Indranee Rajah
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, I would like to make a clarification in relation to two written answers on childcare leave issued by the Prime Minister's Office on 25 September 2025 and 3 February 2026 in response to Parliamentary Questions filed by Members of Parliament Ms Cassandra Lee and Ms Valerie Lee respectively.”
“Based on Year of Assessment (YA) 2025 data, about 9,500 working mothers claimed a lower amount of Working Mother's Child Relief (WCMR) under the fixed-dollar basis than they would have under the previous percentage-based basis, for children born or adopted on or after 1 January 2024.”
“We regularly receive feedback on enhancing child-related leave provisions, including the Member's suggestion. In recent years, parental leave provisions have been significantly enhanced, such that parents now have 30 weeks of paid leave, including 10 weeks of Shared Parental Leave.”
“The Government does not have data on the number of transactions involving multiple units on a single residential title that have not been subdivided. Such properties are treated as a single property for Additional Buyer's Stamp Duty (ABSD) purposes when it is bought, so no ABSD is foregone.”
“The Government publishes data on personal income tax, which is publicly available on www.data.gov.sg. This includes data on the number of course fees relief claimants and the amount of the relief granted. The Member may refer to the website to access the data for the first three questions.”
“In considering the duration of leave, we will look at the need. In this case, as I have explained, there is a difference between those who give birth physically to a child and those who adopt.”
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“I urge the Minister to extend BFA facilities to the private housing estates. Last year, I recall bringing up some examples of accidents that had happened to my residents living in Yio Chu Kang Gardens, due to the lack of BFA facilities. I regret to say that because no favourable response has been made to my request, my residents have been made to tolerate the same inconveniences for another whole year. They continue to be inhibited by a flight of stairs that cannot be avoided if one has to make a trip to the nearest bus stop or the market. Elderly people have fallen from this stairway. Hence, I once again appeal to the Minister to consider the plight of these residents and incorporate more BFA facilities in private estates. A safe home is what everybody should have, be it public or private housing estates. Concept Plan 2011”
“I think all of us in this House have experienced, at some time or another, the challenges of trying to have HDB residents live graciously. We have a first-world economy, we have first-world facilities, we have first-world housing and we do not have first-world habits in our public housing. In fact, we have third-world living habits. We have to deal with littering, graffiti and vandalism. For some reasons, people seem to want to use the lifts as their own personal toilets, and I have not quite understood that concept. You go in, it is wet and I do not understand why they do this. A lot more needs to be done, to get our people who are living in public housing to behave in a manner that is considerate of their neighbours and, generally, we just want to promote more neighbourly living. Sir, I noticed that the Finance Minister had projected 30% growth in the next decade. If we could just have 30% improvement in the HDB living habits, I think that would already be a very great achievement, and there is much more that we can do in encouraging HDB residents to live in a way that is considerate to each other. Barrier-free accessibility for private estates Er Lee Bee Wah: Mr Chairman, Sir, over the past few years, we have made good inroads in assisting the less able to enjoy greater mobility. The Ministry's effort to help our senior citizens and those who are disabled is commendable. We have not only carried out lift upgrading programmes but also barrier-free accessibility (BFA) facilities in HDB estates that would undoubtedly change the lives of many residents for the better. However, the same cannot be said for private estate dwellers, which are also homes to a growing number of senior citizens. These residents too need to enjoy greater mobility.”
“After the upgrading, for some reason, the ledge had a perfect 45 degree chamfer angle which, of course, means that if you are on this side of the ledge, and the rain comes down, it comes straight down and goes up in another perfect 45 degree angle and hits the MP when she is doing her walk-abouts. So, it was an extremely wet walk-about on that occasion. Hopefully, some of the new designs do not have that. But that is what I meant that the design should facilitate maintenance, and I have a suggestion. I hope that MND will ask all of their architects to come and do walkabouts with MPs so that they will appreciate some of the maintenance issues that we face and that when they design flats, they will be much better. Sports stacks The next suggestion I have is sports stacks. I firmly believe that in a HDB estate, we need to have space for the residents, especially the young children to be able to play sports. Young children, especially the boys, will play football in the void decks. We do not want them to do that but, at the same time, we want them to have the space to play their games. And then I realise, of course, there is a limitation of space – we cannot have a separate area for basketball court and a separate area for football. But I thought what would happen if we stack them one on top of the other, like a multi-storey carpark – so one level for football, one level for tennis, one level for basketball. We can make efficient use of space and the booking can be handled by the Town Council. In that way, we have a finite area of space that can be used for more activities for the benefit of the residents. Sir, I would like to ask MND to have a look at this as well. Gracious HDB living The third topic I have is on gracious HDB living.”
“Mr Chairman, my first cut is on the design of HDB estates. In this respect, I would like to ask MND, when designing new HDB estates, to consider providing more open space for community activities. I have new SERS flats in my area and I was planning a large community event. I looked around and suddenly realised that I had no space in which to have a large congregation of people to come together and carry out the community activities. And as I thought about it, I realised that with more and more of the new flats – that is increasingly the case – it is very built up. If one of our objectives is community bonding, then we have to allow for space for the people to come together and to bond. Sir, I would like to ask MND to consider this in the design of the new estates, to provide a sufficiently large area for community bonding activities to take place. I would also ask that the design should facilitate maintenance and for this, I would echo the call of Mr Wee Siew Kim. In some HDB estates, the architects are very fond of putting in some little ledges on the wall, where every tissue paper, every piece of litter that comes down will get caught and somebody has to climb up and clean it. My preference would be that HDB walls should all be flushed flat because it is the Town Council and the MP for the area who have to look after the maintenance. Just as another example, to be fair, these are old flats, but it is an illustration of what happens when a design goes drastically wrong.”
“Mr Chairman, a young Tunisia vegetable seller set himself ablaze but the whole of the Middle East caught fire. I would like to add on to the questions that the GPC Chairman had asked. I would like to ask the Minister for MFA's assessment of the recent developments in the Middle. In particular, I wish to know whether these developments are likely to have any direct impact on Singapore and the region. If yes, then in what way and to what extent.”
