Jek Yeun Thong
Singapore
“Would the Minister now consider it wrong to allow CPF members to use their CPF money to buy shares in the stock exchange, people whom the Howe Yoon Chong Report not so long ago would like us to believe that they could not be trusted to look after their own savings and yet they are now allowed to participate in the stock exchange casino, s…”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, could I ask a supplementary question which either Minister can reply? Is the Minister surprised that the Voice of America, an organ created by the US government to counter Communist propaganda world wide, has been used to cast critical views on a non-Communist government such as the Singapore Government which is, in fact,…”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, the Minister has not touched on my point regarding the tuition fees of University students. I do not know whether he would like to take this opportunity to answer or he would want to leave it to others to answer it.”
“Also, there is no danger that the students having taken the loans would abscond or not come back since at the moment all the male students going overseas are providing bonds because of national service. And as for female students, if we are still having too many of them, we can easily arrange bonds for those who intend to take the loan.”
“Yes, of course. I think the trouble with the press is that they missed my point on Education. The style they happened to like is what the Chinese call - wan shi bu gong (playful and not taking things seriously). So they really do not know what to do with me - I mean the press, not the Government.”
“Sir, since the Government is encouraging the people to have more babies now, the likelihood of these 3-room flats being unsold will be greater. Is it not a good point for the Ministry of National Development to try to convert these 3-room flats into, say, 6-room flats so that more babies could be accommodated?”
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“Mr Speaker, Sir, in July, 2,445 holders of Malaysian identity cards reported their change of address from Malaysia to Singapore and in August, 1,998 more reported their change of address from Malaysia to Singapore. These figures give a total of 4,443 holders of Malaysian identity cards who have moved down to Singapore during the two months of July and August 1967. The breakdown of these figures in broad racial groups is as follows:- Chinese 1,714 in July and 1,193 in August Malays 551 in July and 648 in August Indians and Pakistanis 156 in July and 140 in August Others 24 in July and 17 in August During the same period, a total of 124 Singapore identity card holders reported their change of address from Singapore to Malaysia, comprising 39 in July and 85 in August. The breakdown in broad racial groups is as follows: Chinese 21 in July and 52 in August Malays 6 in July and 12 in August Indians and Pakistanis 8 in July and 13 in August Others 4 in July and 8 in August ABANDONED INFANTS 35. Mr Yeoh Ghim Seng asked the Minister for Culture and Social Affairs how many infants, legitimate and otherwise, were abandoned by their parents and were looked after by institutions or by foster-parents during the period 1st August, 1966 to 31st July, 1967. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Affairs (Mr Chan Chee Seng) (for the Minister for Culture and Social Affairs): Mr Speaker, Sir, according to the records of the Social Welfare Department, the total number of unwanted children notified to the Protector of Children during the period 1st August, 1966, to 31st July, 1967, is 90. These 90 children may be classified under the following categories: (i) Abandoned children.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, there were 51,214 births registered between 1st August, 1966, and 31st July, 1967. It is not possible to say how many of these births are illegitimate, as informants are not required to produce proof of marriage of parents at the time of registering their births. However, it is provided in the Registration of Births and Deaths Ordinance that where the mother is the informant and volunteers the information that the child is illegitimate, the surname of the child shall be the surname of the mother. During the period, 120 cases of such births were registered. CHANGE OF ADDRESSES OF MALAYSIANS TO SINGAPORE AND SINGAPOREANS TO MALAYSIA (Particulars) 34. Mr P. Selvadurai asked the Minister for Labour the figures for July and August, 1967, of (i) Malaysians who have changed their address from Malaysia to Singapore, and (ii) Singaporeans who have changed their address from Singapore to Malaysia, since the introduction of passport controls on 1st July, 1967, and the ethnic breakdown of the figures.”
“Mr Speaker. Sir, the total number of registrants under the National Registration Act, 1965, was 1,251,666 as at 1st of March, 1967, of whom 1,101,418 were issued with pink citizens' identity cards and 150,348 were issued with blue non-citizens' identity cards. The breakdown of the 1,101,418 citizens in broad racial groups is as follows: - Malays 84,554 (comprise 7.7 per cent) Chinese 893,553 (comprise 81.1 per cent) Indians and Pakistanis 66,407 (comprise 6.0 per cent) Others 56,904 (comprise 5.2 per cent) It is not possible to give precise details in respect of any group as the information on the various languages spoken by Indians, Pakistanis and others is not readily available. However, the above figures will also indicate the broad language groups. NUMBER OF REGISTERED ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS 33. Mr Yeoh Ghim Seng asked the Minister for Labour how many illegitimate births were registered in the Republic between 1st August, 1966, and 31st July, 1967.”
“So the only thing that these racketeers can do is to tamper with the identity card in the way the Member for Delta has mentioned just now. They may take out the photograph from the identity card and substitute it with another one which would fit in with the illegal immigrant. But in doing this, the tampered identity card will be very easily detected as there will be a hole and an uneven surface will be present on the card. CITIZENS' AND NON-CITIZENS' IDENTITY CARDS (Statistics) 32. Mr P. Selvadurai asked the Minister for Labour if he will give the numbers of persons issued with citizens' and non-citizens' identity cards and a breakdown in numbers and percentages according to ethnic and language groups as at a latest convenient date.”
