Gerald Giam Yean Song
Singapore
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. The focus of my supplementary question will be on the film classification guidelines, which currently state that, quote, "Chinese films meant for theatrical release should generally be in Mandarin, in line with the Speak Mandarin Campaign.”
“Mr Speaker, we cannot allow physical infrastructure expansion to blind us to the shifting digital geography of global trade nor should we allow frontier technology to reduce the economic agency of our transport workers.”
“Sir, I thank the Minister for his replies. I understand the difficulty in getting the exact numbers. But is there an order of magnitude that the Government can provide as to how many such fees were collected and what is the total quantum? Just an order of magnitude, does not have to be an exact number.”
“Sir, I thank Mr Ng Chee Meng for acknowledging my OJT proposal. I am aware of the work of CTCs, but my proposal goes beyond what the CTCs currently provide. First is the depth of the wage support, and second is the structural design of OJT.”
“I thank the Minister for responding to my question just now. I am glad to hear that there will be more precise matching with the help of SWDA's the integrated intelligence function. But can I ask if this function will be provided to all jobseekers who approach SWDA or its agencies, like e2i, to seek for job assistance?”
“Sir, can the Minister elaborate a bit more about how SWDA will enhance the job search assistance programme? Specifically, will career counsellors move beyond basic resume editing and portal referrals to leverage real time vacancy data for proactive matching and advocate for candidates?”
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Every one of 984 lines we hold for Gerald Giam Yean Song, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 2 of 20.
“Sir, on 9 February 2026, the Government revealed that Singapore's major telecommunications operators were targeted last year in a sophisticated cyber espionage campaign by the group UNC3886. Such intrusions are a stark reminder that the digital battle space has expanded into a theatre of strategic sabotage, APT actors, prepositioned malicious code to sit dormant for years, designed to be activated during a crisis to trigger power failures or disrupt transport and payment systems. For Singapore, this poses a direct threat to our national survival as a coordinated disruption to civilian telecommunications, payment systems and transport networks would directly cripple the Singapore Armed Force's ability to mobilise and deploy troops at speed. While the containment of UNC3886 demonstrates our technical proficiency, we must leverage this capacity to signal clear consequences. The Government must work with international partners to communicate strategic red lines, explicitly stating that the prepositioning of malicious code in our critical infrastructure is an unacceptable provocation. We must leverage our attribution capabilities to call out such actors directly, while carefully weighing the diplomatic sensitivities of naming state-linked groups. We should move toward a posture of active deterrence through precise signalling and the threat of calibrated counter measures. By doing so, while remaining consistent with international law, we can avoid unintended escalation. Ultimately, we must effectively change the cost benefit calculus of any potential aggressor. Quantum-safe Cryptography Solutions - Why Buck Global Consensus”
“Sir, micro and small enterprises are the backbone of our community. They provide economic stability for the nation and livelihoods for many workers. However, their economic contribution remains disproportionately low. They employ 45% of our workers but contribute only 11% of nominal value added. This productivity gap translates into lower salaries. These businesses can afford to pay their workers. ASME has observed that the current classification of SMEs is too broad. A micro enterprise with 10 employees and $1 million in revenue, faces fundamentally different hurdles compared to a medium-sized company with 200 staff and $100 million in turnover. By grouping them together, we risk applying one size fits all solutions that may not reach the smallest players. Would the Government adopt ASME's suggestion to delineate micro enterprises and SMEs in national policy-making and data collection? Tailoring grants and other assistance to the specific operational realities of each tier will make Government support more effective for them. ASME estimates that a 10% uplift in the value added of this segment could translate to an additional $6.5 billion dollars in annual gross domestic product (GDP), equivalent to more than one percent of growth. Focusing more on these micro and small enterprises is a significant opportunity to lift the wages of many Singaporeans. Family Businesses and SME Renewal”
“I would like to ask if the service hub provides end-to-end guidance and not just advice. So, that means if an applicant needs to file the claim but does not know how to do it, can the hub actually help them to do it step by step rather than say, "You just do this, do this" and then you go back home and do it on your own.”
“Thank you, Sir. Sir, I have some clarifications for Senior Parliamentary Secretary Eric Chua. On filing CDRT claims, can vernacular translations be provided on the online application form and can evidence exceeding the two-year limit be allowed to better deal with long-running disputes? Secondly, the Senior Parliamentary Secretary said that filing help is available at the State Courts' service hub. How many individuals has the service hub assisted to successfully file applications in each of the last three years? I asked this question in my cut. Does the hub provide end-to-end guidance for applicants who are not digitally savvy and not just advice? For example, if a resident does not have a Singpass, can the service hub help the resident to complete the filing of the CDRT claim? 11.30 am”
“Sir, the Community Disputes Resolution Tribunals serve as an avenue of last resort for neighbour disputes. Between 2020 and 2024, only 1,031 claims were filed, a fraction of the 2,500 neighbour dispute cases reported to HDB monthly. Having observed residents attempting to navigate this process, I have seen how digital and financial requirements can be a deterrence and could account for the relatively low utilisation of this channel. The mandatory pre-filing assessment requires a 17-question checklist, where the system repeatedly persuades applicants to seek alternative channels. For residents who have already exhausted these channels, such persistence redirections can be frustrating. Completing the five-part form is equally taxing. Residents who do not know their neighbours name must pay $5.25 at the Integrated Land Information Service portal before even paying that $150 filing fee. The English only interface and the assumption that all residents can manage PDF downloads and the digital evidence create massive barriers for those with lower digital literacy. How many individuals has the State Court Service Hub assisted to successfully file applications each of the last three years and will the Ministry consider reducing the initial filing fee to $20, with only the unsuccessful party paying the remaining $130? Appointment of Attorney-General”
“Sir, I thank the Minister for his response to my questions about diversifying our defence partners. However, I seek his response regarding defence procurement audits by the AGO. A best solution mindset, which he mentioned, also requires external accountability and appropriate transparency. How does MINDEF ensure that even the most expensive defence procurement, including lifecycle cost and delivery timeline, is properly audited, while ensuring that operational secrecy is not compromised? Second, in view of emergent and evolving threats, is MINDEF looking beyond the DSTA, DSO and ST Engineering to collaborate with local entrepreneurs on dual use technologies? What specific initiatives exist to help startups pivot innovative solutions to bolster both national defence and commercial exports?”