“Mr Chairman, Indonesia is our largest neighbour. We have extensive economic and diplomatic relations with them. Over time, our relationship with them has had its ups and downs. I would like to ask the Minister for an update on the current state of our diplomatic relations with Indonesia and for MFA's views on the current political and economic climate in Indonesia. In particular, what steps have both countries taken on a bilateral plane to strengthen the economic and counter-terrorism cooperation? Also, if I may ask the Minister, what is the state of play with regard to the Extradition Treaty, the Defence Cooperation Treaty and the sand ban? Myanmar”
“Mr Chairman, the RECORD V Committee made a number of recommendations on how we could recognise our operationally-ready NSmen. These included, but were not limited to, online access for NSmen doing ICT, the rank allowance increments for NSmen, increased combat or operational allowance for NSmen and command appointment add-on allowances as well as the revised rank allowance for NSmen for the warrant officers and specialists and NSF specialists. I would like to ask the Minister for an update on the progress of the implementation of these recommendations and how the NSmen have benefited from them and how they have been received. National Service Recognition Award I would also like to ask the Minister about the implementation of the National Service Recognition Award. This was announced last year, I believe. The award ranges between $9,000 and $10,500 and it was to be effective from 29th of August 2010. I believe that it was to be paid in three tranches – $3,000 after the Post-Secondary Education Account (PSEA), $3,000 at the mid-point of the national service and another $3,000 on the completion of their Operationally-Ready National Service (ORNS). I would like to ask the Minister because the first stage should have been implemented. I would like to know what is the status of the National Service Recognition Award. Total defence”
“Chairman, I would like to ask the Minister for an update of our deployment to Afghanistan. The SAF has to train to operate in real conditions. We train in Singapore, ICT, we train overseas, we do war games but there is nothing like the deployment in Afghanistan because in Afghanistan, the danger is real, the danger is present and it is a matter of life and death. We sent our people there to do a particular work, and it is important for us to know how they are performing. I would like to know what contributions the SAF has made to the operations in Afghanistan. Sometimes people ask what a small country like Singapore can do. What can we contribute to the efforts there? Why are we there? I would also like to ask the Minister what is the benefit to the SAF in participating in Afghanistan. What lessons have they learnt operationally? Also because in Afghanistan, they would have to work with other Armed Forces, what has the working relationship of the SAF with these other Armed Forces been like? And in essence, what are our takeaways from our experience in Afghanistan and how has that helped the SAF to be more ready in its defence of Singapore? 5.30 pm International security operations”
“Thank you, Mr Chairman. China is the fastest growing economy in Asia. Clearly, it wishes to flag its metaphorical muscle, it wishes to make its mark on the polital economic and diplomatic stage. At the same time, you have India, which is resurgent, newly confident. From time to time, we have tensions between Japan and China, between Korea and Japan, between Korea and China. Then we have the United States which occasionally has tensions with China and, at the same time, seeks to have influence in the region. In the light of this interplay between the various powers who obviously are interested in this region, I would like to ask the Minister to comment on the relationship and the interplay between the major powers in the region and how this affects the regional defence environment. Also, in the midst of all this going on, you have little Singapore, right in the centre of it. I would like to ask the Minister what role Singapore can play in this environment. How Singapore can work to facilitate peace and cooperation between the major powers so as to ensure stability for the region? ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus 8”
“Ultimately, not extending this or some other form of help to illegitimate children who come from low-income families is self-defeating because that particular group is also the group that tends to have many children of single unwed parents. In fact, in one of my HDB rental flats, there is a single mother with six children. She is currently expecting her seventh child. It is these children who are most likely to grow up with little or no education because the parents just cannot send them to school. And they are the ones likely to remain at the bottom 20th percentile, and they are the ones most likely not to experience real growth in their incomes. Just from a purely pragmatic and practical level, if we want to be able to grow incomes across the board at all levels, then we also need to start thinking in terms of what we can do to get children of unwed, single parents properly educated starting right from pre-school. If they do not get a good foundation, then they will be left behind. Let me conclude by saying that this is a good Budget. It is a strategic and thoughtful Budget, and it is in the best interests of Singapore. I would call it a People's Budget. With this, Sir, I support the Budget. 12.22 pm”
“This would incentivise the mothers to go back to work and, at the same time, relieve them of their main concern which is who would look after the children when they work. And for the fathers, the problem is slightly different. This is a typical example: a student came to see me. He wanted to go to ITE. I wrote for him, got a place in ITE, that was a year ago. Then at the end of last year, he came back to see me and asked for a place in ITE. I said, "What happened? I thought I had written the appeal for you." And he said that the family did not have enough money to cover the basic necessities, so the parents told him to go out and work and he gave up his place in ITE, which was very short-term thinking. So I made the appeal for him, secured funding for him to go to ITE and told him this time he should not give up that chance. But that kind of thinking is prevalent because of immediate short-term needs. I would suggest, therefore, that we consider a training subsidy or maintenance allowance that would allow the breadwinner to continue to provide for the family's basic needs whilst the breadwinner goes for skills upgrading. With respect to the new Child Development Credit, I assume though that that is just for children of parents who are wed. In other words, it would not apply to illegitimate children. I would like to ask the Government to reconsider this. I appreciate and understand the underlying philosophy as to why they are not eligible, which is that the Government does not want to encourage or to be perceived to be encouraging people to have children out of wedlock.”
“Because last year, out of the eight children in the programme who sat for their PSLE – these all come from low-income backgrounds – three of them failed their Mathematics and Science, two of them failed English in Primary 5 – six got into Express stream. You have to understand how remarkable that is when we consider that three of them failed in Primary 5. They were able to do this because of encouragement, support and, most importantly, because we believed in them and that gave them a sense of belief in themselves. So when Mr Sin Boon Ann talked about students in the better schools doing well and there being a gap, that may be true but it does not mean that the gap cannot be bridged. It can be bridged with help, effort, commitment and care. I am glad to see that this Budget does reflect that because I was very heartened by the introduction of the Child Development Credit Scheme for all Singaporean children aged six and below as well as the enhanced Kindergarten Financial Assistance Scheme (KiFAS) and Centre-based Financial Assistance Scheme for Childcare (CFAC) schemes. However, I think that we can do a little more to encourage the mothers to go to work. The reason often given by the mothers as to why they cannot work is that they have to look after the young children. In order to get round this problem and to encourage mothers to go to work and contribute to the family income, I suggest that the Government consider a scheme whereby a mother from a low-income family who goes back to work or who is on Workfare should get priority for her child in infant care or a student care centre. At the same time, we could consider additional subsidies (also contingent upon her working), to help pay for infant care and childcare fees.”
“But we can have more pre-schools or infant care and student care centres. I have feedback from my residents that they want to put their children into infant care or student care centres but there are not enough vacancies. The group which needs the most help is the low-income group. This group is most likely to be living in HDB rental flats, and they tend to be the ones having more children. They are also the ones where the mother is not free to work as she has to look after the children. They do not want to spend the money on transport to send the children to pre-school elsewhere. If we want to raise the real incomes of the bottom 20th percentile, then we should invest more in building more infant care and childcare centres near to rental flats because that is the catchment area where the people who are likely to fall into that group live. We should also help the children with tuition and other support programmes. I just want to share a little bit of experience of what we have done in my constituency. We have got what is called the WELL Programme – We Love Learning – and the whole idea about that programme is that it is supposed to encourage the children and give them a sense of self-confidence. We started as a reading programme. We now have a tuition programme. And I have one simple rule to my grassroots leaders and volunteers who help run this programme, which is that whatever we do for the children, it must be (1) fun; (2) educational, and the children must link the concept of learning with fun in their mind. The amount of effort put in by the grassroots leaders as well as the tutors – we work with MENDAKI as well as other self-help groups – has paid off.”