“The plastic laminated identity cards cannot be easily forged. Hence in all these cases genuine identity cards have been used. Only part of the cards had been tampered with to fit in with the features of the illegal holders. As in all these cases, the identity cards had either been pick-pocketed or stolen from the rightful owners. One effective way of control is to warn the public to take great care in carrying their identity cards. Further, the National Registration Office has taken steps to have very strict scrutiny of persons who make frequent reports of loss of identity cards. Officers in Government departments and statutory boards who inspect identity cards in the course of their duties have also been advised on how to detect identity cards that have been tampered with. Madam Chan Choy Siong(In Mandarin): Mr Speaker, is the Minister aware that recently there has been talk around town that there is a racket involved in the fabrication of false identity cards for persons from outside Singapore and inducing them, particularly women folk, to conic here and work as bar waitresses, dance hostesses and in other undignified professions? At the same time, is the Minister aware, too, that these people are making use of a loophole in the laminated plastic identity cards for illegal purposes? The loophole is that there is no seal or chop over the photograph. That means the photograph can be re placed or substituted easily with that of the false holder of the identity card. Has the Minister any means to deal with the situation? Mr Jek Yeun Thong: Mr Speaker, I have not received any information of whether there is a racket in forging identity cards. As I have pointed out just now, this laminated identity card cannot be easily forged.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the hon. Member will, of course, realise that the problem of retraining some thousands of local employees who will be affected by the run-down of the British bases is a task of considerable magnitude. Before any concrete plans can be formulated, it is necessary to obtain detailed information of civilian employees who will be retrenched, such as age, type of work currently performing, qualifications, experience and so on to enable a detailed study to be made of the type and scope of retraining that is required for alternative jobs in commerce and industry. This matter cannot he isolated from the fact that increasing numbers of youths who are entering the labour market will also need vocational training to fit them for jobs, it will, therefore, be necessary to consider this problem as a whole. The Government, however, assures the hon. Member that it will make every effort to formulate plans for the retraining of retrenched employees and training for our youths as soon as the required information which will be made available by the British authorities is studied in detail. This matter is now receiving the earnest consideration of my Ministry. FALSE IDENTITY CARDS 31. Madam Chan Choy Siong asked the Minister for Labour how many cases of false identity cards were discovered in the last two months and what action he intends to take in the matter. Mr Jek Yeun Thong: Mr Speaker. Sir, eight cases of Singapore identity cards which had been tampered with for illegal use were discovered during the last two months. The persons have been prosecuted and convicted. The eight identity cards in these cases were reported lost by their rightful holders. These are the only cases that have been discovered since the issue of the new plastic laminated identity cards.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the applications for registration of the three new unions have been received by the Registrar of Trade Unions. They are now under consideration. LOCAL EMPLOYEES OF BRITISH MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS (Measures for retraining for other occupations) 30. Mr Bernard Rodrigues asked the Minister for Labour, in view of the proposed retrenchment of local employees of the British military establish ments, what measures are being contemplated by the Government for their retraining for other occupations.”
“(b) Malaysian identity card holders who have reported a change of addresses are not issued with Singapore non-citizen identity cards. Section 24 (f) of the National Registration Regulation, 1966, exempts persons holding valid Malaysian identity cards from registering for the Singapore identity cards. These people are, therefore, not issued with Singapore non-citizen identity cards. They are, however, required to report to the Commissioner of National Registration their place of residence within 40 days of their arrival in Singapore and for every subsequent change of residence in Singapore. (c) During the period of re-registration of the population from 5th May, 1966, to 31st January, 1967, non-citizens who are permanent residents and who are in possession of valid identity cards issued or deemed to be issued under the provisions of the Registry of Persons Ordinance, 1955, have to apply to be reregistered under the National Registration Act, 1965. These persons are issued with the new non-citizen plastic laminated blue identity cards. Up to the 28th June, 1967, 156,665 non-citizen identity cards have been issued. OLD BOOKS IN NATIONAL LIBRARY 12. Mr S. Rajoo asked the Minister for Culture and Social Affairs (a) the total number of old books in the National Library which had to be rebound during the last five years and the total expenditure involved; and (b) what is done with the old books which are beyond repair and what was the number of such books during the last five years.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir: (a) Before I answer the hon. Member's question, I have to point out that the National Registration Office does not keep a record of figures of migration between Singapore and Malaysia by religious groups. The figures by ethnic and age groups are available from the 1st April, 1966, onwards. The statistical table* (* Appendix I, cols. 71-2.) which I submit herewith for circulation gives a distribution by race and age groups of 12,371 Malaysian identity card holders who have reported a change to Singapore addresses during the period 1st April, 1966, to 31st May, 1967. [Statistical Table handed to Clerk] APPENDIX I(Cols 0071-0072) Of the 12,371 persons who moved from West Malaysia to Singapore during this period, 9,827 were Chinese, 1,243 Malays, 1,137 Indians and Pakistanis, and 164 of other races. You will see from the table that the biggest number that came to Singapore was the age group of 16 to 29 years. This accounted for 8,098 persons of whom 6,491 were Chinese, 973 Malays, 572 Indians and Pakistanis, and 62 of other races. We have no doubt that they came to Singapore solely for the purpose of looking for jobs and better prospects. In addition to the 12,371 Malaysian identity card holders who have changed to Singapore addresses, there were 1,182 Malaysian identity card holders who have changed to Singapore identity cards. All of them were Singapore citizens. During the same period only 1,673 persons have moved from Singapore to Malaysia. This comprised 838 Singapore identity card holders who have changed to Malaysian identity cards, and 835 Singapore identity card holders who have changed to Malaysian addresses. The above figures showed that there was an immigration surplus to Singapore during the period April 1966 to May 1967 of 11,880 persons.”
“Sir, I have great confidence in the present leadership of the N.T.U.C., but I am not sure what will develop in a few years to come. We may have a new set of leaders, or we may have the same old people. But it is very improper that power of this sort should be given to an organisation whose quality of leadership cannot be consistent. Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time and committed to a Committee of the whole House. The House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill.- [Mr Jek Yeun Thong]. Bill considered in Committee; reported without amendment; read a Third time and passed. INTESTATE SUCCESSION BILL (As reported from Select Committee) Order for Third Reading read. 6.11 p.m.”