“Sir, the global defence industrial base is facing unprecedented strain, leading to severe delivery backlogs that threaten operational readiness. In Japan, audits reportedly revealed that military equipment worth nearly US$7 billion remained undelivered five years after contracts were signed, forcing their military to operate with critical capability gaps. Similarly, Taiwan reportedly faces a backlog exceeding US$21 billion, with delivery timelines of fighter aircraft and coastal defence systems slipping repeatedly. These examples serve as a stark warning. Robust procurement budgets cannot purchase security if hardware remains on a distant assembly line. Therein lies the risk of a capability vacuum, if our own high-end platforms do not arrive on time. The operational life of existing assets is not infinite. We cannot afford a security hiatus where our surveillance or ratal defence posture is compromised, because we are waiting in a global queue. Relying on a single source for critical high-end systems may create a strategic vulnerability amidst current global instability. How is MINDEF diversifying and sourcing from a wider range of global partners to mitigate single point failures in the supply chain? Singapore must be a partner with sufficient leverage to demand delivery certainty for every asset. Does MINDEF have a robust claw back clauses and does it provide for liquidated damages for delays within these high-end contracts? Furthermore, MINDEF must ensure that multi-billion-dollar high-end contracts are transparent and accountable. This can be done by ensuring the Auditor-General's Office (AGO) is given full access to audit procurement milestones, contract variations and delivery timelines. Maximising Servicemen's Contributions”
“Sir, I thank the Minister for reaffirming our commitment to ASEAN. Since ASEAN Secretariat plays such a key role in ASEAN, can the Minister share how many Singaporeans are currently among the over 270 staff at the secretariat, besides the current Deputy Secretary-General? And how many more are going to be seconded there, especially in preparation for Singapore's chairmanship in 2027? Secondly, on people-to-people relations, does MFA work with MOE, SportsSG, National Sports Association and Youth Cultural Organisations to use regional competitions and performances as platforms for deeper people-to-people exchanges with our ASEAN neighbours? I asked this because, if this is not done deliberately, there may be a tendency for participants to mingle, mainly with their own compatriots, especially when they are there in large groups.”
“Founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew's early travels across Africa and Asia, built friendships that established support for Singapore and the global South for decades. He also built very strong personal relationships with leaders of global powers. We must build on this and not take this for granted. 11.15 am In response to my question if Singapore will be accepting the US' invitation on the Board of Peace, the Minister said Singapore is still assessing it. In the meantime, the Board has held its first meeting and it turns out, European nations that initially appeared to be staying out were there as observers. Our neighbour, Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim majority nation, has also joined it. Has Singapore made any decisions in this regard, including being at least an observer. To be clear, I am not calling for any commitment of funds or troops to the Board. Overseas missions serve as important frontlines in promoting Singapore's interests and safeguarding the well-being of Singaporeans abroad, as well as listening posts to understand what is really happening. We currently lack resident ambassadors in Italy, Sweden, Canada, Brazil and Nigeria. Establishing more resident missions in middle powers must take higher priority as we diversify our partnerships. Finally, we must develop greater people to people relationships with our neighbours, particularly among our youths. Evolving Post-Cold War Order”
“Sir, the global order has shifted. Relying on traditional partners continues to be necessary but is no longer sufficient for Singapore to survive and thrive. We may become vulnerable if we over-depend on frameworks that no longer hold in this vulnerable era. While we often speak of ASEAN centrality, we must not let regional cooperation remain primarily a matter of diplomatic process, while global giants rewrite the rules. Singapore must become a catalyst within ASEAN to coordinate our positions to exert collective bargaining power with middle and major powers. To do this, we must invest more in ASEAN's architecture. This could include seconding MFA officers and having Singaporeans serve in leadership positions in the ASEAN secretariat. How is MFA planning to deepen regional cooperation, integration and encourage ASEAN to move together as a cohesive economic and political grouping during our chairmanship next year? This new era also requires small states to step up diplomacy. We cannot assume nations will respect us simply because of our economic success. Our political leaders, diplomats and senior officials in all Ministries must cultivate deeper relationships with their counterparts in other countries. The US-Singapore Free Trade Agreement was reportedly struck over a golf game in 2000 between then-Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and President Bill Clinton. Today, world leaders often communicate directly to strike deals. Alexander Stubb, the President of Finland, which has a smaller population than Singapore, has shared how he is able to text message both President Donald Trump and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. Do our leaders maintain that same level of direct access to global decision makers?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Prime Minister for responding to my speech. I have got two clarifications. The Prime Minister said that Budget Estimates are prepared by MOF economists based on variable data, including GDP growth projections. While I accept that GDP is highly sensitive to external shocks and can deviate significantly from forecasts and this impacts the actual fiscal position, but in the interest of transparency, will MOF provide more disclosure regarding the methodology of its revenue projections? For example, our GDP assumptions pegged to the mid-point of the official forecast range at the start of the fiscal year and what is the specific weighting of GDP growth in fiscal estimates? Secondly, the Prime Minister argued that these deviations are within a reasonable range and result in unavoidable volatility. However, this does not fully account for the systemic nature of the trend. Could the Prime Minister explain why there is a consistent directional bias towards conservative fiscal marksmanship over the past 20 years, excluding the two years of exceptional circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic and the FY2023 Majulah Package allocation? For 18 of these 20 years, the actual surpluses have consistently exceeded original estimates by significant margins. A review of the historical data shows that these variances frequently reach double-digit, triple digit or even quadruple digit changes.”
