George Yong-Boon Yeo
Singapore
“Sir, I would hesitate to make it compulsory because that seems high-handed, and many Singaporeans, when they are overseas, rather prefer not to get in touch with us until they run into trouble. Then they scurry. And, really, in this age of the Internet and Facebook, it is not difficult.”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, we have to take these comments in our stride. What is important is that in Prime Minister Najib, we have a Malaysian leader who is decisive and who wants good relations with Singapore. Settling the POA was not a simple matter. It took a few years of careful negotiations.”
“We are fortunate to be located geographically, economically and culturally, smack right in the middle between China and India, the two most important centres of growth in the world today. But because our economy links us in a myriad ways to the world outside, every change in the world feeds back to us directly or indirectly.”
“These issues are raised at the international level from time to time. A few years ago, we had raised this at the United Nations (UN), and if it is necessary and helpful to raise this at the UN, WHO or any other international forum, we will continue to do so. Yes, we have been doing this.”
“I think the important thing is to be effective. It is not just to give emotional satisfaction to our own sense of hurt and grievance. The important thing is to be effective, and if we can be effective without commotion, all the better. But if we need a commotion, we will have a commotion. But the key is to be effective.”
“At the broader level, Indonesia has also announced a voluntary carbon emissions reduction target of 26% by 2020, and up to 41% with international support. These emissions reductions are slated to come, in large part, from the forestry sector.”
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“This present economic downturn presents a fresh challenge to us and there are domestic political difficulties, there are bilateral political problems like Preah Vihear. But I believe because of the changes in the world, because of the rise of China and India, the countries in Southeast Asia have no choice but to stay united and proceed with even greater determination on the integration of our economies, closer political coordination, and a gradual outreach to young people, to make the ASEAN Community not only a legal reality, but a reality in our hearts and in our minds. Mr Hawazi Daipi asked about our relations with Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand. With Malaysia, our relations have improved considerably under PM Abdullah Badawi. In November last year, Foreign Minister Rais Yatim hosted the Singapore delegation for the Wisma Putra-MFA Games in Johor with great warmth. With the judgment of the ICJ (International Court of Justice), our bilateral dispute over sovereignty of Pedra Branca has been resolved, but to be sure, to neither side's complete satisfaction. Maritime boundaries around Pedra Branca are, however, yet to be delineated. We hope to do this expeditiously through the Malaysia-Singapore Joint Technical Committee, in a constructive spirit. Both sides have also been discussing the implementation of the Points of Agreement. On Iskandar Malaysia, the Joint Ministerial Committee has met a number of times with good results. With the economic crisis, it is all the more important for the two countries to cooperate for mutual benefit. And the recent decision to free up the KL-Singapore air sector to competition has brought down fares.”
“We had to convene an emergency meeting to express our collective revulsion. We also supported the use of the Good Offices of the UN through the Gambari mission. However, the Myanmar government objected to Prof. Gambari meeting ASEAN leaders during the Summit in Singapore at the end of 2007, making it clear that Nay Pyi Daw wanted to deal with the UN and the international community directly. Thereafter, ASEAN stood aside until the tragedy of the cyclone Nargis hit in early May 2008. For two weeks, there was a standoff between a paranoid Myanmar government on one side, and foreign governments and international aid agencies on the other. Singapore, in the Chair, convened an emergency ASEAN Foreign Ministers' meeting and persuaded Myanmar to agree to the formation of an ASEAN Humanitarian Task Force and the Tripartite Core Group to oversee the flow of international assistance. That process worked very well, much better than anyone had hoped for. With the help of ASEAN, some trust was thereby re-established between Myanmar and the international community. And all this added considerably to our workload in the Chair. Although political progress in Myanmar remains slow and difficult, ASEAN did make a significant contribution to the people of Myanmar, especially in preventing a second wave of deaths from famine and hunger. 12.30 pm The credibility of ASEAN is a challenge to us in these trying times, and so it was too, during the Asian Financial Crisis when some commentators thought that ASEAN would become diminished. But in actual fact, under the pressure of crisis, leaders met, acted, and we became stronger as a regional organisation.”
“I refer, in particular, to ASEAN+3, the EAS (East Asia Summit) which draws in India, Australia and New Zealand, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. In addition, ASEAN also plays an active role in ASEM (the Asia-Europe Meeting) and FEALAC (the Forum for East Asia-Latin America Cooperation). And last year, we held the first ASEAN-MERCOSUR Meeting of Foreign Ministers in Brasilia. This May, the first ASEAN Foreign Ministers' meeting with the Gulf Cooperation Council Foreign Ministers will be hosted by Bahrain. To coordinate the vastly increased workload, the ASEAN Secretariat, under the energetic leadership of Dr Surin Pitsuwan, is being strengthened and the ASEAN Charter is being implemented. It is true that the Thai chairmanship of ASEAN has been affected by domestic political discord. The ASEAN Summit has had to be postponed from December last year to the end of February this year. That could not be helped. Because of the conflicting travel schedules of leaders, the Chair has not yet been able to fix the dates for the ASEAN+3 Summit and the EAS. This is not good because urgent decisions, like the increased currency swap lines under the ASEAN+3 Chiangmai Initiative, have got to be made. But we must persist in supporting the Thai government and making sure that ASEAN continues to push forward in the face of the global economic crisis. Singapore's chairmanship of ASEAN from July 2007 to July last year turned out to be more eventful than we had planned for. We were able to progress the ASEAN agenda well enough, especially the drafting of the Charter. What intruded unexpectedly was the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, including Buddhist monks, in Myanmar in September 2007. ASEAN Foreign Ministers were in the UN for the General Assembly at that time.”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, let me first thank Members of this House for their comments and questions on Singapore's external relations. We live in dramatic times. In the coming months, the global economic crisis will cause millions of people to lose their jobs around the world. In some countries, mass unemployment will lead to political crisis. Over the next few years, there will be a major re-pricing of assets, of factors of production, of entire countries, even of ideas. Out of all this will emerge a multi-polar world with China, India, Russia, Brazil and other countries sharing power with the West and Japan. The US will, however, remain the leading power for a long time to come. In this shifting configuration, we are presented with both threats and opportunities. The tides are changing in a complex and uncertain way. Unless we adjust comprehensively and reposition ourselves nimbly, we may miss the flow and be stranded high and dry. Whatever the scenario, however, the strategic importance of ASEAN is unchanged. Indeed, ASEAN will become more essential to all the countries of Southeast Asia, as China and India re-emerge as major powers on the global stage. Ms Indranee Rajah and Mr Hawazi asked about the progress of ASEAN; Mr Maliki expressed concern about the delay of the summit meetings. All worried about ASEAN's credibility. Despite domestic political problems in some member states, the political will for a strong ASEAN among all 10 member states remains firm. Despite significant disagreements at first, we were able to draft the Charter and get it ratified at the end of last year. Despite doubts and difficulties, we are not only implementing the Charter in a determined way, we are also consolidating the larger regional architecture around ASEAN.”