“The long-term solution for them is to have real income growth, which means that they must be able to work and their work must have a real value so that it can attract a real and substantive salary. I was thinking about the kind of strategy that we have for this group, and I think that we can have a more focused and targeted strategy for them. The typical profile of this group would be a young family, usually two or more children. Often, they are single-parent families, meaning the parent is either unwed or divorced and, often, they are single mothers. For most of the parents in this group, pursuing further academic studies is not a realistic option. The mother does not go to work as she needs to look after the children. The father may work but getting him to go for skills upgrading is a challenge because he does not want to have the opportunity cost of spending the time to go for skills upgrading and not work and therefore lose out on his salary. He would rather have the short-term gain rather than to put in the long-term investment in skills training for the bigger gain at the end of the day. So when you speak to them, you will find that the concept of having a strategy to grow real incomes is not something on their radar at all. They are more preoccupied with making ends meet day to day and have no long-term view of their future. We need to find a way to make this group part of the solution, and to have them aware of and involved in the strategy to grow real incomes. So I think we need a more targeted, focused approach aimed at the children, the mothers and the fathers. Let us start with the children. A fundamental importance is early childhood education and getting the children into pre-school.”
“People come to Singapore to party here, there is barrier-free access, no more quota on our women medical students, Singapore women had conquered Everest, Orchard Road has been rejuvenated, NS is down to two years and a 3G SAF, introduced ComCare, Workfare – the list goes on. In 10 years, so much has changed. The question is: can we do it in the next 10 years to come? And I think the answer is, "yes". We started the last decade with a whole host of challenges which we surmounted. We surmounted them with the PAP Government at the helm, and we transformed ourselves. We are now at the brink of another decade, looking at another set of challenges, asking ourselves: can we transform ourselves? And the answer is "yes". That brings us back to our strategy for dealing with inflation which is to grow real incomes. I think this is the right strategy, and I think we are going in the right direction. What I am concerned about, though, is how we are to help those in the low-skilled, low-income group to achieve this. Because whilst we can talk in terms of raising productivity, business restructuring, skills upgrading, for this group, such discussions have little meaning for them. For them, it is a question of how to get enough money to get through each day of the week. As the growth in real income for the bottom 20th percentile was 8% in the last decade, what it means is that they were only able to cope because of Government transfers and financial assistance. And whilst subsidies and financial assistance are good things to help the lower income, that cannot and should not be the long-term solution.”
“India had just become the outsourcing capital of the world and we were grappling with how to deal with the twin challenges posed by India and China. Singapore was not considered to be a "happening" place. The "happening" place at that time was Lan Kwai Fung in Hong Kong. Nightlife in Singapore was boring. Pubs and night spots could not open beyond midnight, or just past midnight. There was no barrier-free access at the MRTs or the HDB heartlands. And the arts was still regarded as a poor cousin to the sciences with people bemoaning the lack of a vibrant arts scene in Singapore. And there was a quota limiting the number of women who could study medicine at NUS. There was no five-day workweek. National Service (NS) was still at two-and-a-half years. Ten years on, where are we? We went through three recessions, starting with 2001 with September 11, followed by the SARS crisis in 2003 and the global financial crisis in 2009. We came through each and every one of those with flying colours. We had the Economic Restructuring Committee, the Remaking Singapore Committee and no sacred cows! In that decade, we grew our economy, gave CDCs the task of providing job assistance, reduced red tape in setting up business, found ways to engage China and India through mutual benefit and advantage, got NEWater, found new high value-added services, launched the world's first night-time Formula One race, installed Singapore Flyer, built the IRs, transformed Marina Bay, redeveloped Sentosa. We are now a "happening" night place.”
“In order to do that, we have to achieve 3% – 5% economic growth and improve our productivity by 30% over the next 10 years. Can we do it? It seems that every year, and every decade, we set the bar higher and higher for ourselves. Yesterday, the Deputy Prime Minister, Mr Teo Chee Hean, talked about productivity, in terms of brisk walking, rather than a marathon race. But when we see these targets that we set for ourselves, sometimes, it seems to me that we are doing the high jump but we should be aiming for pole vaulting. Can we pole vault? I think the answer is, "yes". It is instructive if we pause and take stock of what we have achieved over the last decade. I still recall when I first became an MP after the 2001 elections – some of us may be old enough to remember this. This was just after the September 11 terrorist attack. Overnight, everything changed. The world was then rapidly sliding into a recession in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. The travel industry was severely hit. Unemployment was up. The general feeling at that time in the business circles was that Singapore was not competitive enough – too much red tape in setting up a business; the financial sector said that we were too heavily regulated. With the spectre of recession at our back, we had to find new ways to grow the economy. Does that sound familiar? It should because it was the same challenge we were facing 10 years ago. The Government sent out a call to Singaporeans to be more entrepreneurial. We were looking for new ways to climb up the value chain because we were losing out to manufacturing in China which could provide labour at a much lower cost than Singapore.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, thank you for allowing me to participate in this debate. The two issues which are currently very much on people's minds are inflation and income disparity. It is not within our power to stop inflation. Inflation has come to our shores because of world weather conditions and other natural disasters that have affected the world's food supply. The situation that is now playing up in the Middle East has inevitably affected the supply of oil, which in turn has had a knock-on effect, driving oil prices up. Importing everything as we do, we are particularly vulnerable and susceptible to fluctuations in prices of food, commodities, fuel and our other necessities. We cannot stop inflation from coming to our shores. But the real issue is what we can do to help Singaporeans cope with it. The Government's strategy for dealing with inflation is to grow real incomes for all Singaporeans. If costs go up but incomes stay the same, then we will be unable to cope. But if costs go up but real incomes also go up, then it is manageable. So, for example, if a household's expenditure goes up by $100, but the monthly salary also goes up by $100, then they will still be alright but not otherwise. Our strategy therefore is to try and ensure that increase in costs is matched by a corresponding increase in real incomes so that the differential between the two is maintained. I agree with the strategy. I noted from the Minister's speech that for Singaporean households at the 20th percentile of incomes, real incomes went up by about 8% over the decade, not taking into account transfers from the Government. For median household, real incomes grew by 21% over the last decade. We have now set ourselves a target to raise real incomes by 30% over this coming decade.”