“Sir, for a worker finishing work at 6.00 pm in the Central Business District and reaching a heartlands preschool by 7.00 pm is often a logistical impossibility, unless they take taxis every day. And since the work inflexibility, commuting costs and the lack of domestic help disproportionately affect lower- and middle-income parents, does the Minister of State agree that rigid cut-off times could exacerbate social inequality? I have some suggestions. To avoid teacher burn-out, would the Ministry consider requiring one's preschool per HDB estate to offer care until 7.30 pm, staffed by ancillary care assistants? This could provide a safe environment for dinner and unstructured play without increasing the workload of core educators. And secondly, has the Early Childhood Development Agency (ECDA) conducted a proactive survey to gauge the actual interest in extended hours? Without this, we cannot assume that demand is low, just simply because parents may have simply resigned themselves to the current reality and are making career sacrifices in order to cope.”
“Thank you, Sir. I have another clarification for him. Mr Xie mentioned that we could plan for corporate income tax contributing up to 4% of GDP and he also proposed more asset related taxes, including higher property taxes and making stamp duty more progressive by introducing a new tier for residential properties above $5 million. Does he agree then, that if all these new taxes and duties are included, there will be less need in the future for increasing regressive taxes like the GST to balance the Budget and meet our future expenditure needs? Secondly, Mr Xie also said that our system of GST and offsets is "highly progressive". Can I ask him what is the basis for that statement and does he know the percentage of people who do not pay any net GST because of GST vouchers? I am not talking about net GST increases but just the net GST in total.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I would like to seek clarification from Mr Xie. I recall him saying that, effectively, long-term fiscal marksmanship is what matters. Is he saying that the year-to-year fiscal marksmanship does not matter? And does he agree that there is an opportunity cost to inaccurate year-to-year fiscal marksmanship?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. Sir, I appreciate that the Ministry of Finance has published the wealth Gini coefficient. I hope that more data on wealth inequality will be published as this could help us to craft policy solutions to reduce inequality in our country. I have two supplementary questions. Has the Ministry conducted a simulation on how much wealth Gini coefficient would be reduced if investment property equity were excluded, to isolate the impact of this type of equity on inequality? Secondly, given that wealth inequality is significantly higher than income inequality, is the Government looking into ways to shift the tax burden away from work and income towards wealth, to better support social mobility? I understand the Senior Minister of State's point just now that this can be tax planned away, but I would like to know the Government is trying and it sees this as a priority.”
“I thank Mr Loh for clarifying. Actually, I think we are on the same page. I do believe that we should run a small surplus whenever possible, but that is different from running a surplus that is $8.29 billion more than what was estimated. And I think he himself suggested that surpluses over 2% should be given back the following year. I have no disagreement with that, as long as it is put to good use. What I was focusing more on was our budget marksmanship. Or perhaps, the lack thereof. I think overly conservative budgeting is actually inaccurate budgeting and something we should avoid.”
“Sir, I thank Mr Loh for listening to my speech. I think I heard him say that he takes a different view about my approach to conservative estimates and suggested that it is better to have a surplus than a deficit. Is he suggesting that I was asking for Singapore to run budget deficits?”
“We cannot be a nation that celebrates multibillion dollar surpluses while our middle-income families are squeezed, our seniors fear being a financial burden on their children and our workers worry about a digital future that feels out of reach. Let us build a social compact that does not just manage growth but shares it fairly and transparently. We should measure our success not by the absolute size of our reserves, but by the security, dignity and peace of mind of every Singaporean. Sir, I support the Budget. [Applause.]”
“While the Government says this increase is mainly due to initiatives to enhance Singapore's economic competitiveness in an uncertain global environment, can the Minister shed more light on a specific milestone this money is expected to achieve? For comparison, the entire development budget for the Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) is a mere fraction of this, at just $260 million. There seems to be a disconnect between the Government's own risk assessment and its fiscal response. The Budget Statement identifies significant risks from an AI benefits reassessment and global trade tensions. Yet, the fiscal impulse of Budget 2026 is only 0.6% of GDP. This stance appears rather passive. If the risk of job displacement and investment decline is as real as the Government acknowledges, our fiscal injection should be more robust and proactive, particularly when we are riding on a huge surplus from the previous year. We should be building more buffers for our workers now rather than reacting after the displacement begins. Finally, on the matter of security, the Prime Minister stated that defence spending will remain at 3% of GDP. Can I ask if this includes the cybersecurity budgets across the Government, including those under the Cyber Security Agency for the protection of critical information infrastructure? With the rise of in sophisticated cyberattacks and hostile information campaigns, it is essential to know the true allocation of security resources. Mr Speaker, a budget is more than just a balance sheet. It is a statement of our national values and priorities.”
“I propose that these should include corporate AI subscriptions to give workers access to corporate AI tools to improve their daily productivity while keeping company data secure. Giving every worker a digital assistant should be a baseline goal for our nation that aspires to be an AI leader. This ensures that the benefits of the technology are shared by employee and employer alike. Regarding our social safety net, a gap remains for the sandwiched generation, which falls just outside existing means testing thresholds. We need a more holistic means testing model that looks not just at gross income alone but disposable income after essential expenses are deducted. For example, a household earning $9,000 with special needs children or elderly parents requiring chronic care, may be functionally less wealthy than a household earning $3,000 with no such burdens. Furthermore, I urge a shift towards individual base assessments for our seniors to better protect their dignity. No senior should ever be forced to plead with an estranged adult child for financial support simply because that child's income is bundled into the per capita household income calculation. When subsidies are tied to the disclosure of a child's salary, we leave vulnerable seniors at the mercy of strained family dynamics. Our social safety net should be anchored more to a senior's individual income instead of their children's, to ensure they receive the care and support that they need. MTI's development expenditures is estimated to double to $9.24 billion in FY2026, which is an increase of $4.32 billion in a single year.”