“We take proliferation issues seriously and the allegation of a Singapore link in the export of rocket launchers to Myanmar has been thoroughly investigated. There is no evidence that any Singaporean company was involved in the alleged transaction, or indeed that the transaction in fact occurred. Our agencies will continue to monitor the situation closely and undertake enforcement actions, if necessary. AIR QUALITY AT RESIDENTIAL ESTATES (Improvement measures) 2. Mr Liang Eng Hwa asked the Minister for National Development (a) whether the Ministry is satisfied that the air quality at residential estates where sand and gravel stockpiles are located is within healthy levels; and (b) whether there are measures that can be taken to further reduce the quantity of dust particles blowing into the housing estates.”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, we do not talk about such a possibility openly, but I am quite sure that Ministers and officials do consider this possibility in their own internal considerations. But let us push that hypothetical possibility, say, we expel Myanmar from ASEAN, rid ourselves of a problem. What happens? Myanmar is the buffer state between China and India. China has vast interests in Myanmar; India has vast interests in Myanmar. If it is not a member of ASEAN, both sides will have to create options for themselves in that country. And if there is internal discord, in self-defence, each will have to interfere to protect its own self-interests. So if China and India are dragged in, I think the Americans, the Japanese and the others will also be alarmed. In the end, Myanmar can become an arena for big power conflicts. At that point in time, our own interests will be dragged in too. So it would be better that we pinch our noses, and bear with the problem, and keep Myanmar within the ASEAN stable, than to come to the conclusion that jumping out from the frying pan will land us in a cooler situation.”
“So if you are a Singaporean and you are in a tight spot in a country where there is no Singapore consulate, go to the nearest ASEAN consulate and they will help you. I cannot guarantee the quality of service, but it is an agreement and if the service is not very good, then let me know and I will raise it again and bit by bit, we can become better as a group. But it is with opportunities like this that the sense of collective interest would grow.”
“I apologise to Ms Irene Ng for not answering her question specifically earlier on. In fact, many things are being done by different ministries to build ASEAN into our common agenda. NGOs, think tanks, schools, and universities are all pursuing parallel efforts. The sense of ASEAN citizenship will take time to develop, what we want is little by little every year, a growing feeling that we are Southeast Asians. Last year, I had occasion to sit next to the Permanent Secretary of the British FCO. He was quite frank when he told me that even though he was actively involved in building Europe, he felt less European than his son; and that is what we should try to achieve - that our children will feel more, a greater sense of being ASEAN citizens than we feel. Up to now, it is more an elite construction, top-down; but we must increasingly grow it from the bottom-up. And as we confront problems together, sometimes opportunities arise in strange ways. When the Israelis invaded southern Lebanon, a few Singaporeans were stranded in Beirut. At that time, southern Beirut was being heavily bombed, so we scrambled to evacuate them, got hold of the Americans, the Europeans and others. Later on, when ASEAN Ministers met, we compared notes, because all of us had citizens who were stranded in Beirut. Indonesia and Philippines had large numbers. So we said, "Why don't we have a system to help each other? In the event that a country has no consular facility in that country, you can always go to another ASEAN Mission." Following that discussion, in fact, we crafted an agreement, and today that facility is open to all citizens of ASEAN.”
“No problems because there are very few problems to solve, but to survey the overall landscape together and to see whether there are new opportunities that we can exploit, new areas that we can work together on. So we do not see a bilateral exchange with a fixed agenda but we see two ministers meeting regularly to exchange notes, to compare perceptions of regional and international issues and to explore new ways of working together.”
“When I met advisor to President SBY, Dr Syahrir, a few weeks ago, he mooted revitalising the Growth Triangle to me and I said we will support it and that if President SBY were to propose it to PM Lee, I am quite sure that PM Lee would also agree to the revival of the Growth Triangle. I believe PM Abdullah Badawi would take the same position.”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, as I have said earlier to Dr Ong Chit Chung, we are in no position to punish Myanmar, because we have little leverage. We have some trade, some investments - and we regret having those investments - so it is not as if we supply them oil or arms or provide aid. But what we do enjoy is moral authority. I do not think the Myanmar ministers when they attend ASEAN meetings relish being interrogated by the rest of us. So there is moral pressure, and that moral pressure, I believe, does have some effect. But going back to the Growth Triangle, for the opening dinner of our recent retreat, I took the ASEAN Foreign Ministers for a boat ride. In fact, we had the opening session on board. I wanted the Ministers to be away, leaving officials on land, so that we could be more focused. And indeed, it created a very good atmosphere, and many issues were resolved. Before the sun set, we could see the many ships in the Singapore Straits, and I was standing and having a drink with Pak Hassan Wirajuda from Indonesia, pointing out where the Riau Islands were: Bintan, Bulan, some of the oil tanks, Karimun and so on, and Malaysia. And it dawned upon us, how close we are. Over the centuries, these have always been part of one region. So if you look at the genealogical records of, say, the Johor Sultanate, they are linked to Riau, Lingga, Siak, Rokan and Indragiri, the waterways were the highways of the past. There is a very natural, organic basis for the Growth Triangle. Yes, for the time being, there are two legs which are stronger, but eventually the third leg will also become stronger, and I believe it is the wish of both Malaysia and Indonesia to strengthen the third leg, and it is in our interest to help them do so.”
“PM Lee issued a statement last November in the presence of eight other ASEAN leaders. Two important points were made. One, that ASEAN would not be held back by Myanmar. Two, even though Myanmar did not want us to be involved in the process of national reconciliation, we stood ready to help them when they want our help. They are members of the family and we cannot deny that. They are a strange member of the family and since they want more space, we have to give them more space. But when they decide to rejoin the rest of us, we should welcome them. That is the position that we are taking. We do not have the leverage which China has, because China has big interests in Myanmar. China is doing more than what is obvious to observers. Without China's intervention, it is unlikely that Gambari will be going back to Myanmar in early March. Without China's good offices, whether the timeline would have been announced, I do not know. But China has leverage, and also India which has a long border with Myanmar and deep historical connections with Myanmar, not forgetting that Burma was once part of the British Raj with India, and the biggest province. Both have leverage. We have little leverage. Thailand, which is ASEAN's neighbour with Myanmar, in fact depends on Myanmar's gas. So we must be completely realistic about what we can do and what we cannot do. We do not have real leverage but we do enjoy a certain moral authority. The fact that despite all our criticisms, they (Myanmar) turned up to sign on the Charter showed that we do matter to them.”
“Sir, I thank Ms Indranee Rajah for her thoughtful comparison between ASEAN and the EU. She is absolutely right that Europe is built on a common value system which has its roots in Rome, Greece, and Judeo- Christianity. So they are able to achieve a European Court to which all national courts are in the end subordinate. We do not have that same common history, and in fact ASEAN is marked by its diversity. The fact that we have such an admixture of religions and political systems, and historical connections, indicate that the founding basis of ASEAN cannot be the same as that of Europe. But we do share points of similarities. We face common challenges together and it is these challenges which are impelling us to work more closely together. For the coming years, there is still much to learn from the European experience, especially of the early Europe. Many of us in ASEAN do not see us ever becoming like the Europe of today, but we can certainly become the Europe of the Common Market, the Europe of the Economic Community. 3.30 pm”
“Many foreign delegations come here to study what we have done in keeping the city clean and green, in waste management, water recycling, traffic control, conservation of forests, wetlands and marine life, and so on. For human civilisation to endure, human communities from the bottom up have to become much more sensitised to environmental concerns and these concerns have got to be internalised in individuals. The problem cannot be solved by governments acting alone. Climate change is a huge challenge for the whole world in this century. In anticipation of all this, MFA and other government agencies are building up our knowledge and capabilities. Ambassador Chew Tai Soo has been recalled from retirement and appointed our Chief Negotiator. Prof. Jayakumar chairs an inter-ministerial committee to oversee all our efforts. Sir, Singapore is entering an exciting new phase in our national development. The internal and external challenges we face are intimately connected. Without the world in Singapore, there is no Singapore. We are only able to uplift the lives of our people and to build a sparkling 21st century city if the external circumstances remain favourable. This means continuing peace in the region, riding on the historic transformation of Asia and having a strong network of friends in the world.”
