regulations and, in particular, the list? Secondly, I would like to ask the Minister what is the extent to which individuals, as distinct from political parties, can be involved in Internet discussions on political issues? Clause 6 contains a provision that allows individuals to communicate with each other "on a non-commercial basis". This is, to me, a puzzling phrase. Unless these individuals are in the business of political lobbying, I should have thought that all would communicate political views on a non-commercial basis. Even in the case of a candidate writing to a prospective voter, I do not think that he would be acting in a commercial capacity.”
“The local press, during the electioneering period and especially on Polling Day, nearly always publishes sensational headlines which are detrimental to the Opposition, so much so that the Opposition has to tell the voters not to read the newspapers on Polling Day, knowing that the headlines in those papers will be devastating to the Opposition. The Opposition is certain that the ruling party is aware that, during election time, the local press almost always gives a bad press to the Opposition. Yet it allows the local press to carry on that practice simply because it knows that it is good for them. My query to the Minister is: will the present amendments to the Parliamentary Elections Act cover local press as well? To me, it appears to be so under clause 2 of the Bill. Will the Minister please clarify? Assoc. Prof. Chin Tet Yung: Sir, I rise to speak in support of the Bill. This Bill will have a great impact in shaping the way in which we conduct elections in an information technology environment. In cyberspace, individuals are empowered to communicate their thoughts and ideas to others quickly and extensively. It is said that the pen is mightier than the sword, but I have no doubt at all that the computer keyboard is the mightiest of them all. This would be more apparent in the context of an election campaign when claim and counter-claim can be made as fast as one can think and type. Political exchanges taking place in the physical world can be easily dwarfed by those taking place in cyberspace. Individuals and parties can debate and campaign to their hearts' content, literally sitting in their rooms or offices. This Bill and the regulations will eventually provide the rules of engagement for political campaigning in Singapore.”
“I cannot see why a candidate who has been elected to multiple constituencies cannot do the same if voters in those constituencies are willing to vote for him. Voters must be given a free choice to vote a candidate they like. The Government should not legislatively deprive them of their right. Now, I wish to speak on the other amendments in the Bill. I also cannot understand why the Government, on the one hand, spends millions of dollars to promote IT in the schools and ask workers to upgrade their skills but, on the other hand, its use in relation to elections at election time, in some instances, is prohibited. As long as we know who are the people behind the publication advertising the poll findings, other advertisements, or news, I think it should be all right. The Government should allow the people of Singapore to grow up, think for themselves and make their own decisions. Those publications should be allowed as long as we can identify and catch them, if necessary, the persons responsible for those publications and make them accountable for their libel, sedition, or other disseminated matters which are criminal in nature. The Government should give them the freedom to publish, even if the PAP risks losing a few parliamentary seats at the polls. The bigger issue of freedom of publication and allowing our citizens to mature is surely more important for nation building than the party losing a few parliamentary seats. In fact, for years now, the Opposition has been suffering the problem, that the ruling party is afraid of, that is, voters at the last moment may be influenced not to vote for the Opposition.”
“Mr Chiam See Tong (Potong Pasir): Sir, I refer to clause 5 of the Bill. I cannot understand why the Government wants to prohibit multiple nominations. As it is, the Government has already pegged the election deposit at a prohibitively high amount. If a candidate wants to risk losing his deposit, it should be his prerogative. What happens if multiple nominations are allowed and the candidates are returned to, say, three constituencies, either in the GRCs or single seats? If it is a GRC, then there should be no problem. By-elections in any event are not allowed in GRCs. Therefore, there shall always be other Members of Parliament in the GRC to look after his ward if that Member is busy looking after his other constituencies which he has been returned, or in the case of Jalan Besar GRC, the party that has won that constituency can always send one of its Members to be a caretaker MP there. In fact, since such a precedent has been set up in Jalan Besar GRC, the same principle can be adopted for a candidate who has been returned to multiple constituencies. If he is too busy working in one or two of his constituencies, his party can always delegate one of his party members to take care of his ward in another constituency which he has won. In the case of a single seat constituency, the same can be repeated as in the GRC. The single member must run from one constituency to the other constituency to take care of them. If he is unable to do so, then his party will have to delegate one or more of its members to stand in for him. It is the PAP which has set the precedent of sending one of his party members to stand in for a colleague who has left Parliament for whatever reason.”