“This becomes relevant because we know that once a citizen of another country has been arrested or detained here for such acts, it is often inevitable somehow that the adequacy of human rights issues and the legal measures of our nation will be thrust into the forefront, to be reviewed or even dissected by others. In such cases, Sir, I believe our principles of sovereignty and integrity must be respected and upheld at all times. Also, what happens if the hostage-taking incident happens in an aeroplane, or on a ship? Will it then be that the person will be convicted and treated based on which country’s airspace or waters the incident happens in? Sir, with this Act, can I also ask what will happen to the United Nations Convention adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations which stipulates that any person who has committed an act of hostage-taking shall either be prosecuted or extradited? Does one override the other in specific instances and circumstances? (In Malay): [For vernacular speech, please refer to Appendix A*.] Mr Speaker, Sir, with the passing of this Bill, it is my wish to see more training and awareness programmes being carried out for the public and community. One good example we have is the NorthStar exercise involving multiple stakeholders. We need to augment their understanding and the teamwork between agencies working together in these specialised circumstances. We need to educate and inform all levels of society, from school children to senior citizens, on the importance of their commitment and their buy-in as individuals. Finally, Mr Speaker, preparedness and awareness is indeed crucial as a first preventive step. *Cols. 1013-1014.”
“I, therefore, wish to ask the Deputy Prime Minister for clarification as to exactly how clause 5 is intended to impact on information that would normally be protected by legal professional privilege, so that defence counsels will know the exact scope of their obligations if they ever have to defend a hostage-taker. With that, Mr Speaker, I am fully in support of the Bill. 3.26 pm Assoc. Prof. Fatimah Lateef (Marine Parade): In the current climate of terrorist and hostage activities that we see today, it is essential to remain vigilant. We live in an age where increased global travels, with increasing numbers of people venturing into high-risk and exotic areas for activities such as missionary work, humanitarian work, work-related travels and even holidays. It is thus very timely to debate on this Bill. The motives of terrorist acts vary. Hostage incidents may involve demands for money, recognition, property, and so on. Mr Speaker, Sir, I stand in support of this Bill. I support the forms of punishment set forth in the Bill, and especially the call to freeze bank accounts involved. Sir, I would suggest further that we do not put a cap at 15 years but allow for the limit and the ceiling to be decided on a case-by-case consideration as deserving of each unique case, its consequences as well as its effects. On the issue pertaining to "extra-territoriality" (clause 4), can the Deputy Prime Minister please clarify if there is any difference for the "person who commits" if he is a citizen of Singapore versus if he is not a citizen? In the event that a non-Singapore citizen is arrested for such an offence, pertaining to this Act, what will be the relevant procedures and processes he has to go through, in getting in touch with representatives of his State?”
“Clause 5 of the Bill imposes an obligation on anyone who has information which he knows or believes to be of material assistance in, amongst other things, securing the conviction of a person for the offence of hostage-taking and to inform the Police. Failure to do so will be an offence. I would support this approach in general but I have a concern about this provision in one very specific scenario. I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether it is intended that under clause 5 to take away the protection of legal professional privilege in a situation where the hostage taker is being prosecuted and he is being defended by counsel? Hostage-taking is a heinous crime and should be prosecuted robustly. However in Singapore, we respect the rule of law and one important aspect of the rule of law is that when a person has been charged in court, he is entitled to put up a defence. A corollary of this is that an accused person must be able to instruct his counsel with the assurance that what is said to his counsel is protected by legal professional privilege. In the course of taking instructions for the defence, the counsel may come into possession of information which may be of material assistance in securing the conviction of his client, and this information may not be in the hands of the prosecution. But, at the same time, he is duty bound to defend the client and is bound by the rules of privilege. This section makes it an offence for the counsel not to disclose the information which puts the counsel in a very difficult position.”
“What if a hostage-taker takes someone hostage and tries to compel such an entity to do something which could have a strategic significance? The entity may not be a government or an international inter-governmental organisation, but the consequences of giving in to such a demand could still be very serious with widespread consequences. It seems anomalous to have different punishments depending on whether the target of the act sought to be compelled is government or non-government. I would, therefore, be grateful if the Deputy Prime Minister could explain the thinking behind the difference in penalties. I also note that the definition of the offence of hostage-taking includes a situation where death is caused to the hostage. And this would be the equivalent of murder unless it can be shown that the causing of death was accidental or unintentional (though it is very difficult to see how it could be accidental or unintentional in a hostage situation). In Singapore, the penalty for murder is the death penalty. Under clause 3(1)(b)(i) of the Bill, if the demand is aimed at the Government and if the hostage is killed, then the prescribed penalty would include a death penalty. However, under clause 3(1)(b)(ii) if the demand is aimed at a non- government entity but if the hostage is nevertheless still killed, then the maximum penalty is only imprisonment of up to 15 years and a fine or caning. There is no provision for death penalty in that situation. This is again inconsistent and I would be grateful for the Deputy Prime Minister’s clarification on the rationale behind the difference in penalties of the two situations. A third point which I wish to seek clarification is clause 5 of the Bill.”
“The first part of clause 3 of the Bill describes hostage-taking as the act of: (a) seizing or detaining any person; and (b) threatening to cause death or hurt to the person or to continue to detain such person, or giving rise to a reasonable apprehension that such person may be put to death or hurt, or may continue to be detained, or causing death or hurt to such person. That is the first part but the second part of it deals with who the hostage-taker is trying to compel – first, the government or an international inter-governmental organisation; or secondly, some other person. And if the person sought to be compelled is a government, then the penalty is death or life imprisonment together with fine or caning. But if the person sought to be compelled is a non-government entity, then the penalty is only imprisonment of up to 15 years and fine or caning. I appreciate that it is usually more serious when you are trying to force a government to do something than when you are trying to force someone else into doing something. However, I am curious as to why the punishments would be different, when the acts committed against the hostages could be the same. For example, a hostage-taker could threaten to kill a hostage unless the CEO of a private organisation complies with certain demands. Given that in today’s globalised world, many organisations carry on businesses which have a global reach and impact, issuing a demand to such a non-government entity could also have serious consequences. For example, many telcos, transport companies, media companies, oil companies, banks and internet service providers are private businesses but they are global in nature, and their businesses can have a strategic significance.”