“As a vulnerable small island state, we support international action to slow down global warming. We will work with other countries in ASEAN to promote sustainable management of forest resources and marine areas. We strongly support the Heart of Borneo project. We must also ensure that the international agreement takes into account our specific characteristics. As a sovereign city-state, we have to generate much of our own electricity which means, in our case, the burning of oil or natural gas. Other energy sources like wind, hydro, solar, geo-thermal and nuclear are either not available to us or not viable at this point in time and as a transportation hub, the many aircraft and ships which call here mean that we emit more carbon dioxide per capita than many other cities or countries. Instead of being penalised, we should receive credit because our role as an efficient hub in fact reduces total global emission. Like WTO, the control of emissions must take into account the different roles played by different economies and facilitate, not curb or distort, the efficient operation of markets. To ensure that our interests are safeguarded, we will work with countries which share characteristics similar to ours. We do not know how long it will take to negotiate a global agreement, which has to be a grand bargain. The UNFCCC hopes to conclude the agreement by the time of the Copenhagen meeting in December 2009, there being some urgency because the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol will run out at the end of 2012. In a modest way, Singapore has been breaking new ground in creating a liveable city and a sustainable habitat.”
“When Raffles governed Java from 1811 to 1815 during the Napoleonic War, he saw that in all the main towns of the East Indies, there were vibrant Hadrami trading communities. Understanding the role they played in the economy, one of the first actions he took after he founded Singapore in 1819 was to encourage Hadrami traders to settle here. He persuaded Syed Omar Aljunied from Palembang to relocate to Singapore (he was searching for "foreign talent") and it was Syed Omar who gave the name to the oldest mosque in Singapore and of course to my own GRC. My host in the Hadramaut, the Deputy Governor, is a great great great grandnephew of Syed Omar. During the lunch we had in Tarim, when many of our Arab friends were in sarongs, we had sambal belacan, I met close relatives of our Mufti and Habib Hassan. It was an Alkaff in Singapore who built the first road connecting the Hadramaut to the port of Mukalla, a road which is still used today. We have always been an important node in the international Arab network and will become one again in the 21st century, and Islamic banking will be only one aspect of it. As pointed out by Ms Indranee Rajah, the issue of climate change will be on the global agenda for years to come. Following the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) meeting in Bali last December, the nations of the world are now involved in negotiations for a post-2012 agreement to curb the emission of greenhouse gases into the earth's atmosphere. It is an agreement which must bring in all the major emitters including the US, China and India. Singapore has strong interests in these negotiations. If the forests burn around Singapore, we will suffocate. If the sea level rises too much, we will be submerged.”
“Our companies are increasing their presence in that region and generally enjoy a good reputation. We are also working with the Middle East on third-country projects. For example, the Qatar Government partners Keppel in the development of the eco-city in Tianjin. Egypt is an old friend with whom we continue to maintain strong political links. I will be making an official visit to Cairo in April before attending the second AMED meeting in Sharm el Sheikh. AMED was an idea first mooted by Singapore and had its first meeting here in Singapore two years ago. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Libya, which I talked about last year, our relations with Tripoli have begun to flower. Mr Philip Yeo, Chairman of SPRING Singapore, was invited to be an international advisor to the Libyan EDB, which, curiously, is called EDB. Senior Minister Goh will be making an official visit to Libya this year. Mr Zainudin asked about the progress of the Middle East Institute. It has been established, chaired by Mr Lee Tzu Yang from Shell, and an international search for a director is being conducted. We have to recognise our own lack of knowledge about the history, culture and traditions of the Arab people, and the Middle East Institute will help us fill in our knowledge gaps. As for people-to-people links, the Arab community in Singapore can help us re-establish our connections to that region. Last May, together with members of the Arab Association, I visited the Hadramaut in South Yemen where most of the Arabs in Southeast Asia came from originally. Dr Ahmad Magad who is Chairman of Parliament's Middle East Group and himself a Hadrami was in my delegation. The Hadramis are a remarkable people who make significant contributions to local communities wherever they settle.”
“The current exhibition of 'Greek Masterpieces from the Louvre' at the National Museum, for example, has attracted many visitors. During PM Lee's recent visit to Paris, both sides agreed on a project to exhibit treasures from French museums in Singapore on a regular basis. European cultural institutes in Singapore like the Italian Cultural Institute and the German Goethe-Institute often organise film festivals and bring in theatre groups. As part of the 20th Anniversary celebration of the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9th November 2009, we will unveil a 16-foot stretch of the Wall with graffiti painting of two kings on one side at Bedok Reservoir. This powerful symbol of freedom is a long-term loan to us by an American couple, Robert and MeiLi Hefner. The German Ambassador and members of the German community in Singapore are helping us with this exciting project, among many others. The project is led by a group of young individuals from Youth Empire and has been keenly supported by local entertainers like Sheikh Haikel and Kumar. And I had a wonderful discussion with Minister Steinmeier just an hour ago at MFA about this project. Dr Maliki, Mr Hawazi and Mr Zainudin raised questions about our relations with the Middle East. It is becoming a new frontier for us full of opportunities although not without risk. In the last few years, our relations with countries in the Middle East have seen a sea change. High level bilateral visits have become commonplace, almost occurring every month. We have stepped up our exchanges with all six countries of the GCC. Last month, negotiations for an FTA with the GCC were successfully concluded and this opens a new chapter in our relations with countries in the Gulf.”
“When Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee visited Singapore last June, we agreed that relations should be raised to a higher plane, beyond just economic cooperation. We have established a Joint Ministerial Committee which will meet every year. An India-Singapore Strategic Dialogue will have its inaugural session in May. We want India to take up its rightful position in our region and see it playing an important role in the East Asia Summit. Without the personal intervention of Foreign Minister Mukherjee and PM Manmohan Singh, the wonderful exhibition on Nalanda now going on at the ACM (Asian Civilisations Museum) could not have been put together. Singapore's defence links with India are also growing. An important agreement between the two air forces was signed last year, and other defence links are being explored. Ms Indranee Rajah asked for an update on our relations with Europe. They are, on the whole, excellent. Last November, we celebrated the 30th Anniversary of ASEAN-EU Dialogue Partnership. Although negotiations for an ASEAN-EU Free Trade Agreement have run into some difficulties, Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson is considering moving ahead earlier with countries which are ready. Singapore supports such flexibility provided the door is not shut on the other members of ASEAN. The European Union is an inspiration to us in Singapore and an inspiration to us in ASEAN on how tribal nations locked for centuries in conflict are able to overcome historical differences to live in peace and address common challenges together. Singapore has been an ardent advocate of a stronger European presence in Southeast Asia, not only economic but also political and cultural.”
