Fong Sip Chee
Singapore
“These include the flyovers at Paya Lebar Way, Aljunied Road, and various pedestrian overhead bridges. Their design and erection procedures were all found to be safe. The PWD will in future require all contractors to adopt erection procedures with two or more independent safety systems.”
“Sir, the Museum has been out of the fishy business for quite some time already. Since the establishment of the Science Centre, I believe that all the natural history exhibits have been transferred to the Science Centre in Jurong where they are properly displayed in a better environment. The role of the Museum has changed.”
“Mr Ho See Beng asked the Minister for Trade and Industry, with reference to his recent speech regarding increase in water consumption and the possible increase in water rates, whether there is no way of reducing water consumption without raising water charges, and whether he is aware that, as the Public Utilities Board has not ruled out t…”
“The Member for Thomson is absolutely right in his call for the insurance companies to be more active in the area of workers' protection rather than be the most passive party by writing out insurance policies. The Government does the legislation and enforcement. The insurance companies just write out policies.”
“We have also conducted a three-month health education programme, between November 1980 and January 1981, for deep-sea fishermen to educate them on the hazards of using compressed air and the precautions to take. A total of 352 fishermen have undergone this programme. The Ministry will continue to monitor the situation.”
“Sir, the proposed functions of the Institute of Occupational Safety and Health are training, consultancy and research in industrial safety and health. A study of how such functions are discharged in some developed and developing countries started in April 1980.”
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“This gives us an average cost of $2,000. This is the minimum amount of expenses that any film producer must incur in producing a film of half an hour's duration. The reason for the high cost is that we have no markets for us to sell or to rent out these films. 5.00 p.m. Therefore, there is no avenue for us to rent out our films to other parts of the world so as to defray part of the expenses incurred in the production of these films. However, we cannot forever depend on films from foreign countries; and particularly on the Chinese programmes side we are, in fact, running short of supplies. The source of supply is Hong Kong and the quality and contents of some of these films from Hong Kong are not up to expectations and standard for television. In view of the concern expressed by Members yesterday afternoon about the censorship of films, we find ourselves in a very difficult position because television programming is a daily affair, unlike a normal cinema where a film like James Bond 007, for example, can perhaps be shown for a period of two months. But on a television programme, the film has to be changed every day. Therefore, in time to come, we will run out of supplies, and we must on our part take the initiative to remedy our dependence on foreign T.V. film distributors. However, this cannot be done until our new studio is completed in mid-1966, and as I said in this House yesterday afternoon, the facilities are limited. But these are technical aspects. The other difficulty that confronts us is the availability of talent. Now, the standard of talent does not necessarily satisfy the requirements of television.”
“The sum of $180,000 under this subhead is for the purchase of one Videotape Recorder. Sir, as pointed out by the Member for Sembawang, the acquisition of new appliances and new techniques does not necessarily mean the improvement of the contents of the programmes as telecast over Television. The Videotape Recording technology is one of the most difficult and most complicated aspects of television. But it has its advantages. For example, this Videotape Recorder is able to record events on sight, and, secondly, it can do away with the process of developing, as in the case of conventional films by tele-recorder and sound tape. Thirdly, in view of the advantage that it is not necessary to process the film, the playback or telecast could almost be immediately done after recording. Another advantage is the fact that the films of the Videotape are clearer than the conventional films. Finally, from the economic aspect, the Videotape can be erased and used over and over again, as we see in the conventional tape recorder. So from the economical aspect, the Videotape Recorder does, to a considerable extent, cut down the expenses of the Ministry of Culture. The Member for Sembawang has touched slightly on the programmes. He has suggested that we should produce more local films rather than depend on the hiring of films from other countries. I am in full agreement with him. But there are difficulties about which I would like to take this opportunity to inform the House. The average cost for the hiring of a film, say, of half an hour's duration will cost the Ministry of Culture about $120 to $170. The average cost is about $150. If we are to produce our own films locally, with local talent and local material, it will cost us anything from $850 to $3,500.”