“However, this accounting reclassification alone does not explain why the Government collected $2 billion more than it told the House that it would just a year ago. Can the Minister clarify what specific licences or permits drove this increase and whether this represents a permanent increase in a regulatory burden, borne by our households and businesses? While reclassification of the FY2025 figures is promised for FY2027, was there some difficulty in providing it in this year so that Parliament could probably track spending changes for this debate? Without a clear bridge between the old and new systems, there is a risk of losing oversight of expenditure growth. Turning to technology, our AI roadmap must look beyond white-collar co-pilots. To ensure an inclusive social compact, we must deploy physical AI for blue-collar workers in manufacturing and logistics, for example. This could include tools like wearable haptic sensors that alert workers to ergonomic risks to prevent long-term injury or collaborative robots, to assist with heavy lifting on the factory floor. Furthermore, AI can be a powerful tool for blue-collar workers who may struggle with English Language constraints. It can translate vernacular dictation into professional English documentation in real time, allowing workers to focus on their technical expertise rather than linguistic hurdles. These tools enable productivity gains that lead to enhance wages and reduce physical strain for those on the front lines. AI should be an equaliser that elevates technical mastery, not a wish that separates our workforce. The Government has also allowed 400% tax deductions on AI expenses.”
“But the Ministry of Health's (MOH's) revised FY2025 Operating Expenditure was $305 million lower as estimated, mainly due to lower than projecting funding needs for public healthcare institutions. Will the Government be revising its projections for future increases in healthcare expenditure? True prudence is not just about amassing vast fiscal buffers. This is about balancing future security with the current needs of our people. Unnecessary taxation drains liquidity from households upfront, creating a dependency on Government handouts, rather than fostering genuine financial independence. Furthermore, it acts as a handbrake on economic growth by constraining household spending. In 2025, vehicle quota premium collections were 31% overestimates, reaching $8.66 billion. The Certificate of Entitlement (COE) was a primary driver of our massive surplus and the Government expects even more next year, projecting $9.42 billion in revenue. I am concerned that the Government may be reliant on high vehicle costs to anchor its fiscal position. This could create a perverse incentive to allow the COE to remain high and result inertia against necessary reforms to the COE system, which my hon friend Assoc Prof Jamus Lim, the MP for Sengkang had called for in his Adjournment Motion last September. There are other significant revenue spikes that I seek clarification from the Minister. Revenue from licences and permits has searched by $2.08 billion, a 29% increase from the original estimate to the revised FY2025 figure of $9.23 billion. According to MOF's analysis of revenue and expenditure 2026, the transition to the new Singapore Public Sector Chart of Accounts makes year-on-year comparison for this item not meaningful due to changes in scope.”
“Furthermore, as we look toward a future shaped by rapid AI integration and automation, we must confront the risk of structural jobless growth where corporate profits and GDP continue to growth much faster than the labour market. We must put our huge fiscal surpluses to use to support and empower the workers and sectors that find themselves stuck in this slow growth track. It is only by doing so that we can secure the necessary social licence for continued high growth strategies in elite sectors. When the average Singaporean sees tangible structural benefits from these outsized gains, rather than rising inequality, it fosters the public trust and political consensus required to maintain our open and competitive economic model. The House should examine the Government's recurring pattern of overly conservative fiscal projections. The revised FY2025 surplus of $15.1 billion is more than doubled the original estimate of $6.81 billion. This $8.26 billion discrepancy is not an isolated incident. It is part of a trend where projected deficits regularly transform into healthy surpluses. While the Government points to the volatility of tax revenue, this consistent underestimation raises fundamental questions of whether the Government is unnecessarily hoarding funds. We need more accurate forecasting that ensures our nation's abundance, benefits current generations as much as future generations. This fiscal abundance also raises questions about the Government's tax strategies. With surpluses of well over $1 billion in all but one of the last five years, totalling $22 billion, should we re-evaluate the necessity of the GST hike? The Government said that the GST hike was meant to fund the increased healthcare spending in an ageing society.”
“Mr Speaker, the 2026 Budget Statement arrives at the moment of profound transformation. Globally, we are navigating tectonic shifts in security, trade and technology, while domestically our workforce is feeling the weight of disruption alongside continuing cost of living pressures. The Prime Minister describes our current fiscal position as fortunate, citing a revised FY2025 overall fiscal position that has resulted in a surplus of $15.1 billion. This is attributed largely to the fund-loading of investments and a significant revenue surge. Yet for many Singaporeans and local small businesses, this success feels distant. More than 2,400 retail food establishments closed last year. Youths under 30 are experiencing unemployment rates, almost double the national average. As the Association of Small and Medium Enterprises (ASME) highlighted, we are witnessing a two-speed economy despite positive aggregate macro-economic data, local SMEs find themselves squeezed by a perfect storm of rising and operating costs and weaker domestic demand. ASME pointed to a productivity and contribution imbalance: large enterprises contribute 74% of the nation's nominal value-added even though they employed just 30% of the national workforce; in contrast, micro and small enterprises contribute only 11% of the value-added despite employing 45% of the national workforce. This revealed a staggering labour productivity gap. Since wage growth is only sustainable when backed by productivity, when micro and small enterprises are stuck in a low productivity second speed, it becomes supremely challenging for them to offer the competitive salaries needed to combat the rising cost of living.”