“It is no less heinous when the demands are aimed at persons other than governments or international governmental organisations, because the intention is still the same, which is to use psychological fear and emotional blackmail to compel another person to bow to objectionable and unlawful demands. Given its vicious nature and widespread impact, hostage-taking must be countered by the international community taking a united stand against it, and by means of international co-operation. International co-operation would reduce the hostage takers’ ability to find sanctuary, and increase the prospects of them being brought to account for their actions. This Bill is, therefore, timely as it ratifies and gives effect to the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 17th December 1979. The Bill makes hostage-taking an offence, and allows our Government to prosecute the offence of hostage-taking wherever the act may have occurred, whether in Singapore or elsewhere. This is one of the rare instances where our law provides for extra-territorial jurisdiction for a criminal offence, but given the nature of this offence, it is right to do so. I, therefore, support the provisions of the Bill and the general approach adopted. However, there are three issues arising from this Bill on which I would like to seek the Deputy Prime Minister’s clarification. The first is on clause 3. Clause 3 has two parts. The first part describes the act of hostage-taking; the second part of it deals with the target of the demand.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to speak in support of the Bill. Hostage-taking is a particularly heinous crime. It is calculated at putting hostages in fear of their lives and, in so doing, to pressurise governments or other persons and to force them to do what hostage takers want. In the context of hostage-taking where the demands are aimed at a government, it is frequently the aim of the hostage taker to put the relevant government in a no-win situation. The intention is that no matter what that government does, it will not be able to get it right. You are damned if you do and you are damned if you do not. Rejecting their demands could mean the deaths of the hostages which in turn could have a public backlash on the government in question. It also inflicts terrible psychological scars on the hostages’ families, their friends and, often times, their fellow countrymen. They have to deal with the emotions of fear, guilt, pain, grief, loss and the sense that they and their loved ones will never be safe again. These scars remain long after the incident is over. On the other hand, acceding to hostage-takers’ demands will inevitably undermine confidence in the government in question, as that government will have bowed to the demands of the hostage takers and will be seen to be weak. Once a government gives in to such demands, hostage-taking will be seen as a viable way to coerce governments into doing what hostage takers want and it will only encourage other hostage takers to do more of the same.”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, one of the problems encountered by MPs on the ground is patients with mental health problems who have been released from IMH back into the community, but who do not take their medication, with the result that there is a resurgence of their mental problems. For example, one of my residents is firmly convinced that the neighbour upstairs is doing something to cause water to flood down from the ceiling into her flat. There is, in fact, no such problem. The HDB and Town Council have looked into it. But she is convinced that there is a problem, she comes to see me regularly in great distress and ask for a transfer of the flat. There are others, whose mental conditions lead them to engage in anti-social behaviour and, in some cases, they can be violent. There is less of an issue if they are staying with family members. However, some of them live alone or do not have people to look after them. Very often, the mental conditions are not so serious as to require that they remain in IMH. The mental conditions can be addressed provided that they take their medication. But the problem is that once they are released from IMH and they are staying alone, there is no one to ensure that they do take their medication. I would like to ask the Minister what steps can be taken to address the need for follow-up care of patients with mental health problems and whether this can be addressed by MOH or whether there are plans to address it through other agencies or community networks.”
“Thank you, Mr Chairman. Before I go on to my cut, I would like to declare my interest as a director on the board of the Agency for Integrated Care. Our ageing population has given rise to a need for a whole spectrum of services in geriatric medicine and healthcare. I can assure you, it is no fun growing old. Your mind does not think it is old but your body starts behaving otherwise. I am going to be 47 very soon and I can attest to that fact. After a while, the mind slows down and a whole range of other challenges pop up. From my interaction with the elderly, it appears that the range of needs is extremely diverse. Medical conditions range from osteoporosis and macular degeneration to senile dementia. Correspondingly, the range of services required is extremely diverse. You need, for example, acute care in hospitals, outpatient treatment for age-related medical conditions in hospitals and polyclinics, step down care in community hospitals, day care centres for the aged, nursing homes for the critically ill. For those who are not so critically ill, you need full-time nursing services at home, day care or part-time nursing at home. I would like to ask the Minister whether MOH is equipped to deal with this varied and diverse range of healthcare needs for the aged. Also, to what extent geriatric care needs to be handled by the hospitals and to what extent it can be handled by step down care or the community. How MOH can help people better understand and navigate the different types of services, so that we can have a better delivery of healthcare services to those in need. Ageing”
“Also with respect to Japan which is another strong power in Asia, what opportunities does he see for us to deepen and strengthen our ties with Japan? Relations with China and Japan”
“Sir, I would like to ask the Foreign Minister about our bilateral relationship with the United States. It has been over a year since President Obama took office. The US economy is still not quite out of the doldrums although things are looking a little bit better now than they were previously. We have close political and economic ties with the United States. The question is: have there been any significant changes in our relationship under the Obama Administration. We have about a year now to assess where the relationship is going and how it is developing. There is a new Ambassador who has been appointed to Singapore. How does the Foreign Minister see this relationship developing? I would also like to ask the Foreign Minister for his views on our economic and trade ties with the United States post the 2008 financial crisis. Relations with China, India and Japan I would also like to ask the Foreign Minister about our relationship with China, India and Japan. China and India are, of course, the rising countries in Asia. They have huge populations which are able to manufacture and produce goods much more cheaply than other countries in the region. Singapore's policy has been to engage with them rather than to try and compete on a cost level. We have tried to make ourselves useful both to these two large behemoths in the region. What I would like to ask the Minister is for his views on our political relationship with the Chinese and Indian governments and also whether he sees us deepening and strengthening our trade ties and how he sees the relationship with these two countries with whom we share a great culture and ethnic affinity developing.”