“Sir, the Ministry is always alive to constructive criticism, and I assure Members of the House and, for that matter, members of the public, that any letter whether written direct to the Minister or to a local newspaper, will be attended to and discussed by the officials in the Ministry. And if the contents of the letter are found to be constructive in nature, we will then take them into consideration and will remedy our shortcomings.”
“I am sorry. The Member for Aljunied has pointed out some undesirability in the camera technique of the particular film which he had seen. However, the interpretation of the meaning of that film is left to the individual. If the Member for Aljunied chose to interpret it in that sense, then I have no control over his feelings. But I will, of course, instruct my officers in future to take into consideration the opinions and comments as expressed by the Member for Aljunied which I consider very constructive. With regard to the misquotation of the parliamentary proceedings last evening over the Radio Tamil network, I was given to understand that the debate was on Middleton Hospital, and it was quite natural that the report should have stated that the Member had requested that television sets be installed in every ward in Middleton Hospital. However, I agree with the Member for Aljunied that that was not exactly what he said in this House, and I have instructed the officers concerned to be more careful in future. Finally, I wish to assure him that the mistakes were not deliberate but inadvertent. 4.30 p.m.”
“Sir, I would like to congratulate the technicians who produced the film on the national language because at least it succeeded in attracting the attention of the viewers. Sir, Mr Lingam has pointed out some undesirability ---”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, Caldecott Hill Estate, where Radio and T.V. Singapura are situated, is private property, and except for the portion where the studios and the officers of the Broadcasting Division are situated, the roads in this estate are private roads. Just as every householder on the site has to contribute to the general maintenance of the estate, the Broadcasting Division also has to contribute its share towards grass-cutting charges at about $30 a month, repairs to the private roads, sewers, etc. The money asked for in this item is its share for this purpose.”
“Sir, when I say that no community should impose its standard of morality on the others, I was making a general statement, and I hope the Member for Sembawang will not be unduly sensitive about this matter. Sir, I will try to clarify one point which the Member for Delta has brought up earlier; that is, there appears to be an absence of healthy films in Singapore. As I have said, Sir, we have no control over this matter. We only censor what is submitted to us. And if the film producers do not intend to produce films of educational value, we do not receive them and we do not censor them. With regard to those films that are submitted to us, as I have said earlier, we censor them according to their own merits in accordance with the established policy of the Ministry of Culture.”
“I would also call upon the Member for Delta and the Member for Sembawang to quote me specific instances where they consider Japanese films, or for that matter any other films, are undesirable in order that we may consider their opinions. Perhaps we may even adopt them in our film censorship policy. Madam Chan Choy Siong(In Mandarin): Mr Speaker, Sir, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Culture just now in his reply has said that our society is different from that existing before 1959. This is undeniable, of course. But in the past we were a colonial territory; now we are controlling our own fate. Ours is an independent country. Therefore, everything will have to be decided by ourselves. Everything should progress with time. We should also remember that the development of culture is multi-fold. It depends on how we guide its development. It is not right that if in 1959 there were Yang Ko dances, we should pursue them also this year. It is not logical that we should pursue now what has taken place in the past. Our culture is developing with the times; it should also be able to accommodate the racial characteristics and habits of the different communities in order that the cream of the various cultures can blossom forth and contribute to the general culture of Singapore. Since such evil things as mentioned by the Members have happened, we should take steps to control them. 4.15 p.m.”
“I say good luck to the bus companies and the film exhibitors in Johore Bahru. Sir, this goes to show that our policy is different from that across the Causeway. We are more liberal with films which have a political aspect. But we are very strict with films that we consider detrimental to the morality of the people of Singapore. Sir, the Member for Sembawang has implied in his comments that we are responsible for not showing films of educational value. The House will appreciate that the contents of production and the number of films on educational aspects are completely out of our control. In as much as we try to bring up a very cultured and refined society, we must also not forget entertainment. I am sure the film companies and film exhibitors are very sensitive about profits and, therefore, we at least must be as cultural and as entertaining in the execution of the Film Censors' work. Sir, the Member for Bras Basah has complained of the undue delay caused by the Film Censors Board. I wish to state that we view films practically every day, sometimes up to eight or nine films a day, and there is no undue delay as suggested by him. We normally notify the exhibitors of the films that are banned or passed with cuts, and if they so desire, they may appeal to the Appeals Committee. If the films are banned altogether, the Film Censors Board normally returns them to the exhibitors well in time for them to return to the distributors. If the Member could assist me by quoting one instance of which film was delayed, I shall take up the matter with my officials and see to it that no undue delay will be caused in future to any film submitted by any film exhibitors.”