“This Bill makes it less possible for a small group of irresponsible trade union leaders, who have ulterior motives or who are being manipulated by outside forces, to manoeuvre our workers in their bid to bring the economy of the country to a grinding halt. As far as the workers are concerned, their rights remain the same and they can still be represented by unions of their own choosing. I think, on the whole, this Bill will benefit many of us in Singapore. It has been suggested that there are so many labour laws which can be used to deal with the situation in the event of a general strike in the public service. For instance, the Industrial Relations Ordinance can be used to refer the dispute to the Industrial Arbitration Court, thereby stopping a threatening strike. But this is only true when we have trade unionists who are prepared to play according to the rules of the game and who have the paramount interest of the country at heart. But when we come to trade unionists who have ulterior motives or who refuse to abide by the law, we really have to think of something to deal with them. We saw such things happen in February when the leaders of the public cleansing union decided to call an illegal strike. It is in this situation that we have to review our position and tighten up our laws, leaving no loopholes for them to exploit. The Member for Bras Basah is worried about the peanut unions which may spring up after this Bill is passed. I have already said earlier that for those sections of workers who belong to very small statutory bodies and whose work is of a less essential nature, they may be allowed to remain in the same old union. It has been suggested that the discretionary powers given to the Minister in clause 2 of the Bill should be given to the N.T.U.C.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I am grateful to the Member for Bras Basah who has disclosed that the Central Executive Committee of the N.T.U.C. has expressed its support for this Bill. It leaves very little for me to add to what I have already said just now. But I do not understand why there is so much fuss from the two Members about asking workers in one giant union to form their own exclusive unions to cater for their own interest. In one giant union, as I see it, the voice of a section of the workers may be submerged, but in their own exclusive union they can look after their own interests more closely and discuss matters more related to their conditions of work. The workers in the Port of Singapore Authority, for instance, which is one of our biggest statutory boards employing a great number of workers, have got their own exclusive union for years. And nobody has said that this is violating the principle of freedom of association. The Member for Kampong Kembangan has said that the Bill will lead to splinter unions, or what he calls "yellow unions". But let me put forward one case. The workers in the Telephone Board, for instance, who are members of the A.U.P.E., had their own exclusive union in 1959. Nobody said then that they were being denied the right of freedom of association. Now we are only asking them to go back to their old position. Was it a yellow union then? As I see it, the workers will not lose anything. They can have their own unions to look after their interests. They can elect their own officials. They can even have their own industrial disputes, but so long as the industrial dispute or action is confined to their field of work, it can be dealt with without much harm to the economy of the country.”
“In recent years, more and more local trade unions have extended their activities into the international field. Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. Question proposed.”
“In fact, the whole city will be paralysed. This will definitely shake the economy of Singapore, causing a flight of capital. This Bill is only one of the measures to safeguard against such a situation. There is a lot of talk about this Bill being in contravention of the principle of freedom of association of the I.L.O. But we are not denying any worker his right to join any trade union. We do not even want to deregister the A.U.P.E or any other omnibus union or hamper its work. In fact, this Bill was read the First time on the 27th of February this year and it should have gone through its Second Reading in the last Parliament sitting in March. But we deliberately postponed it to give fair notice to all concerned, including the A.U.P.E. We have given them ample time to readjust their internal affairs. With the time given, they can, I am sure, form new unions for workers in the different statutory boards if they want to and we will have no objection to such a move. But I regret to say that the A.U.P.E. have not made use of the time available to make readjustments within the union. Instead they have taken this postponement to mean weakness on the part of the Government. They even cherish the faint hope that the Government may yield to pressure applied from within and without the country and withdraw the Bill. I must say that they have taken the wrong advice. We know we are doing the right thing for Singapore and we will not yield to any lobbying or pressure. We can justify publicly in Singapore the course we are taking and we are prepared to justify it on an international level. The Bill will not affect the affiliation of local trade unions to international trade union organisations.”
“One way they can do this is by manipulating some of our trade unions and leaders and causing labour unrest. The way things are with many categories of workers in the essential services grouped together in one giant union, it is comparatively easy for anyone to create a minor industrial dispute in any section, then spreading it to affect the workers in the whole union, and in next to no time we will find strikes all over the place - telephone, post office, water, electricity, gas, telegraph services all stopped. An hon. Member: All under A.U.P.E.”
“On the other hand, the A.U.P.E. is not permitted by law and its own constitution to recruit as members clerks in aided schools. I therefore see no reason why the A.U.P.E. should take objection to the Chinese school clerks, who have hitherto no union to look after their interests, coming together and forming their own union. Perhaps it was confused thinking that prompted the leaders of the A.U.P.E. to believe that the registration of the Singapore School Clerical Staff Union has anything to do with the Bill and that the proposed amendments are intended to splinter the A.U.P.E. Sir, it remains now for me to repeat that the Bill is not designed to crush any individual or union. Its sole purpose is to rationalise the organisational pattern of trade unions in the public sector connected with essential services. But some people foolishly believe that they are so important and indestructible that the Government has to take the trouble to pass this law just to cause their downfall and nothing else. This is childish thinking. If it is only a few individuals that are worrying us, there are many other methods and laws which we can use to deal with them. We need not have to go through all these First, Second and Third Readings to get a new Bill passed. These few individuals can be dealt with effectively and conclusively. But what we are more concerned with is the future of our economy on which the livelihood of all of us depends. We are determined that no one - not even the strongest personality in the trade union field - can do anything to cause the loss of confidence in our economy. However, there may be some people - forces from outside, for instance - who like to see our economy go down.”