“We are touched by the gesture and will certainly take up the offer, for there is much that we can learn from China’s own experience. More than any other country, Japan has played a critical role in integrating the economies of Southeast Asia. Our relations with Japan are excellent. During PM's official visit to Japan last March, the two sides agreed to establish a Japan Creative Centre in Singapore. Mediacorp has also worked with its Japanese counterparts to broadcast Japan Hour into the region. As we all know, Japan Hour has for years been one of the most popular docu-entertainment programmes on local television. Our relations with Korea are also very good. Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong has just made a successful visit to the country and had a warm meeting with the new President, Lee Myung-bak. Members of the House will be intrigued to hear that during the last presidential campaign, Singapore was often held up as a model for Korea. Senior Minister Goh also visited the Gaesong Industrial Park across the DMZ in North Korea. When our FTA with Korea was negotiated, we agreed to include Gaesong in order to promote economic development in North Korea. This provision was later incorporated into ASEAN's FTA with Korea. In May this year, I will be making an official visit to North Korea. At our recent Retreat, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers authorised me to propose that Pyongyang accede to ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. 3.15 pm Singapore's relations with India are bearing fruit. Our early support of India's economic reform policy has proved to be right. I share Ms Indranee Rajah's view that India is an important friend and partner. Indeed we see India as a major player, not only in Asia, but in the world.”
“In fact, at this very moment, President Nathan is in Vietnam on a state visit and Prime Minister Lee has invited the General Secretary of Vietnam's Communist Party, Mr Nong Duc Manh, to visit Singapore this year. Singapore is a major source of FDI for Vietnam and bilateral trade between the two countries has been growing steadily. The Framework Agreement on Singapore-Vietnam Connectivity signed in November 2005 has facilitated several joint projects. I agree with Ms Indranee Rajah and Dr Ong Chit Chung that the three Northeast Asian countries of China, Japan and Korea are very important to us. Just last year, we celebrated the 10th Anniversary of ASEAN+3. The improvement in China-Japan relations has made the creation of an East Asian community easier. Both Ms Rajah and Dr Ong underlined the importance of our relations with China. Indeed bilateral relations have become much broader and deeper than they were in the past. The Joint Council on Bilateral Cooperation now covers a wide range of subjects. The official visit of Premier Wen Jiabao in November last year was very successful. During the visit, Premier Wen and PM Lee signed the agreement to develop an eco-city in Tianjin. This is a project comparable in significance to the Suzhou Industrial Park which was started in 1994. More than economic projects, our bilateral relations with China have become multi-layered and multi-faceted. Thousands of Singaporeans now work in China and tens of thousands of Chinese work in Singapore. There are now over 2,500 Chinese companies operating here and, each time I check, the number is higher. When Singapore won the bid to host the first Youth Olympics, the Chinese Ambassador Zhang Xiaokang immediately wrote a letter to Prime Minister Lee offering China's assistance to us.”
“As for the decision on Indosat and Telkomsel, this is a decision before Indonesian courts, and it is best that they be pursued through Indonesian legal channels. Indonesia ministers are well aware that the outcome of these two cases will affect the way foreign investors look at opportunities in Indonesia. Dr Ong asked about the progress of the Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore Growth Triangle. This was in fact an idea first mooted by Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong in 1989. Although we have not had meetings for many years, the time may be ripe to revive it, or to use Dr Ong’s words, to revitalise it. With the return of democratic government to Thailand, bilateral relations have been fully normalised. The new Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama made his first bilateral overseas visit to Singapore last week. It was a friendly gesture which we appreciated. We agreed that both the Civil Service Exchange Programme (CSEP) and the Singapore Thailand Enhanced Economic Relationship (STEER) should be restored at an early date. I have accepted Minister Noppadon's invitation to visit Bangkok for the next meeting of CSEP, the civil service exchange programme in the first half of this year. Members of this House will remember that the Thai side cancelled the last CSEP meeting and dis-invited me following the hosting of a private dinner by DPM Jayakumar for former Thai PM Thaksin. Minister Noppadon also encouraged Singapore companies to invest in Thailand assuring us of a more liberal investment environment. We are looking forward to the introductory visit of the new Thai PM Samak Sundaravej next month. Singapore's bilateral relations with Vietnam are growing from strength to strength.”
“With Indonesia, bilateral relations remain strong although we were not able to see through the Extradition Treaty (ET) and the Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) signed last year. Both sides have agreed to set aside the ET and DCA for the time being and I am happy to inform Ms Rajah and Dr Ong that both sides are also determined not to let this issue affect overall bilateral relations. Like with Malaysia, Singapore has strong economic links with Indonesia. For example, we are each other's most important source of tourists. We continue to cooperate closely in many areas including the development of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in Batam, Bintan and Karimun, in fighting fires in Jambi, controlling bird flu in Tangerang and in rebuilding Aceh. The DPR has passed a law for the establishment of SEZs in Batam, Bintan and Karimun and a special council is being formed to oversee their development. We have a bilateral ministerial committee co-chaired by Indonesian Coordinating Minister Boediono and Minister Lim Hng Kiang to facilitate cooperation. Dr Ong Chit Chung also asked about sand and the recent decision by Indonesian regulatory authorities on investments by Singapore in Indosat and in Telkomsel. So far as sand is concerned, to the extent that environmental damage is a problem, we are quite prepared to work with Indonesia and this offer remains on the table. But otherwise it is a decision for Indonesia to make and we respect whatever decision they make. Of course it is a waste that instead of sourcing sand from nearby, we have to import sand from further away, making it more expensive for us and leaving money on the table which both sides can share otherwise.”
“It will be the most significant gathering of world leaders ever to be held in Singapore. We see the US remaining the leading player in the Asia Pacific for decades to come. To answer Ms Indranee Rajah, whether the next President is a Republican or a Democrat, whether it is McCain or Clinton or Obama, we do not see a major change in US policy towards Asia or in our bilateral relationship. Mr Hawazi Daipi and Dr Ong Chit Chung spoke about our relations with Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam. On the whole, we have excellent relations with all our ASEAN neighbours and all of them have significant numbers of their citizens working or studying in our country. We are grateful for their contributions to our society. Our relations with Malaysia have been improving in the last two to three years. PM Lee had a very good retreat with PM Abdullah Badawi in Langkawi last May. We are now cooperating on the Iskandar Development Region through the Joint Ministerial Committee, with Malaysia setting the pace. Both sides see benefit in greater connectivity between Johor and Singapore, but I agree with Dr Ong that we can do more to promote greater friendship between our two peoples who indeed share so much in common. Ms Indranee Rajah, Mr Hawazi Daipi and Dr Ong Chit Chung were concerned that the judgment on Pedra Branca by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) might affect good relations between the two sides. I believe this will not happen because both sides have agreed for the dispute to be adjudicated by the ICJ. Indeed both governments have stated publicly more than once that they will abide by the judgment of the ICJ when it is made some time later this year.”
“Now I mention all these abbreviations and acronyms not to befuddle you, but just to give you a sense of all the activities that we are engaged in to create a larger environment which is to our benefit. The key ingredient in this alphabet soup is our collective interest as ASEAN countries, and this we will strive to achieve. To answer Ms Indranee Rajah and Dr Ong Chit Chung, beyond ASEAN, APEC remains the most important regional organisation for us. Collectively, the 21 APEC economies make up more than half the world's GDP and trade. Among them are major powers like the US, Japan, China and Russia. Their good relations with one another determine whether this century is a peaceful one for us. The US-China relationship, in particular, is of decisive importance. Dr Ong Chit Chung asked about Cross-Strait relations between Mainland China and Taiwan. Although the outcome of the coming Presidential elections in Taiwan will have some impact on Cross-Strait relations, the critical factor is not Taiwanese domestic politics but US-China relations. Both the Mainland and Taiwan, and Hong Kong as well, are members of APEC which makes the organisation uniquely inclusive. But we must be clear that Taiwan and Hong Kong participate as economies, not as countries. And upon this clear understanding, there is growing support for the establishment of a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific in the long term. This is an important long range objective because the health of the multilateral trading system will increasing ly depend on the leadership of the economies in the Asia Pacific. Next year, Singapore will host the APEC Leaders Meeting which will be attended by new leaders from the US, Russia, Japan, Korea and Australia.”