“Differences of opinion must exist, and indeed it is a healthy sign that differences of opinion do exist, for they indicate interest in what is going on around us. But they must be aired in the spirit of give and take. No one sector of opinion should impose its will upon the other with absolute finality. Sir, even when the Board makes a decision on the film, that decision is not final. It is subject to appeal by the exhibitors to the Film Appeals Committee. They could bring it up for decision by the Appeals Committee. Sir, the decision of the Appeals Committee - whose members are appointed annually by the Minister and who come from various walks of life - over-rides that of the Board. There are many films which were partly or wholly rejected by the Board but were released for exhibition by the Appeals Committee either with less cuts than they originally required or completely uncut. Sir, allow me to deal briefly with some of the comments made by the Members earlier. We must not forget that we are an affluent society and, therefore, the situation has now completely changed since 1959. We will have to be more liberal in our approach, but that does not mean that we completely lose sight of our Party's policy. It is difficult, particularly in a place like Singapore which is multi-racial, for one to impose the standard of morality of one community on another with differences in background, education, culture and tradition. No one can claim that he is an arbiter of morality. Nevertheless, we consider that film censorship in Singapore is about the strictest in this part of the world. We are so strict that, as pointed out by the Member for Delta, there appears to be a one-way traffic going across the Causeway.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, may I begin by briefly informing the House of the policy of the Film Censors with particular emphasis on Japanese films. Out of a total of 900 original feature films dealt with by the Film Censors Board this year up to the middle of December, about 130 were films of Japanese origin, the majority of which were Mandarin dubbed or intended for Mandarin dubbing. Of these 130 Japanese films, about 20 were passed without cuts, 90 with cuts, and 20 banned altogether. This constitutes about the highest figure percentage-wise of films cut or banned. There is absolutely no reason why Japanese films dubbed in Mandarin, or any other language for that matter, should be singled out for unduly rough or harsh treatment by our Film Censors. Sir, the Film Censors Board is fully aware of the nature of these films and each film is censored on its own merits. Censorship of films is carried out in accordance with the terms of the censorship directives which are as realistic and as liberal as possible. Sir, we have no control over the quality of the films. The production of Japanese films is usually and surprisingly high and those that have been released are deemed to be suitable for public exhibition. The reason for the increase in such films in Singapore is in reality two-fold. On the one hand, as stated above, these films enjoy wide popularity and so the exhibitors bring them in in large numbers. Notwithstanding the adverse comments by various Members earlier, there are many people who have commented favourably on Japanese-produced films. Then again there have been criticisms too. These opposing factors, however, merely serve to underline and emphasise what censorship work involves. It is not possible to please everybody at the same time.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the observation of the Member for Anson with regard to the paucity of Tamil books in the National Library and the need for improvement in the Tamil service are generally appreciated. I will ask the National Library Board to give further consideration to this matter, and will keep the Member informed in due course as to what will be done. For the information of the House, the service of a full-time Tamil library officer has been provided since January this year. The number of Tamil books in the National Library has grown from 2,000 in 1959 to over 13,000 at the present moment. The number of Tamil books lent to adults and children has also increased from 3,760 in 1959 to 22,074 in the year 1965, that is, from January to November. With regard to the suggestion by the Member for Anson to set up branch libraries, I wish to inform the House that the National Library has now two part-time branch libraries in the Joo Chiat and Siglap Community Centres. The Ministry of Culture is seeking the co-operation of the Housing and Development Board to rent or to acquire suitable shop-house premises in housing estates, such as Queenstown, Jurong, Kallang and MacPherson, for use as small branch libraries. It is hoped that in a short while we will have sufficient full-time branch libraries in the densely populated areas and they will replace many of the existing service points. 3.45 p.m.”