“It also jumps to the conclusion that the registration of the Singapore School Clerical Staff Union a month after the First Reading of the Bill, is an attempt to splinter the A.U.P.E. I would never have imagined that such shocking misrepresentations could come from the A.U.P.E. whose efficient organisation and capable leadership I have long admired. Sir, the wording of subsection (1) of the new section 29A of the Bill is plain and simple. The operative phrase is, "No workman employed by such statutory board or body.. ". Aided-school teachers are not employed by any statutory board or body. It is absolute nonsense to suggest that the Minister has the power or intends to specify aided-school teachers or a group of Government employees as a body. I will repeat here that the Bill will not in any way affect the teachers. As regards the Singapore School Clerical Staff Union, the fact that its registration came after the First Reading of the Bill is just a coincidence. This union was formed by a group of Chinese school clerks in November 1966 after they had failed to get themselves admitted to the Chinese School Teachers' Union, because its constitution does not cater for membership of clerks. The union applied for registration on 10th November, 1966, and was registered on 8th April, 1967. As I have just said, this union was formed by Chinese school clerks and its object is to organise the clerks in Chinese schools. Although the union's rules do not debar the clerical staff in Government schools from joining its membership, the union will not be able to recruit the Government school clerical staff, the reason being that this is a non-Government servant union and the clerical staff in Government schools are debarred by law from joining non-Government servant unions.”
“It is certainly not the intention of the Government to alter the present position with regard to the trade union activities of employees of statutory boards or bodies which are not connected with the essential services, or are less important as far as the running of the economy of the country is concerned, such as the Adult Education Board, the Seamen's Registry Board, the Central Provident Fund Board and so on. Ironically, it is just because these provisions will affect only a few existing unions that vicious accusations are being made, both locally and at international level, that the Trade Unions Ordinance is being amended to crush an institutional group and to suppress freedom of association. This is very untrue. Only persons with an irrational mind stimulated by sinister motives can make such an irresponsible and irrational allegation. I regret to say that the Amalgamated Unions of Public Employees confused the issue further by rushing to print in its journal, the Mimbar, its letter to the Prime Minister which contained a number of misleading points. I hope that the inaccuracies are just honest mistakes made by the writers who had misread the Bill, and not a wilful distortion of facts intended to confuse the issue. The A.U.P.E. states, among other things, that the Bill will affect the Teachers' Union because the Minister may declare the aided-school teachers as a body, in which event the aided-school teachers will have to form separate unions. The A.U.P.E. also claims that the Minister may declare a group of Government employees as a body, thereby forcing such group of employees to form a separate union.”
“The overall economic situation of the country and Singapore's economic future demands that positive measures should be taken to regularise the position. The services provided by the Public Utilities Board are part of the vital services of the country. I am sure that all of us who have our economic future at heart will agree that it is absolutely necessary that the workers in this area should he given full freedom to act independently in their own organisation. They should also be given adequate protection against outside control and exploitation to ensure that our vital public utilities will not be jeopardised by irresponsible elements using deplorable tactics to coerce conformity under the pretext of trade union democracy. Briefly, Sir, these are the main considerations which have compelled the Government to introduce the Bill. The Bill confers on the Minister discretionary powers to specify any statutory board or body whose employees shall have to form their own union. If there is more than one union organised in the specific statutory hoard or body, they may freely enter into amalgamation or form a federation among themselves, but the consent of the Minister is required for the purpose of affiliation to a federation of trade unions if one or more of its affiliates cater for workers other than employees of that particular statutory board or body. The new provisions in the Bill will affect the employees of only a few statutory boards which are providing the vital services of the country.”
“Within the union they have to abide by the majority decision of the Government daily-rated workers even though such decision may conflict with their own interests. Until its deregistration recently, the Public Daily-Rated Employees Unions Federation was also in the same unhealthy position. There were 13 unions of daily-rated workers affiliated to the Federation. Three of them catered for workers employed by the Public Utilities Board in the Water, Gas and Electricity services. One catered for the Public Utilities Board and the Government transport workers. Another catered for the Housing and Development Board workers. The remaining eight catered for workers employed by Government. The Central Executive Committee of the Federation was composed of 21 members. But the 4,500 workers employed by the Public Utilities Board, who constituted more than one-third of the aggregate membership of the affiliates of the Federation, had only 5 representatives sitting in that Central Executive Committee. Under this set-up, this group of 4,500 workers in the essential services also had to follow whatever decision was made by those workers not engaged in the essential services who constituted the majority. Surely this is not the way trade union democracy should be practised in our democratic society. This pattern of union organisation is not only undesirable, but it also provides a danger point for the enemies of the Republic to disrupt civil order. The recent illegal cleansing strike and the threatened general strike of daily-rated workers in the public sector was a classic example of how easily this situation could be exploited to deprive the people of Singapore of their daily essential supplies of water, gas and electricity.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." This is a very short Bill the purpose of which is to rationalise the organisational pattern of trade unions catering for workers in the essential services in the public sector. Under the existing Trade Unions Ordinance, workers employed by statutory boards or statutory bodies such as the Port of Singapore Authority, unlike Government servants are free to join any trade union they like. For instance, there is nothing to prevent gas workers of the Public Utilities Board from enrolling as members in any of the existing general unions which cater for all categories of workers in the private sector if they choose to do so. This laxity in the trade union law has created a ludicrous situation in which we find that workers engaged in essential services in the public sector are tied up with a predominant number of other categories of workers in the same organisation, and that the former is bound by the constitution of the organisation to act according to whatever is the majority decision, including that on industrial action taken by the latter. As an illustration, I cite the case of the Public Daily-Rated Transport Workers' Union. This union has a membership of 839 daily-rated workers, 402 of whom are from the Public Works Department, 212 from the Public Health Department, and 225 from the Public Utilities Board. Its 25-man executive committee consist of 17 Government daily-rated workers and 8 workers from the Public Utilities Board. The control of the union and the management of its affairs are, therefore, in the hands of the Government daily-rated workers because of their overwhelming majority. Under this peculiar set-up, the 225 members from the Public Utilities Board can never act independently.”