“Internally, we must keep pushing the integration of ASEAN so that we have an ASEAN Community of 550 million inhabitants with a sense of ASEAN citizenship by the year 2015. In addition to the Economic Blueprint which was signed last year, we need also the Political/Security Blueprint and the Social/Cultural Blueprint. There are many things we have to do in the public, private and people sectors. One specific problem we must continue to address is closing the developmental gap between the older and newer members. Happily, the Indo-Chinese countries are now making good economic progress. As for Myanmar, well, the key there is political reform, without which the economy will continue to flounder. Externally, the challenge for ASEAN is to engage all our major partners in a mutually-beneficial way so that all of them have a strong interest in our unity and well-being, and our own position in the world is naturally balanced. To achieve this, we must be fair and neutral to all our partners, ensure the freedom and security of the airways and the sealanes, and strengthen economic cooperation in all directions. In addition, we must press on with the regional construction especially ASEAN+3, EAS (East Asia Summit), APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation) and ASEM (Asia Europe Meeting). We are also promoting ministerial links with regions farther away. With the Middle East, we have AMED (Asia Middle East Dialogue) and a proposed ministerial meeting with the GCC (Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf) countries this year. With Latin America, we have FEALAC (Forum for East Asia and Latin America Cooperation) and a proposed ministerial meeting with MERCOSUR (Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay), also this year.”
“So far, Singapore has signed on the UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. We have not yet signed on the others because of reservations on some specific provisions such as corporal punishment and the death penalty. We will periodically review our position in the light of evolving international norms and practices. It is not uncommon for countries to sign on these conventions while blithely ignoring their commitments in actual practice. We, on our part, take our commitments seriously and are therefore reluctant to commit to provisions that we do not agree with fully. As for the National Human Rights Commission, it is not clear to us that the establishment of such bodies in a number of countries has made a significant difference to the human rights condition. Many countries without human rights commissions are able to maintain high standards of human rights like Singapore. In our case, we have provisions either in the Constitution or in statute to safeguard the rights of racial and religious minorities, women, children and workers, including migrant workers. They allow Singaporeans to enjoy a high degree of civil liberty and personal security in their daily lives. I know this is not a complete answer to Prof. Thio Li- ann who made quite an impassioned plea but some of the things she said really go beyond my remit as Foreign Minister. 3.00 pm Dr Ong Chit Chung, Ms Indranee Rajah, Mr Hawazi Daipi and Ms Irene Ng asked about the future of ASEAN and the challenges it faces. Let me break down my answers into the internal and external challenges which are related.”
“Aung San Suu Kyi was not allowed to stand as a candidate in the 1990 elections, but that did not stop her party, the NLD, from achieving an overwhelming majority. Prof. Thio Li-ann, Ms Irene Ng and Mr Michael Palmer raised the issue of human rights. The ASEAN Charter provides for a human rights body to be established, but the nature of that body has yet to be determined. Let me assure Dr Ong Chit Chung that it will not be a toothless paper tiger. At the Retreat last week, the Foreign Ministers agreed that officials will first meet to discuss the terms of reference for a panel of experts to draft the provisions for such a body. The terms of reference will be proposed for our consideration at the coming ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in July. To be sure, the human rights body will be a contentious subject. Some ASEAN countries prefer a body which has no teeth because there is justifiable concern that Western countries and NGOs will make use of it to interfere in their domestic politics. Others make the opposite argument, that a credible human rights body will help us address this issue on our own terms. It is precisely because of a lack of agreement among ASEAN countries that the human rights body was called a 'body' and not a 'commission'. My own guess is that we will have in the end a body which, while lacking in teeth, will at least have a tongue and a tongue will have its uses. Prof. Thio asked about Singapore's position on the ratification of certain UN human rights conventions with respect to migrant workers, torture, racial discrimination and other subjects, and whether it is not time to establish a National Human Rights Commission here.”
“During the Retreat, the Myanmar Foreign Minister briefed us on the 7-step roadmap to democracy, which until the beginning of last month had no timeline. For the first time, the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) Government announced that a referendum on a new constitution will be held in May and based on it, elections will be held in 2010, after which the reins of power will be handed over to the new government. Foreign Minister Nyan Win expected the draft constitution to be made public at the end of March. He also said that any citizen who has a foreign husband or children holding foreign passports will be disqualified from the elections. He informed us that this provision was in the 1974 Constitution and is not new. Although ASEAN Foreign Ministers saw the timetable as a positive development, we expressed a certain scepticism about the entire process because we have been disappointed so many times before in the past. The new Constitution was drafted without the participation of the NLD (National League for Democracy) and other groups. It is also unlikely that the SPDC Government will allow international verification of the voting process. ASEAN Foreign Ministers stressed the importance of independent verification for the referendum and elections to be credible. As for the disqualification of Aung San Suu Kyi from standing as a candidate for elections, ASEAN Foreign Ministers registered their dismay although some recognised that this was a decision for the people of Myanmar to make at the referendum. But whatever the constitution approved, provided it is a genuine referendum, it would represent a step forward because the people of Myanmar would then be able to express their views at the ballot box in 2010.”
“To reduce the need for travel, ASEAN member countries will appoint ambassadors to the Secretariat in Jakarta from January next year. For the ASEAN Charter to come into force, all countries must ratify it and this is a point that I would like to make in reply to Mr Palmer. So far, four countries have done so: Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia and Laos. The others should do so in the coming months. There could be a problem with the Philippines because the Congress has linked ratification to progress being made in the political situation in Myanmar. However, the Foreign Ministers were on the whole cautiously optimistic that the Philippines will not hold back the ratification of the ASEAN Charter. In fact, it is only after the Charter has come into force that we can hold the Myanmar Government to account, to the standards that it has signed on to, a point which Ms Irene Ng made. As for the Indonesian DPR, which Mr Palmer and Ms Ng doubted would ratify the Charter, I received this news from the German Foreign Minister just this morning. He came from Jakarta and we had a bilateral meeting just before I came to Parliament and he told me, and he said this to the media so this is something that I can divulge publicly, that Hassan Wirajuda told him that he expected the Indonesia DPR to ratify the Charter by June this year, so we do have reasons to be optimistic. The remaining problem I believe would be the Philippines but even from the Filipino viewpoint, it would be better to ratify the Charter and thereafter to hold the Myanmar government to account than not to do so, letting the Myanmar government off the hook. The question of Myanmar was raised by Ms Indranee Rajah, Mr Michael Palmer, Ms Irene Ng, Dr Ong Chit Chung and Mr Hawazi Daipi.”