“Shortcomings. I thank the Member for Aljunied for that word. There are shortcomings and difficulties that confront us from time to time, difficulties relating to obtaining good artistes - for we wish to maintain a fairly high if not decent standard - and also the technical difficulties. Over the last few years, Radio Singapore and Television have grown considerably. But the studio has not grown. We hope that when the new studio is completed, there will be an overall improvement, to the satisfaction of those Members who have complained about the standard or quality of the programmes. The statement by the Member for Bras Basah goes to show that we are more than fair to the Barisan Sosialis, notwithstanding the fact that they have decided to boycott the sittings of this House. The Member has pointed out that on one single occasion the radio and T.V. gave a good coverage to Dr Lee Siew Choh at a Press conference given by him, stating the reason why the Barisan Sosialis should boycott this Parliament. This goes to show that the allegation by the Barisan Sosialis that the radio and T.V. are only reserved for the Government use is far from true. We consider that if the people are kept informed of the happenings in our country, whether they are in favour of the Government or are adverse to the Government, then we can build up faster the sophistication of the people, which is very essential to the survival of our country. Inche Mahmud Awang(In Malay): Mr Speaker, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I will start off with the complaint about the news. There are several daily news casts over the radio and television in the four language streams in Singapore. The radio news is from both the medium and shortwave network. This means that it is heard not only in our neighbouring countries but also in those countries that are much further. As has already been pointed out in the Address by the President, every effort will be made by the Government to publicise fully its policies and activities, especially its reaction to political situations in other countries, particularly in the neighbouring territories. This is essential to Singapore's position as an independent country whose future depends on worldwide orientation and effort. It is equally important to provide an international content in our daily news bulletins for our people and, especially, cover politics and happenings in our neighbouring countries, particularly Malaysia with whom our connections and interest are basic. With regard to the comment by the Member for Kampong Kapor, namely, that the radio and T.V. have given an undue over-coverage of countries outside Singapore, particularly in Malaysia, I should like to state that we are a democratic country and we are not afraid of any adverse opinions or comments on us. We also feel that the radio and T.V. are a public media which can provide a channel of knowledge to the people, and we are not afraid of letting the people know the truth although it is painful at times! Mr Speaker, Sir, with regard to the complaint by the Member for Farrer Park on programme planning, I wish to assure the House that every programme on T.V. and radio is carefully planned and timed, particularly according to the festive seasons of the various communities.”
“Sir, we cannot run away from the reality that whatever statements and opinions are uttered across the Causeway do affect Singapore, and during the short two years that we were in Malaysia, the amount of intimidation and threats by the language extremists did to some extent influence the thinking of the people on the national language issue. We believe that by friendly persuasion and conviction people will take pride, and not fear, in the national language. However, this is the situation and the Singapore Government is now left with the job of clearing the minds of dissatisfied people in this matter.”