“These inspections were made not after the accidents but before the accidents. We sent them out before the accidents happened. They were routine inspections. 3.30 p.m.”
“The Member for Sembawang did not hear me just now. He has asked whether we have sent out any inspectors to inspect these factories regularly. I have said that during the last 10 months we have sent inspectors to these factories for inspection and 6,246 inspections have been made during this period.”
“The managements of bigger factories have been persuaded to set up safety committees in their factories to promote the safety consciousness of their workers. An industrial Safety Branch has been established under the National Safety First Council with the aim of preventing accidents in industrial establishments. More regular visits to factories by inspectors of factories are being planned so that advice can be given to factory occupiers and a higher standard of safety can be achieved. Arrangements have been made with the Electricity Department of the Public Utilities Board since September this year for the electrical installations in factories to be inspected by electrical inspectors. In order to take preventive measures in respect of occupational health in industry, it is intended to set up an Industrial Health Unit. For this purpose, assistance has been sought under the U.N. Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance for an industrial health expert. An expert is due to arrive here early next year. The Industrial Health Unit, when set up, will contribute greatly to the prevention of industrial hazards to which workmen are exposed.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, in the first nine months of this year the Labour Ministry received a total of 6,383 reports of accidents. Of these, 83 were fatal, 435 resulted in permanent disablement, and 5,865 resulted in temporary disablement. Fifty-seven of the fatal accidents were accounted for by heart failure (9 cases), drowning (9 cases), explosions (13 cases), falls of persons (14 cases), and collisions (12 cases). Of the 435 permanent disablement cases, the degree of disablement in more than half of them - 297 cases - was from 1¼ per cent to 5 per cent. In another 107 cases, it was from 6 per cent to 20 per cent. In the remaining 31 cases, disablement was about 21 per cent. Investigations into the causes of accidents in factories have revealed that most of them were due to faulty operation of machinery, ignorance or lack of training of the workmen, lack of coordination between workers, carelessness or negligence of the workers concerned, absence of safety devices or safety appliances, and poor maintenance of industrial equipment. Minimum standards of safety and health in factories are laid down in the Factories Ordinance which is enforced by my Ministry. During the last ten months, factory inspectors made 6,246 inspections of factories. It has been found that enforcement of the law alone is not sufficient for the prevention of accidents. It is necessary to educate the workers, to arouse their safety consciousness, and also to improve supervision of work by management. In order to do this, a number of measures have been taken. Safety posters have been printed and distributed to factories for prominent display, and safety pamphlets are in the course of preparation.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, "That the new clause (to be inserted immediately after clause 2) be read a Second time." This new clause has been introduced to provide that where the registration of a trade union has been refused, withdrawn or cancelled before the 11th day of December, 1963, all the property of such trade union and not only its funds shall vest in the Official Assignee. Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. Question put, and agreed to. Clause read a Second time and added to the Bill. Bill reported with amendments; read a Third time and passed. ADMINISTRATION OF MUSLIM LAW BILL (As reported from Select Committee) Order for Third Reading read. 6.54 p.m.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I do not think it is now possible to amend this Bill any further. I hope the Member for Kampong Kembangan should not confuse citizens of Singapore with non-citizens who are holding work permits. The principle of this Bill is to exclude any non-citizen from taking part in the running of a trade union. If we allow non-citizens holding work permits to be included, then the object of this Bill will be defeated. But only in very exceptional cases can the Minister by his power exempt such persons from this provision. So I do not think we can accept the proposals put forward by the Member for Kampong Kembangan. Question put, and agreed to. Clause 4 ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clauses 5 to 8 inclusive ordered to stand part of the Bill. New Clause - `Amendment Section l8B of the Ordinance is of Section hereby amended by deleting the word 18B "funds" appearing in the fourth line 18B thereof and substituting therefor the word "property".' - (Mr Jek Yeun Thong) Brought up, and read the First time.”
“I have replied just now that where a trade union is holding a general meeting of the members in order to decide by a secret ballot whether or not there should be any strike action, of course, this should not be taken as "industrial action". I have already said that the Labour Ministry is administering this Bill and I do not think our officials are so foolish as to say that the holding of this genuine general meeting of the workers is an industrial action. Amendment agreed to. Clause 3, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 4 - Question proposed, "That clause 4 stand part of the Bill." 6.45 p.m.”
“Mr Speaker, I beg to move, In page 2, to leave out lines 23 to 32 inclusive and insert - '(4) For the purposes of this section "industrial action" means the adoption of any practice, procedure or method in the performance of work which would result in a limitation on output or production in any occupation, service, trade, industry or business.'. This amendment is to narrow down the definition of "industrial action" in the light of the very strong objection from the N.T.U.C. to the original definition. The definition of "industrial action" here will cover such practices as go-slow and work to rule. I am sure Members will agree that such forms of industrial action are even more damaging than a complete work stoppage, and we should prevent a small group of trade union leaders from taking such industrial action without the consent of the majority of the members.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, there is no such restriction. Whether they are citizens or non-citizens holding work permits, so long as they are members of the union, they are entitled to vote and the result of the vote is valid. So I do not think the Member for Kampong Kembangan should worry on this point. Amendment agreed to,”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, In page 2, to leave out lines 4 to 10 inclusive and marginal note and insert - "Strike or 24A.-(i) A registered trade union industrial shall not commence, promote, organise action. or finance any strike or any form of industrial action affecting the whole or any section of its members without obtaining the consent, by secret ballot,of the majority of the members so affected.". This amendment is to make it clear that before a union could commence a strike or any form of industrial action, it has to obtain the consent of the majority of its members in the establishment. It is not the intention that the union concerned has to obtain the consent of the majority of the total members of the union working in other establishments before it can commence a strike or take any form of industrial action in a particular establishment. The original subsection (1) of section 24A could be interpreted to mean that before a trade union could commence a strike or take any form of industrial action, it has to obtain the consent of the majority of its entire membership. For example, if a branch of a union has a dispute with an employer in a firm, the union could not commence any strike or industrial action until it has the consent of the majority of all its members. This is not our intention and hence the new amendment.”