“Sir, I would like to ask the Minister what steps MINDEF is taking to ensure that Singaporeans remain committed to defence and what more can be done to engage Singaporeans at a personal level. We have the concept of Total Defence but I can tell you that, to the average Singaporean, Total Defence means leaving it totally to the SAF. Many people are still not familiar with the concept that it is each and every person's responsibility to participate in our country's defence. This year, Chinese New Year was on 15th February, and the alarm was sounded. Someone asked me why the alarm was being sounded, was it to celebrate the first day of Chinese New Year? I explained that it was not. It was because 15th February was the day that we fell to the Japanese. So, MINDEF might be actually better off trying to link it with Valentine's Day, which is 14th February, and tell everybody that after love comes war. The importance of messaging is quite important and, if it is not done properly, it can be a problem. Recently, I was interviewed for PIONEER, which is the NSmen's magazine, and there was a picture of me there sitting on top of a tank. Lawyers are a conservative lot. One of my fellow directors heard about this and came to see me to demand why I had appeared in a men's magazine in a tank top. [Laughter.] If the message does not go across clearly, then, you know, the intended objective may not be achieved. So, I would ask MINDEF to get out the concept of Total Defence in a clear and precise way to Singaporeans. Engaging youths in defence”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, the security environment today is a very complex one and the SAF has to make and maintain the capability, not only of conventional warfare but at the same time, to deal with unconventional threats. Terrorism remains a clear and present danger and in fact, terrorists are resourceful and creative and think of new ways in which to spread terror. For example, 9-11, was an attack by air, the Bali bombings were on land, the Mumbai attacks were by sea. The methods in which they were carried out and the resources that they used were different. The SAF has to deal with such unpredictable attacks and at the same time, needs to be quick, nimble and effective on all fronts. This has to apply not just to operational things on the ground but to intelligence gathering, operational capability; and that capability has to be executed not just in the jungle but also in the urban environment. I would like to ask the Minister, in the phase of these challenges, how was the SAF restructuring itself to meet the complex security challenges of today and how it is contributing to homeland security? Integration of SAF personnel”
“Sir, in the course of being a member of the GPC for Defence, I have had the opportunity to visit some of our exercises overseas. And one of the things that struck me is that our relationship with Armed Forces from other countries at the both country level as well Armed Forces level, is very much like relationships between individuals where there is interaction and co-operation; you have strong, good personal ties. And that seems to be the case as well with the Armed Forces since they have been working together. I had the opportunity to visit the Mountain Home Airforce Space where we have our F15 squadron and the commander of the base had nothing but praise for the Singaporeans who were working there. It dawned on me that really, in the context of defence relationships, our bilateral relationships are extremely important because they build up a strong foundation with which we can work with other Armed Forces and that enables us, on a global basis, to carry out the defence responsibilities in a much better way. So, I would like to ask the Minister what is the status of our bilateral defence relationships, particularly with the major powers, such as the US and China as well as within the region with our neighbours. Security threats to Singapore”
“Mr Chairman, Mr Michael Palmer had remarked that much had changed since the last COS but one thing has not changed, which is that the world and, in particular, this region has not become any less dangerous. Like Mr Palmer, I noted with some concern the Navy advisory to be on the alert for possible maritime terrorist attacks. And what we have in this region is Singapore, a small dot in the middle of it, surrounded by other states where they are affected by their own geopolitical developments. We note, for example, that Thailand's relationship with Cambodia is the subject matter of some concern. And then we have India and China on the rise. We have Korea, we have Japan and, of course, our Southeast Asian neighbours. Singapore, by itself, is, of course, too small to influence the region. But Singapore working within the framework of a regional security environment would be able to work in cooperation with other countries to affect or influence in some way the regional security environment. Sir, I would like to ask the Minister what is MINDEF's role and contribution in the regional security architecture, and what progress has been made in evolving the regional security architecture. Regional security and challenges”
“So it seems to me that the question is really one of calibration – what is the right ratio of Singaporeans to foreigners and what is the right allocation of jobs such that we can ensure that Singaporeans are fully employed but, at the same time, allow foreigners to work in Singapore so that we can grow the pie as a whole so that Singapore as a whole country can benefit. I think that what Singaporeans need most right now is reassurance, not just in words but also in deed and policy, that they will always come first, which is right, because Singapore is our country and our home. At the same time though, the foreigners and the PRs amongst us also need to hear where they stand and a clear indication that they are not going to bear the brunt of an anti-foreigner backlash. I would therefore like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister for his comments on this, whether there is a differentiation in terms of benefits for Singaporeans and PRs and how the Government intends to balance the need for priority for Singaporeans on the one hand with the need for foreigners to live and work in Singapore on the other hand. New immigrants and permanent residents”
“Foreigners and PRs are therefore seen as a competition for a limited supply of jobs, housing and facilities. This reaction towards foreigners and PRs in Singapore is ultimately attributed to a perception that the foreigners and PRs are getting or taking what rightfully belongs to Singaporeans and that seems to be the heart of the problem. Whether or not this is, in fact, really the case and whether the statistics actually bear this out is something that I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister to comment upon. However, it is a perception, and so long as it is a perception, it is an issue that needs to be addressed. Recently, the Government has indicated that it will raise the foreign worker levy which will make it more difficult to employ foreign workers. The Government has also sent out signals that they will slow down the intake of foreigners. Whilst this does give some reassurance to Singaporeans, it has, on the other hand, led to the foreigners and the PRs feeling more insecure. They are now wondering whether this is the beginning of an anti-foreigner sentiment here in Singapore. One Managing Director of an international group mentioned to me that he had been thinking of remaining in Singapore in the long term but in the light of the recent ground sentiments, he was now thinking of purchasing a home in Europe as a fallback just in case things did not work out here. As a country with a strong sense of nationhood that is founded and committed to the ideals of peace, prosperity and progress for the nation, it is clear that Singaporeans must come first. However, we have always also been an open society and we have benefited from the presence of non-Singaporeans in our midst.”
“Sir, we have always had the debate on foreign talent and foreign workers in Singapore. In the past year, however, Singaporeans' concerns about foreigners and permanent residents (PRs) living and working in Singapore have reached a new level of intensity. The concerns expressed by Singaporeans range from complaints that foreigners are taking away their jobs, that PRs are snapping HDB flats and driving up prices beyond the reach of ordinary Singaporeans, thus depriving Singaporeans of flats, to overcrowding on the MRT. And explanations by the Government as to why we need foreigners and PRs only seem to elicit a general feeling that Singaporeans are less appreciated than foreigners. If you think of Singapore as a family, the Singapore citizen is like a biological child asking: why do you care for my foster brother or sister more than me? That seems to be the feeling. Why is this the case and why is it that this general reaction seems to be more heightened now than in the past? I think it is not a coincidence that this heightened expression of concern by Singaporeans has arisen following the global meltdown. October 2008 marked the beginnings of the global financial crisis that affected the world economy and Singapore's economy as well. We began 2009 with much uncertainty over the economic environment and whether businesses would stay afloat. Over the past year, Singaporeans have been understandably concerned about whether they will be able to keep their jobs and for those who lost their jobs, whether they can find new ones. There are feelings of insecurity about livelihoods because although economic recovery can be seen on the horizon, the effects of the recovery have yet to reach the ground.”
“However, they would not allow the old lady to stay with them because the son-in-law did not get along with the old lady. So her daughter had no qualms about taking her mother's money – thank you very much for the money, but I am sorry that you cannot stay with me. And that again seems to me to be fundamentally wrong. So the daughter was content to take her mother's money and have other people, the taxpayers' money, to support her mother. These are things which you cannot really legislate upon. If you want our children to look after their parents, it is something that needs to come from the heart. But it is not going to come from the heart unless they are taught from a young age, that is, it is imbued in them. And if children do not look after their parents, as our population gets older, this is going to pose more and more of a drain on our resources and future budgets. I hope that the Government would place greater emphasis on teaching and encouraging these values from children at a young age and that we would build an infrastructure where we can help the lower income to level up. Sir, with this, I support the Budget. 12.41 pm”
“However, I did not see much in relation to pre-school. We need to do more at the pre-school and primary level because if they do not level up by Primary 6, then, in many cases, it will already be too late. I would urge the Government to consider having, within each rental housing precinct, more infant care facilities, childcare facilities, student care facilities and tuition centres. I note that we have these facilities but right now, the infrastructure is not built such that they are altogether within a rental housing precinct. And the problem is that when it is too far away, the low income do not have the money for transport. Sometimes, it is too far to send their children and then you have a drop-out rate. But if you build an educational eco-system within the rental housing precinct, it makes it much easier for the parents to send their children down. Infant care releases the mother to go to work and it allows the child to be developed at a young age. Student care allows the child to come back after primary school and stay there. The tuition centres help them to level up. So if the Government could consider building an education eco-system around rental housing, I think it would go a long way towards helping this group to level up. I would also advocate that if you are going to have these childcare and student care centres, the children should be taught values, in particular, looking after their parents. Increasingly, we are beginning to see cases where children do not look after their parents. I have a case of an old lady who came to see me for an appeal for a flat. She said that she had had a 3-room flat. She sold her 3-room flat and gave the sale proceeds to her daughter. The daughter took the money and bought a 4-room flat with her husband.”