“For the information of the Member for Sembawang, I should like to state that the Government has spent no less than $26,000 on the two national language campaigns carried out this year. And the activities included debates, essay competitions, forums, cultural activities, book exhibitions and, above all, the publication by the Ministry of Culture of a book known as the Istilah, a book on Malay terms and designations of the Government. With regard to the suggestion by the Member for Sembawang on the necessity to publish a dictionary comprising new words and new terms in the national language, this is indeed a very good suggestion which is worthy of consideration. The Ministry is, in fact, now in the process of making such a compilation. The House will agree with me that it will be highly uneconomical for us to publish a small dictionary comprising perhaps 20 to 30 words. So until such time as the new terms and new words have been collected and put into a sort of dictionary, this book will be circulated first to Members of Parliament and the various Government departments and then to members of the public. Mr Speaker, Sir, I am also grateful to the Member for Sembawang for allowing me this opportunity to explain to the House the general attitude of the Government of Singapore to the national language issue. In a multi-racial, multi-lingual and multi-cultural society like Singapore, we believe that the only way to achieve results is by means of persuasion, that the people should take up the national language as a matter of pride as citizens of Singapore, and not by force, threats and intimidation. As we see, these are very commonly the tactics employed by the language extremists in Malaysia.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, as we know, the national language is accepted by all, as it concerns us and transcends political consideration. The Government is conscious of the need to promote and propagate the study of the national language and also to provide all possible facilities and encouragement to the people to acquire proficiency in it. In 1965, two National Language Months have been held, and as in previous national language campaigns, a representative committee with members from the public and private sectors, including employers from the Chamber of Commerce and the Manufacturers' Association, and cultural organisations have considered the overall programme of activities. Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Sembawang has suggested that U.M.N.O. and other political Parties did not participate fully in past campaigns and that they should do so in the future. With regard to the absence of participation by U.M.N.O., I feel that this question can best be answered by U.M.N.O. themselves. Very unfortunately, they have been rejected by the people to hold seats in this House. However, I shall take advantage of this opportunity to enlighten the House later on our language policy. I am sure that the Member for Sembawang will agree that the national language is common to and concerns all our people, and efforts to popularise and propagate the study of it should also be a national issue transcending barriers of political ideology, since it has been accepted by all. We therefore hope that in this pragmatic approach of persuading - I said persuading, not forcing - the people to study the national language, members of other political Parties will also fully and actively play their part, since this is in the best interest of the nation.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to supplement what I have said just now. I wish to assure the Member for Delta that there is no question of passing the buck. Still less do we intend to start a merry-go-round among the Government Ministries on the subject. I fully appreciate the points raised by her and I am personally aware of the situation. As a matter of fact, the Controller of Publications has, on several previous occasions, discussed the matter with me and we are now digging deep into the existing Ordinances being administered by the Ministry with a view to settling this matter. The Chairman: Is it the intention of the mover to proceed with a vote?”
“The Minister for Finance will be the next worried man because of the assurance given by such an advertisement, that if you wish to have a son, well you may have it. This may cause a tremendous population explosion. I am afraid that not only one Ministry is worried about such advertisements. I believe that, in due course, we may perhaps get together - perhaps five Ministries together - and come to a compromise with a view to introducing, if there is no existing legislation strong enough for that matter, some form of regulations or by-laws under the existing legislation to control such advertisements. Finally, I would say that aside from the undesirability of these advertisements, they do provide very entertaining reading.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I am grateful to the Member for Delta for bringing up the question of undesirable advertisements in the local newspapers. I am not aware of any existing legislation governing the professional etiquette of the so-called self-professed physician, but there is legislation being administered by the Ministry of Culture which may perhaps cover certain aspects of the complaint made by the Member for Delta. This law is known as the "Undesirable Publications Ordinance". In this Ordinance, there are provisions to control the contents and the desirability or otherwise of publications, even advertisements. Here again, Mr Speaker, I am afraid the Ministry of Culture is not the competent authority to decide on the bona fides or effectiveness of the advertisements so claimed, and I am afraid we have to consult the Ministry of Health as to whether or not they have in their Ministry any special body or any expert to decide on the subject. However, Mr Speaker, I would say in passing that this appears to affect not only the Minister for Culture and Social Affairs but also the Minister for Health, because, apart from the complaints raised by the Member for Delta, it appears that such an advertisement appears to be a direct confrontation of what the Minister for Health has earlier stated in the House, that he is going to introduce the I.U.D. Another aspect is that it might affect the Minister for Finance who will ---”