“Sir, given the nature of the Internet, and the fact that sites can be hosted on a world-wide basis, there is no way printers can assure themselves that someone, somewhere, sometime may not post a message or host a site displaying election advertising without their authority or consent. Similarly, organisations which are non political in nature may not be able to prevent completely someone from picking up something on their open discussion forums, information listings, or even hijacking their site and publishing such information on their own political sites. Section 78E of the Bill puts the onus on such persons charged with these offences, to prove that the contravention of the provision arose from circumstances beyond their control and indeed all reasonable steps and due diligence have been taken to ensure that the contravention would not arise. It is not clear then, and it is quite subjective what would be "reasonable steps", since it is so easy in this information age for abuse to be conducted without the consent or indeed the knowledge of the producers of such advertising. Could the Minister therefore elaborate on how effective can any enforcement take place when an event like this occurs and how innocent parties to these infringements can adequately be assured that they will not be prosecuted indiscriminately? Finally, Sir, the last amendment to the Bill is to plug a loophole in our law. It disallows a candidate from contesting simultaneously in more than one constituency. I agree with this amendment as, I think, it is impossible for an MP to serve more than one constituency given the demands of an MP's work nowadays. Indeed, this amendment is long overdue. In conclusion, Sir, I hope the Minister would address some of the concerns I have raised in my speech.”
“Sir, coming back to the Bill, some critics have complained that the powers being legislated in this Bill run anathema to Singapore's ambition to be a regional media hub. I beg to disagree. Responsible journalism has always been held in the highest esteem by the end consumer, ie, the public. I am convinced that both the local and foreign broadcasters and other media players in Singapore fully appreciate the fact that responsible reporting does not constitute censorship or restrain their obligations to report, inform and educate. What this Bill does is to make it clear and transparent where the goal posts lie, in order for them to operate effectively. Nevertheless, Sir, the Minister could perhaps comment or give an assurance to this House that the intentions of the Bill have taken into consideration our overall ambition to be a media hub. This affirmation should greatly allay the fears and worries of those, both local and foreign, whose business and employment interests lie in the success of our media hub strategy. Finally, in the enforcement of some of the specific provisions of this Bill, I would like to raise the concern on whether in the way the Bill has been drafted, innocent bystanders will be criminally liable for offences under this Bill. For this, I refer to clause 6 of the Bill which makes it a corrupt practice for any person to publish on the Internet, any election materials without identifying the name of the printer, the publisher and the person for whom or at whose direction the election advertising is published. And where any contravention occurs, the printer as well as the person for whom and at whose direction it is published shall be guilty of an offence.”