“That is exactly the point. The Member wants us to include undischarged bankrupts and lunatics as persons undesirable to hold office in trade unions. I do not think we should do all the work for the trade unions. They must also do some work themselves. The Government can only prevent criminals and undesirable elements in a wide sense from taking office. If there are other categories of undesirable elements, then the trade unions must remove them by the democratic process of election. That is all they can do. The Member is also worried that non-citizens carrying work permits will not be allowed to work in trade unions, and he wants us to put in a provision to exempt them if they are of any good. I should say that he should not worry about it because the provision is already there, in clause 5, i.e. new section 26B (b) : 'The Minister may by order - (b) grant, either absolutely or subject to such conditions as he may consider reasonably necessary, exemption from all or any of the provisions of section 26 or 26A in respect of officers or employees...'. The power of exemption is already there, so he need not be worried about it. In conclusion, I should say that responsible trade union leaders should not be afraid of this Bill. They should answer the challenge of the workers and lead them democratically and not be dictatorial as some leaders in the past were. Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. Question put, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." 6.25 p.m.”
“The Member for Kampong Kembangan wants us to include undischarged bankrupts and lunatics as persons undesirable to be appointed as officials. I do not think we can -”
“Any action under this Bill would be taken by the Registrar of Trade Unions, and I do not think he will be so foolish as to say that workers attending a general meeting are contradicting this Bill. So let me proceed, Sir. I have said that there is provision in the trade unions' constitutions that any strike action must be preceded by a secret ballot. It is because this provision is so often by-passed and flouted by irresponsible trade union leaders that it is necessary today to put this provision in the statute book. I do not think the Member for Bras Basah is speaking the truth when he says that the Government is anti-labour -[Interruption]. If we are anti-labour, then why should we want to take the trouble today to clear the trade union movement of criminals and undesirable elements so that there will be a clean and honest trade union movement in Singapore? It is because the N.T.U.C. in the past was saddled with several crooked and dishonest leaders that it was not possible for it to develop as fast as it should. I am not saying that the present leadership of the N.T.U.C. is full of dishonest and crooked leaders. They are quite a good lot. We have helped to clear a few crooks in the past, and if there are any more, then this law will help to clear them further, The Member for Bras Basah also laments that the number of organised workers has gone down in recent years. Is the Government to be blamed when the N.T.U.C. is not working hard enough to win over the workers? An hon. Member: Inefficiency!”
“Only after the battle was fought and after a pro-labour P.A.P. Government is safely in power do we start seeing N.T.U.C. leaders appearing one by one. Nowhere in this Bill do we restrict the right of the workers to go on strike or to take industrial action to settle a dispute. All we ask is that, before taking such action, they must take a secret ballot to ascertain the views of the Members. Why are they so excited and so afraid of the secret ballot? Is it because they are afraid to face the Members; and that they have no confidence that their call for strike action would be carried in a secret ballot? In fact, in all the constitutions and rules of trade unions, there is provision that any strike action must be produced by a secret ballot.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I am rather surprised that the Member for Bras Basah has made a sudden outburst over this Bill. This Bill seeks to restore democratic rights to the workers. Is the Member for Bras Basah not a trade unionist? If he is, then why is he so worried that workers are given their right to decide whether or not they should carry out industrial action which directly affects their livelihood? I hope he is a man who believes in democratic principles and who does not want to impose his will on the workers. If so, then this Bill serves exactly that purpose. Unless he seeks to be a dictator of the workers, then there is some justification for so vehemently opposing this Bill. For my part, I have no intention to be a dictator or to bulldoze this Bill through. That is why we have postponed this Bill twice in order to accommodate the views of the N.T.U.C. leaders. For eight months since this Bill was read the First time in this House in December last year, we have been contacting the leaders of the N.T.U.C., begging them to come to our office to discuss this Bill with us and to find ways and means of modifying it so that it would suit the present-day labour movement. That is because we respect the N.T.U.C. and because we believe their leaders to be responsible leaders and not just weaklings or stooges of the Government, as they are often accused by the Barisan Sosialis. So do you call this an anti-labour Government? The Member was not sincere when he accused me of being a Minister for Employers and that I tried to oppress the workers. He made mention of the Lim Yew Hock Government and of the anti-colonial movement. I went to gaol under the Lim Yew Hock Government for trying to propagate the cause of the workers. And where was the Member for Bras Basah then? An hon.”
“On a point of order, Sir, I think section 79 of the Industrial Relations Ordinance has nothing to do with the present Bill we are discussing now.”
“In view of the provisions relating to disqualification of officers and employees of trade unions in clauses 4 and 5, consequential changes are made in clauses 7 and 8 whereby, in addition to reporting changes of headquarters or offices and central executive members, trade unions are also required to notify the Registrar of all changes of branch offices, members of other committees as well as employees. Mr Speaker, Sir, I propose to add a new clause to the Bill at the Committee stage relating to a minor amendment to section l8B of the Ordinance. The purpose of the amendment is to enable the Official Assignee to deal with immovable property belonging to trade unions which are dissolved. Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. Question proposed. 4.13 p.m.”