“As I said earlier, the provisions are intended to regularise the very peculiar position prevailing now. I do urge the Minister to see that no undue and unnecessary inconvenience is caused in cases which they consider to be genuine. Another point. Mr Speaker, is that when this Bill comes into effect, a person can he confronted by the authorities which say that the possession of a birth certificate without his name is not sufficient evidence to prove that he is a citizen of Singapore. It appears to me that there is no provision in the Bill to cover the interim period. In such a situation, a person applying for his registration card cannot prove that he is a citizen of Singapore, whether or not the status quo of the legal position of these people is maintained or recognised by the authorities.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I do not wish to be a fence sitter on the subject here, but there are pros and cons in this matter. On the subject of birth certificates without names, I think earlier on the Member for Upper Serangoon and the Member for Delta have both dealt with it to a very considerable extent. I would like to point out that there is another instance where a man could come before any of the government officers and produce a birth certificate without his name and claim it as his own. In fact, there are cases like that. Some unfortunate children were lost in the war or perhaps they passed away during the Japanese occupation in Singapore. There were no proper records kept by the authorities on births and deaths. These certificates, without the names of the children, later on found a good market, particularly with illegal immigrants, and some other people who considered that it would be more convenient to buy blank birth certificates at, say. $200 each from the parents of the children who died during the Japanese occupation and treat them as their own. Therefore, clause 12 is intended to tighten up such loopholes. I would like to seek the Minister's clarification on one other matter, that is, there are persons with birth certificates without names, and yet their flames appear on the electoral register. This peculiar situation was created by the former Lim Yew Hock Government back in 1957. I would like to ask the Minister whether the fact that a person whose name appears on the electoral register and who at the same time has a birth certificate without his name on, but has no citizenship papers, could be regarded as having sufficient evidence to prove that he is a citizen of Singapore?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I have been directed by my Minister to state that a written answer to this question will be handed to the Clerk later for circulation to Members. NANYANG UNIVERSITY CO-OPERATIVE STORE (Reasons for dissolution) The following Question stood in the name of Mr Chia Thye Poh :- 6. To ask the Minister for Law and National Development the reason for dissolving the Nanyang University Co-operative Store.”
“And we sincerely believe and we are convinced that with an honest and incorruptible administration and with the dynamism of the leadership, we can bring about a better distribution of the country's wealth to the people. We assure them, everyone of them will have a fair share, not the way the Barisan Sosialis may think - that "from each according to his own ability, and to each according to his need." We say to everyone a fair share. Perhaps even now some Members of the Barisan Sosialis will disapprove of armed and violent revolution for the simple reason that they may have now more things to protect and to treasure. Some things are dear to them that they have to protect rather than to destroy. We call upon Members of the Barisan Sosialis to reconsider, to re-orientate their thinking and adapt themselves to the new situation, and not to go along with meaningless demonstrations, empty slogans that Singapore's independence is phoney and a neo-colonialist plot, but put themselves together and perhaps in that way their survival could be prolonged, but not for long. Mr Speaker, Sir, with this note I would like to associate myself with the motion by the Prime Minister, to express the House's sincere thanks for His Excellency's Speech made at the opening of this Session. 3.40 p.m.”
“Country. These are not exaggerated or empty assumptions. As I said earlier, the success of one country is hound to cast shadows on the success or failure of another country, let alone when these countries are so nearby to us. In a short time to come, our industrialisation programme will succeed, and we must succeed. To the Barisan Sosialis Members, the Jurong industrial complex is a sham; it is designed only to build up a few capitalists. But can they say that these factories and the employment opportunities for 9,000 to 14,000 people will he there had we not embarked on an industrialisation programme? They are not there for nothing. They are there as a result of the efforts, the determination and the dynamism of the Government. In the next two or three years, the Member for Jurong - he is not here today - will find that he will have to face a very much different electorate from the one lie faced in 1963. Housing and social development, as the Yang di-Pertuan Negara has said in his Address, will proceed at an even faster pace. We have no fear of the days ahead. We have calculated, considered and set our course. We know where we are travelling. We, of course, cannot re-write the history of Singapore. For example, we cannot pretend that we were never under British rule; that we were never under Japanese occupation; that we were never a part of Malaysia. We cannot re-shape history. But what is to come we can shape and influence. In the short years to come, we are confident we can build up a generation and a society that can serve as an example to this part of the world. In ten years of the P.A.P., names have been called of the P.A.P. - chauvinist, Fascist. But none, not even the Opposition, the Barisan Sosialis or the Right-wing, could accuse us of corruption.”