“For the big issues, they should generally be resolved by consensus, but sometimes it is not possible when it involves a particular country which has been difficult. Take, for instance, the issue of Myanmar. The fact that we operate on a consensus principle did not prevent us in the past from calling for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi. Members will remember that during the ASEAN Summit in Singapore after the informal dinner hosted by Prime Minister, nine leaders of ASEAN stood together to issue a statement on Myanmar, following the refusal of Myanmar’s Prime Minister to agree to an ASEAN meeting with UN Special Envoy Gambari. So that statement was not a “consensus statement”. It was a “minus one” statement and it was a statement about the “minus one”. What I am saying is, yes, it is right that the general principle should be one of consensus decision making, but it need not apply in all cases and it has not applied in all cases. For the most important issues, the matter will be decided by the leaders operating as a committee of peers setting their own rules for decision making and over time, a certain wisdom develops. The Foreign Ministers agreed that the ASEAN Secretariat must be strengthened quickly. The new Secretary General, Dr Surin Pitsuwan, was authorised to recruit two Deputy Secretary Generals from 1st November this year. Dr Surin took over from Ong Keng Yong at the beginning of the year, and I must inform the House that Ong Keng Yong, one of our senior diplomats, did Singapore proud during his tenure as the Sec-Gen of ASEAN. To answer Dr Ong Chit Chung, we recognise that the Secretariat’s budget has to be increased and have tasked senior officials to look into this on an urgent basis.”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, let me first thank Members for the comments and questions on Singapore's foreign policy. With globalisation, the management of Singapore's external relations has become more important for our security and economic development. Last year, we hosted the ASEAN Summit. Next year, we will host the APEC Leaders' Meeting. It is good that on matters of foreign relations, all MPs, including Opposition MPs and NMPs, are generally in support of the Government. This is a great strength for us. Let me first talk about ASEAN, an important subject raised by Ms Indranee Rajah, Mr Michael Palmer, Dr Ong Chit Chung, Mr Hawazi Daipi and Ms Irene Ng. Last November's Summit was a success. It was auspicious for the ASEAN Charter to be signed at ASEAN’s 40th Anniversary. It is a document which opens a new chapter in regional integration. At the Retreat of ASEAN Foreign Ministers in Sentosa last week, we agreed on a plan of action to implement the Charter. We had a smooth meeting which ended two hours ahead of schedule. There was a strong spirit of solidarity and common enterprise. Among the items to be followed up on is the drafting of provisions for a formal dispute settlement mechanism provided for in the Charter, and this will help us to create a systematic way for the resolution of disputes. While consensus is a general principle for decision making in ASEAN, it does not need to apply in all cases. Under the economic blueprint, for example, we do have provisions for “10 minus X” or “two plus X” involvement of member countries. The key here is that those who are not yet able to join in, should be able to join in when they are ready at a later point in time.”
“On the question of military sales, I have given a full answer earlier. It has been insubstantial. We have always made sure they were items which could not be used against civilians and there has been no sales in recent years. I should not go on beyond that because it is our established policy not to divulge details of military sales. We have replied to the Australian newspaper. As for the reports about helping them establish a listening facility to monitor civilian dissidents, there is no truth in that. We have made repeated clarifications to Australian newspapers. They have printed our replies, but somehow the journalists who wrote subsequently ignored those replies we have made. As for their accusations about us being involved in drug money-laundering, it goes back quite a long time to Dr Chee Soon Juan. We have clarified again and again but they keep being recycled and that article ythe Member has referred to contains some of that recycled hash. Mr Low Thia Khiang rose ---”
“Later on when I saw the news reporting of the funeral, the Buddhist monks in Japan wept. Buddhist monks are not supposed to weep at funerals, but they felt it so strongly. I told Foreign Minister Koumura you cannot take the Western position, you have to do something because not doing anything would be wrong. So they have cut off some aid but they will keep closer to the ASEAN position. Each country must respond according to its own interests and its own value system. For their own domestic politics, the US and Europe have got to take the positions that they are taking. That is fine. We cannot take the US position. We cannot take the European position. Neither can we take the Chinese or Indian position. We take our own position and so long as we loosely coordinate, I think we can improve the chances of there being national conciliation. To be sure we are not optimistic. It is going to be difficult. It is going to be troubled, but what is the alternative? The alternative would be much worse. And we may yet to come to that, but for now this is our best bet. It is the only game in town for the time being and we have to go along with it.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, ASEAN's limited economic leverage is a matter of fact. Statistics bear out and for as long as China and India keep the back gate and the side gate open, there is very little which a trade embargo can do. It is a resource-rich country. It has got rice, it has got fish, it has got minerals aplenty, it has got oil and gas. And it is already a country predisposed towards isolationism and does not need very much encouragement in that direction. China supplies it consumer products. Can we take the Western position? The position of America and Europe. It sounds tempting and perhaps emotionally we feel justified to do so. But if we do so, and China and India maintain their present policies the result will be what I said earlier, Myanmar de facto no longer being a part of ASEAN and becoming a buffer state in between China and India, tempting both to interfere in its domestic politics. And one day, giving us more trouble because of this. So for these reasons, it would be better if we take our own position. The Chinese do not want to take an open position because they cling on to a principle of non-interference because they do not want other countries to interfere in their domestic affairs. Therefore they cannot be seen to be interfering in other people's domestic affairs and they will never want to say that they are. To a certain extent, we have to give them cover. If they do things because ASEAN wants them to do certain things, they can say that, no, we are not interfering because we are doing it at ASEAN's request. The Japanese have been an important aid giver to Myanmar. You know when the Japanese journalist was killed, I met Foreign Minister Koumura the day after. They were very affected.”
“It is true that Myanmar is a ticking time bomb. For the time being, because of the way the government has been able to arrest 'trouble-makers' and intimidate the population, there is an apparent return to normalcy. So the curfew has been withdrawn, some people have been released. But how long can this position remain? There is a lot of anger in Myanmar and among the Myanmar people in Singapore - there are tens of thousands of them here. I met some of them two days ago at the Burmese temple here. There is great frustration. They readily admitted that the recent crackdown was much less than what had happened in 1988, which was a really brutal crackdown. But that was the period before the Internet and handphone cameras, and today whatever happens will be quickly spread worldwide. And the Myanmar diaspora is over 2 million, not only in neighbouring countries, but also in Europe, Australia and America. So there is no way the current situation can go on like this for a long time. There has to be a genuine dialogue. It cannot be a case where the leaders just go through the motion so that things will calm down, and then back to status quo ante. I just had a conversation with Thai Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram three days ago. We were exchanging views and he said, "There can be no going back to status quo ante ". I told him, "I fully agree with you and that must be ASEAN's position". I believe that the leaders, when they meet in Singapore, will take that position.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, Ms Irene Ng has expressed views that are shared by some Members in this Chamber. There are only bad alternatives. Let us say we decide to ostracise Myanmar, to dis-invite them, if we could, from the Summit. Then what happens? Then Myanmar, on its own, will be an isolated buffer state sandwiched between China and India, each of which eyes the other very carefully. India is very concerned to maintain its links with Myanmar because it sees China having influence over Myanmar. And if there is civil strife there, I believe both would be forced to take bets in their own self defence. If Myanmar is divided, and there is external interference by the big powers, then we'll be dragged in. It won't be in our interest for Myanmar to be balkanised. It cannot be. So we decided to bite our tongue to keep Myanmar in the family because it serves our long-term strategic self interest. But of course, if Myanmar decides on its own to claim that what happens in the country is its domestic affairs, and if they are not prepared to accept the fact that we have every intention in ASEAN to discuss their domestic affairs at our meetings, they can object to this and decide not to attend the meetings. Then we will have to respect their wish. But I do not believe that that would happen because they do know that it is better for them to remain in ASEAN and to stay in the family, than to be left alone outside.”