“I thank the Senior Minister of State for the reply. Sir, does the Government have any concerns that our AI landscape will be dominated by global technology giants? How will the Ministry prevent what is called a "data drain" where these companies use our public data or public grants to build superior proprietary models, and that they eventually charge Singaporean subscriptions for or risk forcing local firms into a position of enduring technical dependency? Secondly, will the Senior Minister of State consider a policy where any foreign firm using Singapore's public data sets for AI training must commit to a structured local knowledge transfer programme and share a portion of the resulting intellectual property with Singaporean firms? And lastly, given that public data sets are a national resource, will the Government consider charging commercial AI developers, particularly foreign-based ones, a fee for training their models on these sets and how will this revenue be accounted for and publicised to ensure it is used for the delivery of public goods?”
“I thank the Senior Minister of State for the reply. Can the Senior Minister of State provide a timeline, if any, for a locally developed and validated Nipah diagnostic kit, and when will that be ready for deployment across our public hospital network? Secondly, the concerns about the Nipah virus are real but the Oxford NipahB vaccine has recently entered Phase 2 trials in Bangladesh and received prime designation from the European Medicines Agency to expedite review. Given these developments, will the Health Sciences Authority consider an interim authorisation for this vaccine through the Pandemic Special Access Route to ensure rapid deployment in the case of a local outbreak? Thirdly, how is Singapore coordinating with regional neighbours in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to share genomic sequencing data or research findings to ensure a collective response to any potential regional Nipah outbreak?”
“I have filed similar questions and I will repeat them here. What is the progress of local research into Nipah virus diagnostic kits and vaccines and does Singapore currently possess or have any plans to develop bio-safety 4 laboratory capacity for vaccine testing. And what grants or subsidies are there for local firms to ensure that such research remains viable even though there is no commercial market.”
“They have urged us to stay focused on the issues that matter to their families and their livelihoods. I express my heartfelt thanks to our residents and supporters. Their trust is a reminder of why we are here and why we must press on with our responsibilities to our residents and the nation. Once this Motion is settled, I hope this House can move on to the crucial matters that affect the lives of all Singaporeans. Sir, I strongly oppose the Motion.”
“Paragraphs 2, 3 and 4 pertain to Mr Pritam Singh. As Mr Pritam Singh has stated today, he maintains that he disagrees with the judgment of the Court and the findings of the COP. I note that in 2022, Parliament chose to refer Mr Singh to the PP. After a lengthy investigation, a trial and an appeal, the legal process has concluded. Mr Singh has been sentenced and has paid his fines. By seeking to remove his position as the Leader of the Opposition, this Motion appears to be imposing a further political penalty on top of a legal one. We must also remember that the position of the Leader of the Opposition remains a role constituted at the Prime Minister's prerogative. If the Prime Minister now deems the appointment untenable, he has the authority to rescind it. The Leader said MPs are entitled to express their view on Mr Singh's suitability for that role. Is the Prime Minister seeking the views of Parliament to make his executive decision? The WP is vastly outnumbered in this House. There are 12 WP MPs in this Parliament, compared to 87 PAP MPs. The outcome of this Motion may be a foregone conclusion due to the mathematical reality of this House, but the moral weight of the decision rests on every Member. Regardless of Parliament's decision, the WP will continue our work on the ground. We will let our commitment and our service to our constituents speak for themselves. Ultimately, it is for the voters to decide on the representatives they want serving them. In recent weeks, I have been heartened by the many residents I have met during house visits and at neighbourhood coffee shops. Many have offered words of encouragement and concern and have reaffirmed their support for us through this episode.”
“Mr Speaker, this is the first major Motion brought before this House in 2026. It comes at a time when many Singaporeans are highlighting pressing issues that have a direct impact on their daily lives. They are also navigating the most challenging geopolitical landscape in recent memory. Be that as it may, the Motion is before us and it is our duty as Parliamentarians to treat it with the utmost seriousness. The Leader of the Opposition and WP's Whip, Mr Pritam Singh, has lifted the whip on this debate, allowing each WP MP to speak and vote freely, according to their own conscience and their assessment of the facts before them. It is in this spirit that I wish to state my considered position on the Motion. I do not disagree with the principles in paragraphs 1 and 6 of the Motion. Honesty and integrity are indeed the fundamental pillars of our Parliamentary and political system. Every MP has a solemn duty to respect the law and honour the trust placed in them by Singaporeans. There is no dispute on these principles. Regarding paragraph 5 on Ms Sylvia Lim and Mr Faisal Manap, it is difficult for me to see how the findings in a judgment against the Leader of the Opposition can be held against Ms Lim or Mr Faisal, considering neither of them participated in the trial, nor presented their own evidence in Court. Regardless of the differing views in this House on Ms Lim and Mr Faisal, it is important that Parliament does not allow this to drag on for too long. The Leader has said that Parliament will separately consider the matter on another occasion. I trust that it is not the intention of the Government to let this matter persist over the next few years as having the Sword of Damocles hanging over their heads would be unfair to them.”
“Sir, I thank the Senior Parliamentary Secretary for his reply. Given the impact on the long-term career progression on workers who remain in platform work longer than intended, will the Ministry consider such a target to track the number of platform workers who transition back into full-time traditional employment every year, so as to better track the success of relevant initiatives and programmes to achieve that? And secondly, given that platform work is often perceived to offer better pay and time flexibility than equivalent traditional jobs for workers of the same education levels, how is the Ministry of Manpower working with employers to make workplaces more attractive on these two aspects to incentivise platform workers to make the transition? And what measurable results have been achieved to date?”
“A composition sum and mandatory training would be a more proportionate and effective response. The full penalty regime, including the severe statutory fines, must be reserved strictly for Tier 3, which covers fraud or gross negligence, where the breach involves knowing falsehoods, deliberate tampering or clear intent to evade duties. Mr Deputy Speaker, this Bill's success hinges on how well traders comply with these requirements. We must ensure that deterrence is targeted at the fraudulent few, while genuine traders are supported with the tools and clarity necessary to meet these new stringent requirements. In summary, the bill addresses serious harm to our trade integrity, but risks imposing disproportionate burdens on SMEs. To mitigate these burdens, I propose the Government support through targeted grants for enhancements to internal systems, consultancy services and a commitment to a tiered, fixed loan fine and enforcement framework to guide honest traders into compliance. Mr Deputy Speaker, I support the Bill.”