“A clean and honest trade union movement will inspire the confidence not only of the workers but also of the general public and the employers. It has been appreciated that there would be practical difficulties in certain cases in applying the new provisions of section 26 in clause 4 and section 26A in clause 5. A proviso has also been incorporated in both these sections which gives power to the Minister to rule that the disqualification arising from conviction shall not apply where he is satisfied that the person convicted has reformed. Powers are also given to the Minister in the new section 26B in clause 5 to exempt any trade union or person from the provisions relating to disqualification. To ensure the effective implementation of the provisions in clause 3 and to improve on the existing provisions of the Ordinance concerning secret ballots, the Bill provides in clause 6 that the rules of a registered trade union shall ensure that every member has an equal right to record his vote freely, that the results of the voting are accurately ascertained and declared, and that the secrecy of the ballot is properly secured. Besides, power is given to the Registrar of Trade Unions to inspect ballot papers and other documents used in connection with the ballot, and it is provided that all such papers and documents shall be preserved for six months and the results of the ballot shall be sent to the Registrar. Under the existing Ordinance, registered trade unions are required to notify the Registrar of every change of headquarters or offices, including members of the central executive committee, within seven days after the change.”
“This is not the intention of this subsection which, in such cases, requires only the' majority consent of the particular section of members concerned. I propose, Mr Speaker, Sir, at the Committee stage to move an amendment which will make the intention clear. The N.T.U.C. has also expressed very strong objection to the definition of "industrial action" in subsection (4) of the new section 24A. For this reason, the Second Reading of the Bill was postponed twice to enable my Ministry to discuss the matter fully with the N.T.U.C. Sir, at the Committee stage I will move an amendment to the definition of "industrial action". Although the new definition does not meet the views of the N.T.U.C. in full, I would say that it is the most realistic provision we could make under the circumstances. Under the proposed amendments in clause 4, a person is disqualified from holding any office in the central executive committee, branch committees and other committees, such as industrial relation committees, education and cultural committees of a trade union, if he is not a citizen of Singapore or has been convicted of criminal breach of trust, extortion or criminal intimidation, or any other offence, which, in the opinion of the Minister, renders him unfit to be an officer of a trade union. The Bill also provides in clause 5 that a person shall not be employed as an employee of a trade union if he is not a citizen of Singapore or has been convicted of a criminal offence. In other words, the amended section 26 and the new section 26A in clauses 4 and 5 endeavour to ensure that not only the running of this country in every respect shall be in the hands of citizens of Singapore, but also that the trade union leadership shall not be exposed to corrupt influence.”
“Failure to comply with this democratic process would render the defaulting union and its officers liable to prosecution and, if convicted, a fine of up to $2,000 can be imposed. There is nothing whatsoever in this clause which may in any way hamper the workers' fundamental right to strike. In fact, its sole aim is to ensure that every member of a trade union has the opportunity to exercise his democratic right and express his views freely by secret ballot on the vital question of strike and other forms of industrial action which directly affect their livelihood. It was not uncommon in the past that in some disputes the workers knew nothing about their cases at all. The first thing they knew about the strike was that when they turned up at the factory gate they found banners hanging all over the place and they were not allowed to enter the factory. Now, we are not going to allow this to happen any more. We are not going to allow the trade union leaders to have the only say in the unions. But we are not saying that they cannot go on strike or take any form of industrial action. All we say is that if they want to go on strike or take any form of industrial action, they must first consult their members, and the general members must have the final say as to whether or not they should carry out a strike. Following the First Reading of the Bill, my Ministry has received representations from the National Trades Union Congress. The N.T.U.C. has pointed out that subsection (1) of the new section 24A in clause 3, as it stands, would give the impression that before a trade union commences a strike or any form of industrial action which affects only a section of its members, it has to obtain by secret ballot the consent of the majority of the entire membership.”
“This would ensure that the views of the rank and file members in respect of industrial action are respected by the union leadership, and eliminate any undemocratic manipulation of imposing a strike from the top. As anticipated, the anti-national elements in the pro-Communist unions have come out with their usual distorted statements alleging that the object of the Bill is to deprive the right of the so-called left-wing trade unionists to serve the workers. They have been singing this old tune for years. Members will recall that in the past, when the Government introduced legislative measures to safeguard trade union funds, it was accused by them of adopting Fascist and dictatorial methods to suppress the trade unions. It is easy to see what is at the back of their tortuous minds. They are not really interested in the right to serve the workers simply because they have no concern for the interest of the workers. What actually gives them cause for concern is that the Bill might in some way curb their evil design to subvert the trade union movement to serve their selfish interest. I shall now explain the amendments proposed in this Bill. The provisions in clause 2 of the Bill seek to enlarge the existing definition of "executive" and "officer" to include reference to the branch committees, branch officers and members of other committees of a trade union. This is necessary in view of the provision to be introduced in clause 4 which deals with the qualifications of trade union officers. Clause 3 makes it compulsory for a trade union to obtain the consent of the majority of the members concerned by secret ballot before calling a strike or taking any form of industrial action.”