“The risk is particularly high for polls conducted on the Internet which, as we all know, may be rigged, or have a degree of participation from individuals outside of Singapore who have their own agenda and may not necessarily have the interest of Singaporeans at heart. These foreigners will not be here to bear the consequences of their actions, should their actions lead to undesirable outcomes. To some extent, Sir, the fixation of opinion polls in other countries, such as the USA on peripheral issues, some even bordering on the frivolous and scandalous, will only confuse the electorate who may inadvertently focus on single issues, instead of national issues, which are crucial when choosing a government. At worst, it could allow the electoral proceedings and process in Singapore, which has always been conducted according to the highest standards, to be trivialised and be manipulated by parties with agendas that may be inimical to the interest of Singaporeans. The over-reliance of such polls, which are of less relevance than the actual outcome of electoral contests, could undermine the legitimacy of the results and discredit the well-regarded system that we have built up over the years. Sir, one only has to look at the negative effects in the last Presidential Election in the USA, for example, when the international community congratulated the "wrong" President, only to then have to retract and reinstate their messages. For this reason, Sir, the legal restrictions on voter intent polls during the election period is not new. As the Minister has explained, it is being practised in many countries in Europe, the Americas and Asia. This amendment should therefore be viewed positively in this light, ie, we are aligning our laws to be in line with international practices.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to speak in support of the Bill. With rapid advances in technology and with one of the highest Internet penetrations in Asia, it has become increasingly more difficult to monitor and control political activities on the Internet in Singapore. This move by the Government to further relax Internet campaigning based on a `positive list' approach, stipulating contents which are allowed into political sites during election is indeed a step in the right direction. Sir, this is also in line with our gradual move towards liberalisation of our censorship policies and the media as we become a more developed country. We would recall that the General Election in 1997, just four years ago, prohibited political campaigning on the Internet. This amendment is therefore a step forward. I am sure in the years to come, this `positive list' will be extended to allow more contents on the Internet during election campaigning. Sir, the Bill, while regulating political campaigning on the Internet, also prohibits the publication of voter intent polls during the elections. I support this amendment as I am convinced that there is good reason for Singaporeans to be concerned about the potentially disruptive impact of pre-election opinion polls. There is no assurance of fairness in the conduct of such polls, which could cover anything from specific issues to pure speculation on the outcome of particular electoral contests. Hence, there is a grave concern that such polls may be cynically structured to produce desired outcomes for promoters, whose primary motivation may be to mislead, to misinform and to unduly influence the election outcome.”
“An observation that has been reflected by critics even in our local press is that, whilst the impact of the Bill may appear insignificant and negligible financially, it carries other implications, not least the suggestion that it is a key piece of the Government's pre-election jigsaw puzzle. Whilst I do not subscribe to this view, I recognise that the Bill may potentially send a wrong signal to foreign broadcasters who are considering setting up shop here. Worse, existing ones may even wish to pull out totally from Singapore. This is anathema to what we are trying to do to develop this industry. In short, Sir, I support the Bill and will be grateful if the Minister would give his comments on these observations and perhaps reassure the House that the Bill would not affect Singapore's hard won status as an emerging media and broadcasting hub. In addition, it would be important to many interested parties who are closely watching these developments, if the Minister would reaffirm that the Government remains committed to promoting the broadcasting industry.”
“Indeed, this has led to positive economic activity and growth in recent years, in both our broadcasting as well as the media entertainment industries, both of which have benefited greatly from the participation of these foreign broadcasters in our local media scene. Sir, in this time of potential economic downturn, the direct job creation as a result of our media hub policy, the exposure of our local talents who are working for these foreign broadcasters, and the ability to attract creative and talented foreigners who are now based in Singapore, have all contributed positively to our economy. In addition, direct competition from foreign broadcasters based here, has also forced our local broadcasters to upgrade their skills and services and improve standards. The success of our Channel News Asia is a testament to the fruits of this policy in recent years. As such, Sir, I am concerned whether the introduction of this Bill, though it has its social merits, will affect Singapore's ongoing efforts to be the regional media hub and broadcasting centre. I understand that the immediate impact may be limited as there are still only a small number of foreign broadcasters based here. However, I would like to ask if the Ministry has assessed the potential impact of this Bill on our efforts currently underway to promote and develop our media hub strategy. Has the Ministry made an assessment of the economic impact if potential entrants and investments to Singapore in this industry are deterred from completing projects, starting new ones, or even slowing their participation here?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support the Bill. I understand the rationale for the proposed amendments to the Singapore Broadcasting Authority Act requiring that foreign broadcasters should not engage themselves in our domestic politics, as the Minister has said, as this is the preserve of Singaporeans. The Bill basically amends the SBA Act to bring it in line with the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act (last amended in 1986) regarding the role of foreign media in our domestic politics. I therefore anticipate little problems in its implementation as I believe over the years, the foreign media have come around to accept our policy on their involvement in our domestic politics, the need for accurate and objective reporting and our right of reply. However, I would like to address this Bill by looking at its economic impact, both directly and indirectly, on Singapore and our efforts to promote Singapore as a media hub in Asia. In our drive to be a media hub in Asia, we have been successful in recent years in attracting a number of foreign broadcasters to set up shop in Singapore, including Discovery Channel, MTV Asia and CNBC Asia. Singapore is now able to compete strongly with foreign broadcasters who have previously located themselves in Hong Kong, Australia and Japan. Because we have managed to market ourselves as such, leveraged on our strategic location, advanced communications infrastructure and availability of skilled and creative manpower, we have already created the platform for a more sustainable drive to achieve our aim to be the media hub in Asia.”