“I propose a Trade Compliance Advisory Grant that SMEs can tap on to subsidise the cost of engaging trade lawyers or consultants. These experts can help draft the necessary Standard Operating Procedures and establish a robust corporate governance framework demanded by the Bill. Fourth, Customs could also partner with trade associations to offer heavily subsidised specialised training subsidies for SME traders, with a curriculum focused on managing internal compliance systems, enhanced record-keeping obligations and risk management related to the Bill. This Bill could also open up career opportunities for Singaporeans wishing to specialise in trade compliance or pivot from another industry. SkillsFuture Credit and other training grants must be made available to individuals wishing to upskill themselves in this area. If Singapore is to champion ASEAN digitalisation and lead in digital trade infrastructure, we must first ensure our local traders have the necessary resources, systems and trained personnel to meet the highest standards of trade data integrity. Finally, the Ministry should adopt a "fix, do not fine" approach for initial or inadvertent breaches. It should be formalised as a clear, tiered enforcement framework designed to differentiate between genuine error and deliberate fraud. Tier 1 should cover honest mistakes by first-time offenders and minor breaches. Singapore Customs should issue only a Notice of Advisory or impose a Mandatory Remediation Period. The trader must submit a corrective action plan and leverage the proposed grants to implement a system upgrade, with no financial penalty at this stage. This encourages self-correction and transparency. Tier 2 would cover negligence, repeated minor breaches or first-time significant breaches.”
“Therefore, the true compliance costs are not in the permit fees, but in the internal process control required to prevent an honest mistake from becoming a high-penalty offence. Furthermore, the severity of the new penalty regime necessitates substantial human capital investment and training. To mitigate these foreseen problems and ensure the Bill does not become an unintended barrier to trade, I urge the Government to provide robust, targeted assistance to traders to help them comply with the Bill's obligations. First, Enterprise Singapore should create a Trade Compliance Technology Grant. It could expand on the existing Enterprise Development Grant, specifically for technology adoption by SMEs related to this Bill's requirements. This funding could cover up to 80% of the cost of the adoption or upgrade of traders' Enterprise Resource Planning systems and specialised Document Management Systems to meet the new requirements under this Bill. This grant should also extend financial support to a trader's internal information technology (IT) department, should they wish to implement the enhancements themselves without engaging third-party vendors. Second, technical support to traders must be bolstered. Singapore Customs and the Infocomm and Media Development Authority must ensure all the necessary Application Programming Interfaces (APIs) are made available for traders to interface between their ERP systems and both Networked Trade Platform and SGTraDex. These APIs must be accurately and comprehensively documented and supported by a responsive and competent technical and functional help desk service. Third, we need to provide specialist advisory support needed to help local traders bridge the compliance knowledge gap.”
“Furthermore, the Bill expands Singapore Customs' enforcement powers, directly linking the integrity of Trade Information Certificates to the potential seizure of physical goods. This means that the quality of a single document can now potentially stall an entire shipment, placing immense and immediate operational risk on every trading firm. The severe penalties, reaching up to $100,000 for a first offence, risk deterring smaller firms from participating in complex preferential trade, which requires them to issue or obtain these high-liability certificates. The Bill could expose the inadequacy of many traders' existing internal information systems, their expertise and organisational control. The Networked Trade Platform, the national digital business-to-Government platform for regulatory compliance, and the Singapore Trade Data Exchange (SGTraDex), a business-to-business platform for operational data exchange, both allow traders to digitally transact with our trade ecosystem. While these platforms are excellent for data exchange, they cannot automate the internal corporate hygiene now mandated by law. The expanded Government powers under this Bill, which include searching for books, documents and records, necessitate significant investment in internal corporate governance. SMEs face a significant administrative cost of interpretation as well. These include hiring consultants or dedicating management time to fully understand the legal nuances of the new offences and record-keeping obligations. This requires a mandatory upgrade to auditable Document Retention Mechanisms to secure, systematically organise and retrieve records for five years or more. The documentation complexity is far beyond the existing trade permit submissions.”
“Complex, high-volume trade circumvention schemes are almost certainly orchestrated by sophisticated actors who command the necessary supply chains. If the Bill's primary purpose is to stop this high-level fraud, we must ensure that the severe compliance burden does not fall disproportionately on our SMEs. Could I ask the Minister of State, of all the instances where Singapore Customs has detected trade circumvention via fraudulent Trade Information Certificates, what percentage of these cases involved small local traders versus large multinational companies or their subsidiaries? How will the Ministry ensure that the compliance burden under this Bill does not become an unintended barrier to trade for the low-risk majority? This Bill is no simple administrative update. It is a significant shift in regulatory liability that demands substantial internal investments from every trader. While I support the Bill's intent, I wish to focus on the significant statutory compliance burden this Bill introduces, specifically for our SMEs. The introduction of an entirely new statutory framework for Trade Information Certificates converts what was often an administrative arrangement into a formal, highly regulated process with severe penalties for non-compliance. More accurately, the new record-keeping offence for manufacturers and exporters who issue preferential Certificates of Origin is a substantial shift. This provision formalises a duty with clear legal consequences, compelling traders to guarantee the proactive quality and accuracy of their records to substantiate the certificate claim, moving well beyond the simpler duty of document retention.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, the Regulation of Imports and Exports (Amendment) Bill is a necessary legislative measure to safeguard the integrity and reputation of Singapore's trade ecosystem. The Bill primarily seeks to prevent the fraudulent issuance and misuse of Trade Information Certificates, which are official documents that are like a passport for goods. The fraudulent misuse of Trade Information Certificates, ultimately, damages our nation's status as a trusted global trading hub. False Certificates of Origin and other Trade Information Certificates undermine the integrity of global trade data, facilitate customs duties evasion and allow unsafe or substandard goods to enter markets under false pretenses. This abuse, whether involving exports to foreign markets or goods transiting through Singapore, is a clear threat to our national trade integrity and reputation. The amendments also rectify operational gaps by explicitly expanding the scope for search warrants to include documents and records, recognising that the critical evidence in fraud cases is often digital or paper, rather than physical goods. These are important steps, but their implementation requires careful scrutiny. The Bill appears to be a response to the problem of trade circumvention, sometimes pejoratively referred to as "Southeast Asia washing", where traders exploit major global trading hubs, like Singapore, to circumvent foreign trade restrictions and tariffs. It tackles this by directly regulating Origin and Non-Manipulation Certificates, introducing a new offence for knowingly issuing false Trade Information Certificates and mandating strict record-keeping for preferential Certificates of Origin.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. Sir, I think the Acting Minister has not fully answered my earlier clarification question. I understand that due process will be followed for the acquisition. I am not sure if that process requires the cost of the land acquisition of 38 Oxley Road to be publicly released. But even if not, will the Government commit to still disclose that cost, given the public interest in this matter?”