“Whilst we have done a good job, especially with the ITEs, the reality is that many low income people still do not get the opportunity to achieve higher education and then cannot climb up the value chain, and consequently, get shut out from sharing in our growth. Why does this happen? I have found in my rental estates that many of the parents labour under the misapprehension that it is enough to send the child to primary school and that learning and education begins in primary school. And we know that this is not true. Nowadays, any child who goes to primary school without adequate pre-school education or preparation ends up behind the rest of the class and it is frequently impossible for the child to catch up. So if a child is behind in Primary 1, then what it really means, for many of them, is that that child is behind for the rest of his or her life. I have also found that for those who cannot cope, they typically tend to drop out at Secondary 2 level because this is when they hit puberty. For girls, this is the age where some become single mothers or become pregnant. For boys, this is when they hit their teens and become less willing to listen to adults. They drop out of school and do not even make it to ITE. These then land up in low skilled, low income jobs and eventually, they fall into the group who need rental housing, and the cycle begins all over again. I would like to see the Government invest more resources in breaking this cycle of poverty because the children from low income families in fact represent a great potential resource if they are properly nurtured and given the opportunity to realise their full potential. I notice in the Budget that the Government would top up Post-Secondary Education Accounts.”
“The message is that you should only have more than two children if you can afford it. However, the reality is that many lower income families frequently do have more than two children. In some of the rental flats in my constituency at Henderson Heights, there are families in 2-room rental flats who have five or six children. That means you have seven or eight people under one roof. I do not agree with the approach of restricting assistance just because the family has more than two children because that only serves to compound the problem. Once born, a child cannot be unborn. Once born, a child needs to be clothed, fed and educated. Restricting assistance just keeps them locked in a poverty cycle. So once a child has been brought into this world, the question is how to try and give that child, irrespective of his or her background, the best opportunity to succeed and to become a fully productive member of our society and economy. In this regard, I actually see rental housing as an opportunity for us to develop our human resources and to help low income Singaporeans embark on the productivity train. I see the rental flats as a catchment area of young children where we have the opportunity to do a lot of good. Here, you have children who have potential. Just because they are poor does not mean that they are stupid. All it means is that you have a child with potential, but who is at a disadvantage. The question is how you help them to overcome those disadvantages so that that potential can be realised. We all know that the answer to this is education.”
“We should not forget that the people who need rental housing are our fellow Singaporeans. Singapore was built on the vision that we would, as a team, achieve prosperity and progress for all. And there is something inherently objectionable in saying that "I do not want somebody poor to live next to me because that housing for the poor will affect the value of my property". We should not have the attitude that we should not mind rental housing so long as it is not next to us. In other words, anywhere except in our backyard. If everyone were to adopt this attitude, then where would you put the poorer people in Singapore or house them? Surely, it is much more important to want to see our fellow Singaporeans grow and achieve a better life. It is true that those who live in rental housing tend to have more problems. This is because those with their income profile is such that they usually come from less educated backgrounds and this in turn means that they have less ability to get good jobs or to earn more, and they have all the attendant problems that come with lower income and lower education. Singapore has a declining birth rate. Paradoxically, lower income families tend to have larger families. The better educated have fewer children. This is reflective of the worldwide phenomenon where more developed societies have lower birth rates than those in less developed countries. And the same is true at the individual level: more affluent couples tend to have few children than lower income couples. Our approach thus far had been to try to discourage the lower income families from having more children. The HOPE Scheme is one such example. A family will not qualify for financial assistance under the HOPE Scheme if they have more than two children.”
“Before I go on to deal with what can be done to address the problem, I would like to say a few words on the importance of having growth opportunities for all. In this connection, I would like to reflect on the recent case of the Pasir Ris and Tampines residents who objected to rental blocks being built next to their purchased flats. The objections included complaints like the rental flats would block their view, complaints about privacy and safety; they were afraid that rental flat neighbours would make the area unsafe and seedy and complaints that rental flats near their homes would cause the value of their properties to drop. I was dismayed when I read of these objections. It seems to me to be a fundamentally wrong approach. One of the things we must never forget is that our vision for ourselves as a country is that we would enable all Singaporeans to progress and prosper. Those from low income and low educational backgrounds start off at a disadvantage. The correct approach really should be: how do we help them to level up? One of the most fundamental basic necessities that every human being needs is a home, a roof over their heads and a shelter for their families. This gives them security and with security, the parents will then be able to focus on raising a family, and on their jobs, and the children can focus on their studies. Rental housing is a key strategy to helping lower income Singaporeans to achieve a better life and share in Singapore's growth. MPs, myself included, have a long time been asking for more rental housing to meet the demand. The flats at Tampines and Pasir Ris would go a long way to help meet this demand and I was therefore saddened to learn of the reactions of some of the residents to the proposed rental flats to be built there.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, thank you for allowing me to participate in this Budget debate. Some have remarked that this Budget is bereft of goodies. It is not an extravagant Budget. That is true. It is very much a "let's get to work" budget. If one were to think of it in gastronomic terms, this Budget is not a chocolate dessert with whipped cream and a cherry on top. It is much more akin to a protein shake. The former tastes wonderful but it would not make you lean and fit. And the second does not taste as good, but it is much better for you in the long run. This Budget identifies productivity as one of the strategies for our long-term growth. Simply put, productivity means being able to maximise the output of a particular resource in a more efficient way. And if we want to grow as a country, then we have to be productive across all strata of our society. In this regard, I would like, in my speech, to focus on one particular group, the low income, and consider how we can help them to climb up the value chain so that they too can share in our strategy for growth. This ties in with that part of the Budget which deals with "Including all Singaporeans in growth". I note the Minister's statement that we are making investments to build up a first rate system for continuing education and training with special provisions for low income Singaporeans. I also note the Minister's statement that we are assuring every child access to the best education from pre-school to tertiary level. Whilst the Budget is well-intentioned in this regard, and has some good measures to help the low income, I think that our approach is still too broad-based, and does not address the root of the problem, which is that many of the low income are behind even before they reach the starting line of the race.”