“China, Japan and India have stated their positions on Myanmar publicly, so these are on the record. Next month, we are having the ASEAN Summit, during which Myanmar is bound to be discussed. We fully expect Myanmar to be present, and to sign the ASEAN Charter, the legal scrubbing of which, was happily completed at midnight on Saturday. Professor Tommy Koh reported this to me this morning. After that, we will have the East Asian Summit, where the leaders of ASEAN will meet the leaders of China, Korea, Japan, India, Australia and New Zealand. I am quite sure at that Summit, Myanmar will be discussed again. In fact, I have received phone calls from some of the Foreign Ministers who informed me that they intend to raise Myanmar during the Summit. Then after that, on 22nd November, the leaders of ASEAN will be meeting the leaders of Europe, during the Commemorative Summit, and no doubt Myanmar will again be an issue on the agenda. To facilitate our work, I will be visiting Beijing this Friday, to have consultations with the Chinese Foreign Minister, and with the Japanese Foreign Minister the day after in Tokyo. I have also asked to visit New Delhi to consult the Indian Foreign Minister. I will go in my capacity as Singapore Foreign Minister, in order that we can play a more effective role as the Chair of ASEAN. I believe that if we coordinate some of our actions, we can help create a more conducive environment for there to be national reconciliation in Myanmar. That will help, of course, the Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari.”
“Whatever policy we adopt must apply to all companies operating in Singapore, not just owned by Singaporeans. Singapore has very few defence interactions with Myanmar. But we have to maintain links with the military because it is a key institution. These are largely limited to interactions at multilateral events such as ASEAN-related meetings, international defence exhibitions, and sports activities like the Army Half Marathon. As far as defence sales are concerned, it is established policy of the Government not to divulge details publicly. Myanmar is not subject to any UN arms embargo. If there is any UN sanction against Myanmar, Singapore will of course abide by it. Nevertheless, I can say that over the years, defence sales to Myanmar have not been substantial, and have always been carefully limited to items that are not suitable for countering civilian unrest. There have not been any defence sales to Myanmar in recent years and, going forward, we will continue to behave in a responsible manner. Ms Eunice Olsen asked whether the Government would consider granting humanitarian assistance to the Myanmar people. We would certainly do so if there is a request from Myanmar. Singapore has provided significant technical assistance to Myanmar for human resource development over the years. To date, we have trained more than 6,000 Myanmar officials in several areas, including English language, tourism, IT, civil aviation and telecommunications. We do not intend to stop such assistance. Under the Initiative for ASEAN Integration, we have established a training centre in Yangon. Should one day the Myanmar Government open up and request further assistance from us, we will certainly do all we can.”
“At that time, there was hope that the Government was taking the Indonesian road from an authoritarian military government to constitutional democracy. But when Suharto fell in 1998, the Government in Yangon froze and the economy slid backwards. Generally speaking, our businessmen are not doing well in Myanmar and many regret having invested there. Singapore companies' cumulative total direct investments in Myanmar for the year ending 2005 was only S$742 million. MTI does not keep track of how much of this is by GLCs, because the Government is not involved in the individual investment decisions of GLCs. Overall, our total trade with Myanmar last year was S$1 billion, which represents only 0.1% of Singapore's total trade. Myanmar ranked 50th among our trading partners. Therefore, our policy on Myanmar does not hinge on this. Instead, our actions are guided by what is best for the long-term interests of ASEAN. As for remittances, MAS does not track the amount of money remitted into or out of Singapore by any country. For an international business and financial centre like Singapore, funds can be transferred for various purposes including payments for goods and services, trades on the stock exchange, even for school fees. But MAS operates a strict and rigorous regime against money laundering, like all other leading financial centres. Banks and financial institutions in Singapore are required to institute strict procedures, including the need to identify and know their customers, and monitor and report any suspicious transactions. Our rules are vigorously enforced. Should there be links with illicit activity, MAS will not hesitate to take necessary action. If there are UN mandated sanctions against Myanmar, we will of course comply with them.”
“Acting on the authority of the UN Security Council, Mr Gambari plays a critical role as a catalyst. Somehow he has managed to earn the trust of both the military and Aung San Suu Kyi. The Myanmar authorities have made it clear they prefer to deal with him rather than with ASEAN. A year and a half ago, the Myanmar authorities rebuffed the Chairman of ASEAN at that time, Syed Hamid, but they have received Mr Gambari three times and allowed him on all three occasions to meet Aung San Suu Kyi. It is important that whatever actions we take strengthen his hand and not make his already complicated task more difficult. Different countries have different roles to play in accordance with their values and their geopolitical interests. The US and EU have stepped up sanctions and expressed strong views. China has quietly played a very helpful role in facilitating Mr Gambari's last visit to Myanmar. Although Japan has cut aid, it has taken a position closer to ASEAN. I know a number of Members in this House would like ASEAN to cut off all links with Myanmar. But this would only give us short-term satisfaction. On our own, our economic influence is not significant. If we in ASEAN boycott Myanmar, we would lose our moral influence which is not insignificant. Such an approach would only worsen the long-term position for us. In any case, the preference of all the ASEAN countries is to continue engaging Myanmar and keeping it in the family. This is certainly Singapore's preference. Ms Irene Ng, Mr Siew Kum Hong and Ms Sylvia Lim have asked about Singapore's economic and military links with Myanmar. Singapore has limited economic links with Myanmar. Before the Asian financial crisis, we did encourage our businessmen to invest and to do more in Myanmar.”
“The Western embargo has not been effective because Myanmar's giant neighbours, China and India, have kept the back and side gates open. ASEAN's economic leverage is not significant but ASEAN does wield moral influence. Myanmar would rather remain a part of the ASEAN family than be by itself a buffer state sandwiched between two rising powers. Mr Charles Chong, Mr Siew Kum Hong and Ms Irene Ng asked if we would consider putting more pressure on the Myanmar government, such as sanctions, or withdrawal of aid, or even a review of Myanmar's ASEAN membership. Indeed there have been strident calls to bring down the military regime. The key consideration here is to help the process of national reconciliation not make it more difficult. Some external pressure can be helpful. But, as Malaysia's Foreign Minister Syed Hamid said recently, talking about sanctions or expulsion now would make national reconciliation harder not easier to achieve. Aung San Suu Kyi herself acknowledges the need to involve the military. Without the military, Myanmar can dissolve into civil war. The country has many ethnic groups, a number of which are still armed and can easily restart rebellions in the border regions. The last thing we want is a Yugoslavia or an Iraqi situation at our doorstep. In this regard, ASEAN shares a common position with China and India. Thant Myint-U, the grandson of the third Secretary General of the UN U Thant, who is no apologist for the regime, has wisely cautioned that "We don't want Myanmar to be a parallel of Iraq, where we said it's good Saddam Hussein is no longer there, but then did not know how to handle the insurgency that went on after he was gone." Our priority now must be to support the UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari in his mediation efforts.”