“Mr Speaker, I just have one clarification for the Acting Minister. Will an independent valuation of the site of 38 Oxley Road be done before acquisition? And will the Government commit to releasing the full evaluation report and provide transparency on the acquisition cost to the public purse?”
“Sir, I thank the Senior Minister of State for the answer. But can I clarify that what he means is that the 15% of challenging questions, the ability to take those foundational concepts, and apply them and be able to answer those questions, those techniques are being taught in schools to all students?”
“I thank the Senior Minister of State for his answer. Sir, I understand that answering challenging questions require a higher order application of knowledge that is taught in the school syllabus. This refers to the ability to use foundational concepts to analyse, synthesise, evaluate and create solutions to complex problems. Are these higher order application skills even taught in schools? Is there sufficient curriculum time to do that without overloading our teachers or are students expected to acquire them through private tuition? Secondly, what is the larger purpose of including these challenging questions in national exams, if students are not taught in school how to answer them? Could it, inadvertently, become a sorting mechanism to identify students with the most resources to get the best tuition? It should be noted that missing all the challenging questions in the PSLE paper would cap the student's grade at Achievement Level 3 (AL3) for that exam, which will impact their ability to gain admission to many competitive secondary schools.”
“Sir, I thank the Minister for his answer. Sir, will Singapore seek a seat for an Eminent Person from Singapore on the Board of Peace, which will oversee the administration of Gaza? This board includes former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. The Minister has said that things are still inchoate, but would he agree that if we wait until it is fully formed, we would have missed the opportunity to get a seat on the board. Sir, I believe our best contribution could be civil administrators. This is where we have a clear comparative advantage. It is a unique opportunity to contribute expertise and experience in nation building, and we could help build peace in the Middle East, and I dare say, even the wider world, given the global nature of this conflict. Has the Ministry considered going beyond the regular Singapore Cooperation Programme, which typically invites selects Palestinian civil servants to attend training in Singapore, and instead send our senior civil servants or retired civil civil servants there to set up the administrative frameworks and structures and train the civil servants over there?”
“I am referring to the expansion within a town. So, Tampines town had six months to run this pilot, but it is taken on only five cases so far. Is this the rate of referrals that we can expect moving forward, when it is expanded to other towns?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. Sir, can I just ask the Minister of State, how many neighbour dispute cases have been reported in Tampines HDB Town since April 2025? I asked this in my original Parliamentary Question. Given that the CRU pilot has taken on only five cases in the six months since it started, is this the rate of referrals that can be expected for a typical HDB town? And if the CRU which has greater expertise in handling neighbour disputes, if it never gets referred cases, how would it be able to achieve any significant success? And lastly, for the Senior Minister of State for Law, can he confirm that the plans are for grassroots leaders or grassroots advisers to issue mandatory mediation orders? Because if it is grassroots advisers, then I believe all, but 10 of the grassroots advisers in Singapore are also MPs, which will present the same problems as the Senior Minister of State mentioned in his response to Mr Kenneth Tiong.”
“I urge Enterprise Singapore to revert to the previous one-to-four co-matching ratio. This would make crucial seed funding more accessible, ensuring that promising ideas are judged on their merit alone without a founder's financial means becoming an obstacle. Sir, all these programmes can only make a national impact if they are able to reach and assist a wide section of society. The various agencies running these programmes should redouble efforts to publicise their programmes on social media and traditional advertising platforms and partners with schools, interest groups, grassroots organisations, including those linked with the opposition, to encourage participation from Singaporeans from less privileged backgrounds. Sir, while our journey as a nation has been a remarkable one, the true measure of our success lies not in the peaks of our wealth, but in the enduring opportunities we provide to all citizens. The proposals I have outlined today are not designed to penalise success, but to strengthen our meritocratic system, ensuring that every citizen, regardless of their family's background, has a fair shot at success. By giving every Singaporean access to the exclusive advantages that provide a head start in life, we can create a powerful equalising force, offering a clear pathway to upward mobility and a robust safety net for all. This is how we can build a society where a child's destiny is not dictated by their birth, but by their grit and hard work. This is how we can assure those who are growing up in difficult circumstances that our society is empowering them every step of the way, and this is how we inspire the next generation to give their all for their families and the progress of our nation. Mr Speaker, I support the Motion.”