“And this concept is now taken as an axiomatic requirement by all Singaporeans of Government and it is something that was introduced by the PAP Government.”
“On becoming an MP, what keeps me from the path of corruption, aside from the things I have already mentioned, is the fact that I am conscious that as an elected Member of Parliament, I am accountable to the people of Singapore. By electing me as their MP, my constituents have placed their faith and trust in me, something that is not to be held lightly. I have no doubt that all of my fellow MPs and, most certainly, the PAP ones, feel the same way. All of us who sit in this Parliament hold our positions in trust for the people of Singapore and the members of our constituency. And it is also because the leaders of the PAP expect of all the PAP Members, including its Members of Parliament, the highest standard of integrity. That is not to say that some do not fall short. We all know of the case of a Minister who, in the past, had accepted bribes. He paid a very heavy price for that. But the point that what keeps us focused on the path of clean, honest Government is that the party and the system expect it of us, and the system has inherent checks and balances to deal with it. After the last General Election in 2006, people may recall the letter from the Prime Minister to all PAP Members of Parliament, released to the media, which reminded us of our responsibility and accountability to the people of Singapore and the need to maintain honesty and integrity. These are the things that keep us on the straight and narrow. It is not the fact that there is an Opposition. It is the value system that we have, the concept of honest, clean Government with integrity which is a concept that was advanced and implemented by the PAP from the time of internal self-Government and independence to today.”
“If it were so simple, and all you need to have is an Opposition to have checks and balances, then why is it that in these other countries which have strong and vociferous Opposition parties in Parliament, that they still have problems with corruption? Going by Mr Low's argument, the logical outcome is that in every other country in the world with an Opposition, they should be squeaky clean, and in Singapore, in which a large majority of the Parliament comes from a single party, then Singapore should be the most corrupt country in the world. That, as we know, is not the case. And it has been widely acknowledged, not just by us, but internationally, that Singapore today, with the PAP Government at the helm, is one of the least corrupt systems in the world, and that there is a high degree of respect for the Government and Members of Parliament. And that is not just the PAP Members of Parliament but also the NCMPs, the Nominated Members of Parliament and the Opposition Members of Parliament. Since we have only two elected Opposition Members in Parliament, the fact that we currently have a honest and clean Government clearly cannot be attributable to the Opposition. It must obviously be due to something else. And the question is: What? It is due to the fact that the PAP Government has set for itself and its Members of Parliament a high degree of accountability and integrity. What is it that keeps us from the path of corruption? From personal experience, I can tell you that it is the values taught to me by my parents, the values imbued in me in school, which is an education system set up by the PAP Government, and by my training as a lawyer within the legal system, which was set up by the PAP Government.”
“Fourth, in his Mandarin speech, he noted that some believe the ruling party would be able to check itself and it was not a nest of snakes and rats – not very polite. And that even if it were to break up, the remaining half could still run the country. However, he argued in response that the best way was to have external checks and balances in the system in the form of more effective Opposition presence. He also called Singapore democracy a one-legged duck – more animals. Next, with respect to the PAP's argument that it was not responsible for helping the Opposition grow, he said that this smacked of a winner-takes-all, loser-is-a-bandit approach. And with respect to the argument that losing Opposition candidates can still be appointed as NCMPs, he said this was not enough as the role of the Opposition is not merely to reflect the views and feelings of its people, and that only by having a geographical constituency would an Opposition party be able to grow a support base and strengthen its competency, and these MPs need to have weekly Meet-the-People Sessions to be able to appreciate people's real concerns as well as to assess the effectiveness of Government's policy. There are several fallacies in the arguments advanced by Mr Low and I would like to address them. His main proposition is that only an elected Opposition can provide effective checks and balances and keep the Government free of corruption. In a nutshell, he is saying that Opposition in Parliament equals or ensures clean and non-corrupt government. That assumption is not only simplistic, it is simply incorrect. If that were true, then why is it that in many other countries, which have two-party or multi-party systems, there is nevertheless still problems of deep-seated and endemic corruption.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, for allowing me to join in the debate. In his Address, President Nathan outlined the challenges that lie ahead for Singapore as well as the broad strategies and framework of the policies which the Government intends to follow to meet the challenges facing us. On politics, President Nathan noted that our basic system is sound because it encourages strong and effective government, and is responsive. He also noted that our political system is not set in stone and that Singapore politics must evolve over time as the world and our society change. Clearly, the Singapore of today is a very different one from the Singapore of 1965 when we first became independent. Along the way, we have made many changes on the political landscape to adapt to our system. These have included things like the GRCs, NMP scheme and the NCMP scheme. All of these have been in response to our changing needs over the years. One thing, though, must remain constant, which is the need for clean and honest government. In this connection, Mr Low Thia Khiang, the Member for Hougang, in his speech yesterday advanced the proposition that only an elected Opposition can provide effective checks and balances. In support of this proposition, he made six points. He said the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) currently dominates the House, can amend the Constitution freely and controls key levers of power in the country. Second, what if one day PAP were to abuse its powers, trample on people's rights and become corrupt? What can people do then? He noted then maybe the CPIB has a role to play, but suggested that if the CPIB is under the purview of the Prime Minister's Office, it cannot play an effective checking role.”
“Mr Chairman, I would like to thank the Minister, Second Minister and Minister of State, both for placing our security challenges in context globally as well as regionally, and identifying for this Parliament the specific challenges that Singapore needs to take in dealing with our security challenges. So in that respect, Mr Chairman, may I withdraw my amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. The sum of $11,007,000,000 for Head J ordered to stand part of the Main Estimates. The sum of $440,000,000 for Head J ordered to stand part of the Development Estimates. Head W – Ministry of Transport”
“May I seek a clarification from the Minister who mentioned that, at the Munich Security Conference, when he had the opportunity to speak to some of the defence ministers from central Asian states or the eastern European states, they had security challenges, one of which was cyber attacks. In the context of the SAF, given that so much of our weapons and systems are computerised, what steps has the SAF taken to ensure that the protection of our IT systems, and anything that is computer-related, has sufficient protection against cyber attacks and other forms of electronic interference? One clarification for the Second Minister who talked about fitness. One of the issues that has come up with respect to parents is that their son is fit enough to do National Service but, sometimes, may have a medical problem, eg, heart murmur. This does not disqualify their son from doing National Service, and they worry about the postings. So my question is: how are the postings determined, with regard to NSmen or NSFs who may have underlying medical conditions?”