“If they can give the Government a scheme or a plan to settle or to solve the consequential situation arising Out of the withdrawal of the British bases, then we say we are prepared to consider it. Think of it. 40,000 employees, and if each one has a family of five to feed, that means 200,000 mouths to feed. This will also affect taxi drivers, provision shop-owners, domestic servants under the employ of British army personnel, and a whole host of other incidental and related trades. If the Barisan Sosialis can give us a solid plan which can cope with this kind of situation, where we have 200,000 hungry stomachs and hungry mouths to feed, then we say we will consider it. Sir, whatever our shortcomings, whatever our difficulties in the years ahead, we are confident that in ten years we will build up a new generation of people under a multi-racial, multi-religious, and multi-cultural setup. But there is one fear - not a conscious fear though - whether or not our success in ten years will be regarded as a threat or even subversive to the leadership of a neighbouring country.”
“Sir, with growing recognition from countries in the world, our international position is strengthened and consolidated. While we find more and more friends coming to our aid, we still find opposition among the Barisan who say that Singapore's independence is phoney and a neo-colonialist plot. But we have passed through difficult periods since independence. On 9th August there were some high hopes in the former Malaysian Government - before 9th August were still a member State - the then Federal leadership, and even the Barisan Sosialis had hopes that we would he caught in a difficult position to explain to the world the existence and the necessity for the foreign bases in Singapore. However, that hope and expectation did not turn out to he in their favour, because not only the Afro-Asian countries accepted the existence, and the necessity of the existence, of the foreign bases in Singapore to protect our national integrity, but they have also gone a step further to justify the necessity of these bases. Even Zambia, Mr Speaker, Sir. When Zambia ran into difficulties with the neighbouring Rhodesian Government, the Zambian Government openly requested troops he sent, not to protect them but to attack Rhodesia. But the British bases in Singapore are not meant to attack anybody. As I have said, they have no capacity to attack anybody. They exist here solely for the purpose of defending the territorial integrity of Singapore. But I agree we cannot depend forever on others to defend us. If the Barisan Sosialis feel that the British bases should go, we say yes. But not now. In the long run, yes. We cannot depend on others forever.”
“But it would be naive for us to believe that we can survive on our own without subjecting ourselves to the influence and development of neighbouring countries, it is in our interest that we wish to see Malaysia succeed and prosper, because we believe that if a volcano erupts 250 miles away in Kuala Lumpur, the lava will come down to Singapore, but that does not mean that we will beg for our survival on bended knees. And to those who think they can sink us by hostile acts, we say, "Think again," because Singapore will not be the only one to sink. In this sinking ship, you carry along the entire feudal system, the entire old social order. But whatever happens, Singapore is bound to be a catalyst that will start a chain reaction throughout this region, whether for prosperity or for chaos. If we succeed, so will this region. If we fail, then I say that those who have special interests in this region will have to sit down and recalculate their obligations in this area. Sir, in our foreign policy, we have adopted a non-aligned stand and I am given to understand that there is a motion in the House in the name of a Barisan Sosialis Member to urge the Government to be friendly with Afro-Asian countries. Sir, we are not only friendly with Afro-Asian countries, but we are accepted as a member of the Afro-Asian camp. Our Goodwill Mission first to the United Nations and then to the Afro-Asian and Eastern European countries is sufficient proof to the Barisan Sosialis that the independence of Singapore is not a phoney independence and a neo-colonialist and imperialist plot. Even Russia, who, according to some pro-Peking elements in the Barisan Sosialis, are revisionists but by no means neo-colonialists, accepted Singapore. What else do they want?”
“However, each phase and each struggle gave us new strength, dedication and renewed conviction in our beliefs, and I do not believe that any amount of suppression, threats, such as one voice, one race and one religion, meaningless demonstrations by the Barisan Sosialis and bomb explosions or even race riots - we experienced two race riots in 1964 - can deter us from our set course to nationhood. We do not submit to any intimidation. Sir, with independence, we are now faced with a heavier burden, but we can bear it. In three years' time, Singapore will prosper. In the short period of three to five years, we will set the right foundation for our new nation. We do not ask for anything more than the right of our people to determine our own destiny and to live our own way of life, unmolested and unhindered by anybody in this region. We are small in every respect, in terms of population, area, natural resources and, therefore, we have no capacity to attack others, and it is not our intention to do so, but we must have the capacity to prevent others from attacking us. On the other hand, we cannot bear the tremendous expense of raising and maintaining a full-scale army and, therefore, we have the idea of building up a big people's force, a volunteer army. As the Prime Minister has said, the world does not owe us a living, and we also do not owe the world a living. We want to be friends with all. The friends of another country may be our friends too, but the enemy of another country may not necessarily be regarded as our enemy. To those who have a special and vested interest in the political stability of this region, I say that they really have something to ponder on.”