“These services could offer comprehensive support to guide students from less-privileged backgrounds through the complex application process for local and foreign universities. Critically, this service would make them aware of the importance of building up a competitive portfolio early and will help them strategically utilise financial support programmes designed to help them do so. At the same time, our local universities should continue to monitor their admissions process to ensure that donations do not impact how students are admitted, a problem which has occurred in other countries. Existing professional mentorship schemes could be expanded to the National Career Mentorship programme for all young Singaporean professionals, tradespersons and workers seeking career guidance and professional networks. Crucially, this programme must conduct proactive and targeted outreach to individuals from less-privileged backgrounds who may lack the social and informational capital to access these opportunities. To attract and retain committed mentors, the programme could offer public recognition and award continuing professional development hours. These incentives will not only reward their time but also formalise their commitment to guiding young people from all backgrounds, thus helping them to build a more equitable professional landscape. To level up the advantage of wealthy parents providing seed capital or passing on their businesses to their children, Enterprise Singapore should adjust the Startup SG Founder Programme. The programme's recent shift to a one-to-one co-matching ratio presents a financial barrier for first-time entrepreneurs who lack personal savings or family wealth. It makes funding less accessible and favours those who are already financially well off.”
“In today's economy, we cannot precisely predict the skills that will be in demand, or the specific passions and interests that will ignite in our young people. Therefore, by giving parents and children the autonomy and agency to choose enrichment courses, we are empowering them to explore a diverse range of opportunities and build skills in emerging areas, just as well-resourced families can. This SG Culture Pass, which provides credits for citizens to attend arts and heritage events, is a commendable initiative. However, I am concerned that its take-up rate may be low among households from the lower-income brackets. To ensure that all citizens can benefit, the National Arts Council (NAC) would need to strengthen its outreach efforts to publicise the pass across all segments of society and address the unique challenges faced by these lower-income families, such as competing financial priorities, time constraints and the hidden cost of attendance. We should establish a Global Horizons Fund to provide financial support for international student exchanges, internships and volunteer trips. Democratising the global exposure that is a key component of cultural capital. The Singapore International Foundation (SIF) would be a natural partner to manage this fund, as its mission already aligns with connecting Singaporeans with global communities. Through SIF, donations for the fund could be sought from philanthropic foundations, corporate sponsors and individuals who have benefited from such international exposure. To match up the college preparation provided to higher-income students, education and career guidance services in schools could be enhanced and personalised.”
“This divide will only widen as economic competition intensifies and the nature of entry-level jobs shift to AI, which demands new skills that are more accessible to the privileged. Our challenge, then, is to bridge this gap, not by suppressing the privileged, but by levelling up everyone else. To do this, we must bolster our public institutions until they rival the private sphere, ensuring every child has the opportunity to achieve their maximal potential. I have a few suggestions in this respect. The SkillsFuture Credit scheme has empowered adults to upskill, but the race for skills and opportunities begins much earlier in life. To truly level the playing field, I propose a junior SkillsFuture Credit scheme. This initiative would provide a dedicated skills development credit to all Singaporean children below 18 from households in the lower 40th percentile income bracket. This credit could be used for approved enrichment courses in areas, like coding, public speaking, sports and the arts. By democratising access to the same hard and soft skills that are often the privilege of the affluent, we can ensure every child has a fair chance to build their confidence and competence from a young age. I have noted Minister of State Jasmine Lau's earlier response today to Mr David Hoe, who made a similar proposal in his Parliamentary Question (PQ). I am glad we are on the same wavelength here. I acknowledge that schools have many in-school and out-of-school extracurricular opportunities for students, including those from low-income families. These should certainly continue. What I am asking for is a separate credit that gives parents and children the agency to choose enrichment programmes that are not available in their schools.”
“For parents with resources, hiring top coaches to provide individual training on technique and fitness gives their children a significant head start. This allows them to become high-performance athletes before their peers, giving them a distinct advantage during school trials. Furthermore, if their child does not do well in enough in local exams, their parents have the option of sending them to private schools, locally and overseas. This additional safety net ensures that a pathway to higher education is always available, a luxury that less-affluent families cannot afford. As these young adults enter the workforce, their accumulated social capital continues to open doors. Some might lend prized internships at multinational corporations through their parents' professional networks, bypassing traditional hiring procedures. Likewise, a parent might introduce their child to an influential business contact who can give them their first professional role or provide helpful career tips. These relationships create an oft hidden job market, leading to opportunities that are not publicly advertised. This safety net extends into significant housing and financial advantages. For instance, some well-to-do parents buy property for their children when they are still young to hedge against rising prices, ensuring they would not have to struggle to afford their first home when they get married. Others hand over their successful businesses to their children after they graduate, removing the need for them to compete with their peers in the in the job market. To be clear, the actions of these parents are perfectly legal. They are simply doing their best to help their children in a very competitive economy, but this creates a growing chasm between those with and without these advantages.”
“Confronting inequality requires more than just giving everyone the same opportunities in school, as even when public goods are equally available, private advantages remain unequally distributed. Wealth is frequently passed down from parents to children, not only through inheritances, but a combination of social, informational and financial capital from the time they were born until deep into their adulthood. This provides children of privilege the best opportunities to thrive at every stage of their lives, and a strong safety net to catch them if they fall. These translate into a significant and enduring head start in life. They are subtle and unspoken, but they compound over time. For a start, well-resource parents cultivate cultural capital by providing a wide range of enriching experiences to their children. This includes frequent overseas travel and exposure to the arts, which build an understanding of cultural norms in influential circles, and provides a foundation for sophisticated conversations in social and professional settings. Etiquette lessons and public speaking from a young age equip their children with the confidence highly-valued in the workplace and in leadership roles. These parents have the resources to send their children for enrichment camps in areas, like artificial intelligence (AI), coding and robotics. They know that these courses build competence from a young age in science, technology, engineering and maths (STEM), a skillset that generally commands higher salaries in future careers. This hands-on experience beyond what is taught in textbooks can spark interest and give an indirect boost to academic performance. The Direct School Admission (DSA) scheme offers an alternative route to top schools based on students' non-academic talents.”