“The Prime Minister called all his ASEAN counterparts who agreed with him that ASEAN should issue a strong statement. PM also wrote to Senior General Than Shwe. I was at the United Nations in New York when the situation broke. After settling the ASEAN Charter, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers confronted our Myanmar counterpart. They agreed for me to issue the statement that I read out to the international media in their presence. To answer Ms Irene Ng on the present situation, a semblance of normal life appears to have returned but we continue to receive reports of arrests and raids taking place which UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari described as 'extremely disturbing'. We hope that the Myanmar authorities will cease these arrests and release those detained quickly. The Myanmar government has offered talks with Aung San Suu Kyi and appointed a liaison officer. However, the offer comes with conditions. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy has expressed a desire for talks but rejected preconditions. These are just opening moves by both sides. From Singapore's perspective, the only precondition should be a commitment by both sides to work for national reconciliation and to serve the interest of the Myanmar people. Mr Speaker, Sir, there is no quick and easy solution. All parties in Myanmar need to take a fresh approach because it is clear that the old way led to nowhere. The present lull cannot last if the process towards national reconciliation does not gather momentum. However, we must be prepared for negotiations to be long and complicated. There is a limit to the influence of the outside world. Myanmar is a resource-rich country and the Government has long been inclined to self-isolation since the days of General Ne Win.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, Ms Sylvia Lim asked whether the Singapore Government had anticipated the recent developments in Myanmar. The short answer is no. We knew social discontent was building up but we could not imagine the Myanmar Government suddenly increasing fuel prices five-fold. That ignited the protests which took the authorities by surprise. Mr Speaker, Sir, to answer Dr Lily Neo, ASEAN had decided more than a year ago that since Myanmar preferred dealing with the UN over ASEAN, ASEAN would no longer defend Myanmar at international forums. We were as astonished as anyone else when the leadership suddenly shifted the country's capital to Nay Pyi Taw and were embarrassed when asked about it by others. We were relieved when Myanmar decided to skip its turn as Chair of ASEAN last year. But we refrained from criticising Myanmar openly because it was part of the ASEAN family. However, we could not stay silent when the Government violently cracked down on peaceful demonstrators including Buddhist monks. ASEAN would have lost all credibility otherwise. Developments in Myanmar cast a pall on the entire region and have been raised at the UN Security Council. ASEAN's policy of non-interference cannot be rigidly applied when internal developments in a member country affect the rest of us. This is not the first time that ASEAN is addressing the situation in Myanmar. At the Summit in Singapore in 2000, ASEAN leaders met privately with Myanmar leader Senior General Than Shwe to express their concerns. In 2003, ASEAN Foreign Ministers publicly called on Myanmar to release Aung San Suu Kyi. The violent suppression of dissent in Myanmar recently has evoked outrage in ASEAN and around the world. As ASEAN Chair, Singapore had to discharge its responsibility.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, please allow me to take Question Nos. 1 to 10 together as they are related.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, a key element in the Charter will be the establishment of dispute settlement mechanisms, which means that when disputes arise as to the interpretation or implementation of agreements, they will be referred to independent panels who will then rule one way or the other to adjudicate. When a pattern of such judgements are made, an ASEAN jurisprudence will gradually develop, it will then be very important for countries to ensure that when agreements are made, that lawyers look at those agreements to anticipate how judgements will be made when there are disputes. So this will make ASEAN a more rules-based and hopefully a more predictable organisation. When I said that we will not become like the EU, it is in the degree of our integration. The EU has its European Court and a European Parliament which legislates on behalf of the whole union. We do not anticipate such developments for ASEAN. TEACHERS (Completion of syllabus for academic curriculum) 15. Mr Lim Biow Chuan asked the Minister for Education whether there have been any studies carried out to ensure that teachers are able to complete the syllabus for the academic curriculum within a year without being overly stressed.”
“The High Level Task Force met last week and will present the final draft to the Foreign Ministers at our coming meeting at the end of this month in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. Barring last-minute surprises, we should be able to complete the Charter in time for the Singapore Summit in November. As there is an agreement not to complicate negotiations by revealing details of the Charter at this stage, I ask for Members' indulgence not to be pressed on this.”
“Integration, for example, is a long-term objective. The establishment of the Charter is a major milestone in the ASEAN journey. As we had worked in the past year with the Philippines, the previous Chair, we will work with the Thais, the incoming Chair, to ensure continuity and commonality of purpose. Mr Speaker, Sir, ASEAN has made good progress in its integration efforts because the Leaders share a common view that each of us is better off with a strong ASEAN than without. We have to respond to the rise of China on one side, and India on the other. Greater integration will enhance our competitiveness and strengthen our negotiating position. Yet, ASEAN, however integrated, will not become a union like the EU. We are too diverse in our history, culture and economic development for this to be possible. Recognising this reality, there is a consensus within ASEAN that the pace of integration should not always be determined by the lowest common denominator or the slowest member. Let's move quickly where we can in a practical way. Members who are ready to move first in particular areas should be free to do so, provided the door is left open for others to join when they are ready. We have therefore built in flexibilities for the newer ASEAN members when setting targets, such as the ASEAN-X and the 2+X provisions. Examples of such an approach are the Air Cargo Rights Agreement, the Framework Agreement on Services and the ASEAN-Republic of Korea Free Trade Agreement. The Charter will be a key instrument in ASEAN's integration efforts. It will make ASEAN a more effective and rules-based organisation. Dr Lateef asked for an update on the drafting of the ASEAN Charter. It is at an advanced stage.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, Singapore assumed the Chairmanship of ASEAN at the end of July and will remain in the seat for a year until July next year. We have a full agenda ahead of us. Foremost is the signing of the ASEAN Charter at the Summit in Singapore this November. We also expect the Leaders then to endorse a Blueprint with clear roadmaps for establishing the ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Similar blueprints for the Security and Socio-Cultural Communities will be initiated during our Chairmanship, to be ready by the next Summit towards the end of next year. The environment and climate change are also high up on our agenda. For the ASEAN and the East Asia Summits, the theme will be "Energy, Environment, Climate Change and Sustainable Development". We will be initiating practical cooperation projects that can help mitigate some of the effects of environmental degradation in our region and contribute to the global debate on climate change, particularly preparations for the 13th Conference of Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in Bali in December this year. We will also work to improve ASEAN's engagement of its Dialogue Partners. To commemorate the 30th anniversary of ASEAN's dialogue relations with the EU and the US, special summits will be held with the EU in November this year and with the US early next year. We will also mark the 10th anniversary of the ASEAN+3 process, which has significantly improved ASEAN's cooperation with China, Japan and Korea. In addition, we will do a review of the ASEAN Regional Forum and see how we can take it to a higher level. Not all issues on our agenda can be resolved within a year. Some should be considered as work in process for which we should add value during our watch.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, there was hope when we entered the negotiations - there was certainly a lot of hope when we signed the agreements - and we continue to be hopeful that we will be able to work through the remaining problems, and have these agreements ratified by both sides and come into effect. On our side, there is no lack of will. On the part of President Yudhoyono, there is no lack of will, but we recognise at the same time that the politics of Indonesia are complicated and that sometimes, we may need a certain passage of time before some of these things can be done. But we remain hopeful and patient. DEFENCE COOPERATION AGREEMENT WITH INDONESIA (Status) 2. Mr Michael Palmer asked the Minister for Defence what is the present status of the Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) with Indonesia, given the fact that a DCA was signed between Singapore and Indonesia, and how will the Minister move forward so as to implement the DCA that was signed with Indonesia.”