“So many good words had been uttered, so many good things had been said, but two or three days after independence, he found himself forsaking the people of Singapore and willingly accepting the citizenship of another country. Does it mean that within two days, he suddenly lost his love for the people of Singapore, after so many good things had been said? He is now enjoying a good position as a High Commissioner for a foreign country. Sir, "loyalty" is a very abstract term. As I have said, to the Communists, to the Right-wing and to us, it might mean different things, but definitely it does not mean that if one's rice bowl were to be broken tomorrow or next week, lie therefore would forsake his citizenship and loyalty, would assume citizenship of another country, and would pledge his allegiance to another country. Ours is an open society. We prefer and we believe in open argument, a frank expression of ideas and opinions. This House itself is a public forum for the elected representatives of the people to come and voice the grievances of the people they represent. In the ten years from 1955 to 1965 - and from 1959, the first time the P.A.P. came to power up to the present time - we have fought the colonialists, the Communists, the Right-wing opportunists, the communalists and the feudalists and even a combination of some of them, as we have seen in the Hong Lim by-election. Sir, the Hong Lim by-election could have probably changed the entire course of history of Singapore. Had the P.A.P. lost the Hong Lim by-election, then I would say, as I have said earlier, that it might have led to repressive measures, and therefore the existence of this House would no longer be regarded as useful.”
“And just because we criticised the undesirability of these taxes, we were branded as subversive. Now that Singapore is no longer a member State of a greater family, Malaysia, all these taxes were dropped for they are no longer valid and useful with the P.A.P. now confined and localised to a small island of 224 square miles. Sir, independence on the 9th of August caught both the Right-wing and the Communists by surprise. For the Barisan Sosialis, new instructions could not reach them in time and they are now facing a three-level split, a split in the higher leadership, as acknowledged by Mr Lim Ching Siong that Singapore's independence is genuine and that they must accept the situation and channel and redirect their struggle within an independent nation. Another split is among the front-line expendables, that is, the present Barisan Sosialis leadership - third-class heroes they are - that Singapore's independence is phoney, and for that matter they must boycott Parliament sittings and even elections. But some Members of the Barisan Sosialis may be more practical, for even at this moment when they are boycotting Parliament, the usual allowance will still go to them and they will accept them with open and willing hands. Sir, they are now caught in a dilemma, as was the case with the M.C.P. in the year 1957, whether or not to acknowledge the Pan-Malayan Independence, with Singapore's independence - and the Right-wing also found themselves in difficulties, some of them in respect of their livelihood. For example - I would ask your guidance, Mr Speaker, if I am allowed to refer to a former Chief Minister of this House - a former Chief Minister from 1955 to 1959 who said that he was the only saviour for the people of Singapore and that Singapore was his only country.”
“Mr Speaker, I was referring to the taxes imposed while we were a member in a larger family.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, we are indeed very grateful for the opportunity to he here today to express our thanks to His Excellency the Yang di-Pertuan Negara for his Address at the opening of the present Session of this House. Grateful indeed we ought to be for our very presence here, for the political developments in the last two years --- two very eventful years --- took such a rapid and rigid course that even the then Central Government contemplated repressive measures which were openly admitted without reserve by the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Prince Abdul Rahman, on the day we became independent. Sir, I do not know whether we can regard ourselves as unfortunate, for we happened to assume the role of speaking the minds of the people and, therefore, we were supposed to be the ones that were repressed. But one thing we are fortunate in - and I think the people across the Causeway should also share in it --- is that these repressive measures never became a reality. Because if they did, then it would throw the whole country into chaos and confusion, and the existence of this House and the Members here would have become a mockery of democracy, a term which has a different connotation in the minds of both the feudal reactionaries ---”