“In so doing, the Government undertakes to help redevelop the wet market into a modern style supermarket, and let the stall operators manage and operate the supermarket; 2. Implement something like the SERS programme for residential units, ie, the Government rebuild the wet market and allow stallholders to have a choice, whether to continue to operate the stall when the market is rebuilt, or totally sell their stalls back to Government; 3. If all the stallholders are willing to quit business and sell their stalls back to the Government at an acceptable price, the Government should consider buying back all the stalls, tear down the market, and use it for something else. Sir, I am urging the Minister to address this problem and help our wet market stall owners.”
“Sir, over the last few days, we have heard that the Government has come up with schemes to help HDB shop retailers. There is one group of retailers who needs help, and I think this has not been addressed. I am referring to those stall owners operating in wet markets managed by the Ministry of the Environment. I have one such market in my constituency. Sir, we will recall that in the mid 1990s, the Government encouraged ownership of wet market stalls, and stallholders in these markets volunteered to buy their stalls over from the Government, and they did so. However, lifestyles have changed and, over the last five years, we have seen a shift in preference, with households preferring to shop in air-conditioned supermarkets and suburban malls. As a result, many of these wet market stall owners are facing falling business, and the fall seems to be permanent rather than cyclical, and many are also carrying very high mortgage rates, which they find difficult to sustain. Sir, I am not sure whether the Retail 21 Committee has addressed these stall owners' problems. Many are in a dilemma. By nature of their wet market environment, they have less flexibility. They cannot easily sublet part of their stalls, because the stalls themselves are very small. Neither can they change their use, nor apply productivity enhancement measures to upgrade. They offered to sell their stalls in the resale market, but there were no takers. Sir, I have three proposals for the Minister to try to solve this problem: 1. Allow these stall owners to set up a cooperative to remodel their wet market stalls into a viable modern supermarket.”
“These will differentiate the better contractors from the rest, quicken the consolidation of the industry, encourage the mergers of contractors and help build a core of able local contractors, which could compete competitively for the bigger projects, both locally and abroad. I therefore urge the Minister to ask the Building Control Authority to speed up the revamp of the contractors' registry. Sir, the longer term forward is for us to consciously develop and strengthen our promising local contractors in order that they could compete offshore for projects. Our banks have expanded overseas. Our manufacturing companies are penetrating overseas markets and investing abroad. Our service companies are also regionalising. There is no reason why our construction companies cannot do the same. Some of our medium to bigger and more established construction companies have good track records. They are good in their respective fields or expertise. Collectively, they can be a force to be reckoned with, and could compete competitively for projects abroad. Sir, I would like to propose that we look into forming a consortium of construction companies, which could include one or two GLCs, with the aim of exporting our construction expertise overseas by tapping on the huge market for infrastructural projects available in our ASEAN neighbours, India, Bangladesh, Middle East and China. Over time, this consortium of companies can expand to be world-class companies. I would suggest that the Government, through the Building Control Authority or the Trade Development Board, conduct a study on the viability of this proposal in consultation with the industry players, and perhaps initiate the formation of this consortium.”
“Sir, in speaking on this topic, I wish to declare my interest as a director of a company involved in the construction trade. Sir, the construction industry is going through difficult times. The Government's efforts to pump prime it by stepping up infrastructural projects and public sector building programmes within the next 1-2 years will help relieve some of the pressure the industry is facing. Nevertheless, there will be a shake up in the industry and many smaller construction companies or contractors are likely to fold up within the next 1-2 years. Our local construction industry is made up of numerous relatively small to medium sized contractors, mostly family run and controlled. There are a number of larger publicly listed construction companies but, generally, they are also controlled and run by families and a few principal shareholders. Sir, I believe the way forward is for the industry to quickly consolidate, and the Government could force a marriage among the construction companies. The current phase of reform in the construction industry is too slow. This is understandable, given that many of these companies are owner run, and owners of different companies have their own pride and cultural differences. This makes their marriage difficult, if not impossible. Sir, the Construction 21 Report, which was released in October 1999, calls for a revamp of the contractors' registry with the aim of introducing more rigorous criteria for contractors' turnover, financial resources, track record, professional management and so on.”
“Sir, in summary, I would like to ask the Minister to review this scheme, make it more attractive and ease the eligibility criteria for the purchase of these apartments.”
“Sir, the HDB has built some studio apartments in my constituency in Bedok North, as part of a pilot project to enable senior citizens to sell their existing HDB flats and downgrade to smaller apartments, thereby enjoying additional income and maintaining their independence and privacy. Completion of these blocks of flats in my constituency is scheduled for June this year, but I was told that the take-up rate has been very poor. I believe the poor take-up rate is because the scheme is no longer as attractive as when it was mooted some three years ago, given the current state of the property market and because the rules governing eligibility to purchase these flats are too stringent. Sir, I attribute this to the following reasons. Firstly, the lease for these flats is only 30 years. Although there was popular request to increase it to 50 years, the HDB had turned it down. Secondly, these flats are non-transferable upon the death of the owner. In fact, many people have asked what would happen if the elderly lessee dies prematurely. Thirdly, the prices of between $60,000 and $80,000 per unit for these flats appear high. I believe the HDB has recently revised its prices downwards by as much as 20%, but not enough to make up for the drop in the prices of existing HDB flats that these elderly lessees currently own. Fourthly, eligible applicants must be existing owners of HDB flats. My question is: why can't we open the scheme to owners of private apartments and properties as well? Or, alternatively, remove this last criterion altogether, as there are Singaporeans who are willing to buy these flats for their parents.”
“Sir, on behalf of Members who spoke, I thank the Minister and his colleagues for their replies. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“I would like to urge the Minister to consider more specific funding for CCL because this would be needed to train librarians at their local levels so that the level of professionalism would be high and they will be able to institute innovative programmes for the young. This would also mean more books, magazines, comics, CDs and other resources that would teach children to be literate and to love books, and, of course, finally, for the operational costs of the CCLs.”
“Sir, I move on to the next cut. In raising this cut, I would just like to ask the Minister if he will update the House on the construction of the new National Library building, next to the Bras Basah Complex. In particular, he may like to tell us why the National Library Board has recently decided to pursue a develop-and-construct approach to the project as distinct from the design-and-build contract arrangement which was earlier envisaged. Will this new approach result in financial savings for the Government? Will the completion of the new National Library building be further delayed? Assoc. Prof. Toh See Kiat: Sir, some years ago, the NLB and the PCF collaborated on a very praiseworthy initiative to start community children's libraries (CCLs). And currently, the CCLs are doing a good job, promoting reading among the very young. Sir, in the new economy where we want to have a good quality workforce, reading skills will be very important for self-learning in this lifelong learning process. So indeed, it was a surprise to me to find out that there is no line item in the budget for MITA, specifically for community children's libraries. As I understand it, it is run from savings made in other parts of the NLB budget and while I must praise the executives, like Dr Christopher Chia in NLB, I think it is not right for incidental scraps from the other pieces of the budget to be given to CCLs which is a very important initiative. Many of the CCLs, as I understand it, are operating on a deficit and even those who want to introduce innovative financing schemes, such as conducting fee-based courses, are not allowed to do so in case they run afoul of their charitable status.”