“It is, therefore, only right that measures are taken to ensure that individual unions and the trade union movement as a whole should be led by citizens of our country. The N.T.U.C. has already made it clear that under no circumstances will it tolerate corrupt practices in the labour movement. The elimination of undesirable elements with criminal records from key positions in trade unions will ensure the emergence of a clean and honest labour movement. The provisions of the existing Trade Unions Ordinance do not adequately safeguard the interest of the members of trade unions in connection with strikes and other forms of industrial action. The Ordinance merely requires trade unions to make provisions in their rules for the taking of decisions in respect of strikes by secret ballot. But nowhere in the Ordinance does it lay down that failure to comply with the necessity to carry out a secret ballot prior to strike action is an offence under the Ordinance, although the Registrar of Trade Unions may, on proper complaints laid before him by the members affected, call upon the union concerned to show cause as to why its registration should not be cancelled. Apart from deregistration, no other action can be taken against the defaulting union or the responsible officers, as a strike, which is commenced without taking a secret ballot of the members of the trade union concerned, is not an illegal strike within the meaning of the Trade Disputes Ordinance. It is intended to rectify this deficiency by making specific provisions in the law to require a trade union to obtain the consent of the majority of its members concerned by secret ballot before calling a strike or taking any form of industrial action.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." The Bill seeks to amend the Trade Unions Ordinance with the following objects:- 1. To debar non-Singapore citizens and persons with criminal records from holding any office in or from being employed by a registered trade union. 2. To provide for the compulsory registration of branch offices, members of other committees and paid officials of a trade union in the same manner as is being done now in respect of the registration of headquarters' offices and central committee members. 3. To make it compulsory for a trade union to obtain the consent of the majority of the members concerned by secret ballot before calling a strike or taking any form of industrial action. Under the existing Trade Unions Ordinance, any person who has attained the age of 21 years may become an officer of a trade union. Other than this, the only restriction imposed by the Ordinance on the qualification of trade union officers is that at least two-thirds of the total number of the officers of a trade union shall be persons actually engaged or employed in an industry or occupation with which the trade union is connected. This laxity has enabled persons who are not Singapore citizens and undesirable elements with criminal records to hold important positions in and manage the affairs of trade unions. As comprehensive measures have already been adopted by Government to protect the employment opportunities of Singapore citizens, it would be illogical to allow non-Singapore citizens to remain entrenched in the executive positions of trade unions. The democratic trade union movement has a vital role to play in our national development.”
“This includes the purchasing of machinery and stationery and other items. We now find that this sum is insufficient. Our estimated total expenditure for this year amounts to about $2,395,827 of which $1,619,837 is for Personal Emoluments, $188,860 is for Other Charges Annually Recurrent, and $587,128 is for Other Charges Special Expenditure. Of the $1 million which was provided for in this year's estimate, $44,800 was transferred to meet expenses in connection with the operation of the Regulation of Employment Act, that is, with regard to the issue of work permits. Thus a sum of $1,450,630 is required to cover expenses in connection with national re-registration up to the end of this year. So you will see that most of this money is required for Personal Emoluments. This is for the employment of a large number of temporary workers in these various schemes.”
“Some of them may want to have their names written in such a way or in a short form. Some may want to have their names written in a long form. Some may want their names to be spelt in Cantonese or in Mandarin. But we cannot help that. If we are to accept all these demands, then the work of the registration campaign will be slowed down. Nevertheless, we will try our best to accommodate all these demands. As to the second point raised by the Member for Aljunied regarding the replacement of an identity card for a person who has changed his citizenship status, I would say that where the replacement is not his fault, then the normal charge of 50 cents will apply. But where, for instance, the replacement is due to his own carelessness or loss, then the fee of $5 will apply. As to the point raised by the Member for River Valley that during the third phase when we go out to the community centres to register the general public as a whole, they would appreciate the help of Members of Parliament and the Citizens' Consultative Committees in the various areas, we are, in fact, now making plans to bring in Members of Parliament and members in the Citizens' Consultative Committees to help us carry out the registration in their various constituencies. I hope the Members of Parliament on our side will volunteer and, in fact, mobilise their workers and helpers in their constituencies to help us in the registration campaign so that the work can be speeded up. As to appropriate language group teams to be sent to the registration centres, we are making every effort to send proper language groups to the various areas. Another important point is the amount of money we have asked this House to vote for the registration campaign. The original sum of $1 million put down is for the initial work.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the national registration campaign started about three months ago. So far we have registered more than half a million people - to be exact, the number of persons registered up to the 13th of August is 566,540 persons. Judging by the number of persons we have registered for the period, I should say that we have done quite fast work. The workers employed in this registration campaign are recruited from a list provided by the Public Service Commission. They are mainly young boys and girls freshly graduated from secondary schools and, because of their lack of experience and training, some allowance must be made for their work. But so far, we have found that the number of mistakes made in the identity cards in comparison with the number we have registered is very few. Nevertheless, we will try to ensure that mistakes will be as few as possible. If the mistakes made in the new identity cards are due to our own fault, then, of course, we will offer free replacements, but the applicants must provide their own photographs. I think we cannot help that, but I hope the public will forgive us for this. The Member for Aljunied has raised two points. The first is about the names on identity cards. If you look at the new identity cards, you will notice that in addition to one column for the name, there is another column for the alias. A person is allowed to have any number of aliases, but the name appearing on his old identity card must appear on his new identity card in order to provide a continuity. But if a person feels that his name should be spelt in such and such a way, we have made provision for that and I am sure the workers in the registration centres will oblige. But sometimes people are quite difficult to please.”
“Consideration will be given in the future to establishing permanent or temporary registration centres to deal with identity card matters, including reports of lost cards. In fact, the new Department of National Registration will have mobile registration teams which will visit certain centres all over the island at fixed regular intervals. Details of this will be announced at a later date. For the information of the hon. Member, any person who is required to re-register under the provisions of Regulations 15 and 16 of the National Registration Regulations, 1966, will only have to pay a nominal fee of 50 cents in the case of a citizen identity card and one dollar in the case of a non-citizen identity card. Replacements required under Regulations 15 and 16 are treated as re-registration and not as replacements for lost or defaced cards. I wish to assure this House that the re-registration of the population has been so planned that as little inconvenience as possible is caused to the general public. Over the last one month, the staff have been undergoing vigorous training to carry out this exercise in an efficient and courteous manner. In return, I would ask the public to give their fullest co-operation by bringing along the required documentary proofs of their citizenship as well as by answering questions put to them by the interviewing officers. By helping the Government in this manner, they will be helping themselves. As I have said previously, the new citizen plastic laminated identity card will in the future be a passport to social amenities, such as education, housing, health and employment. Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That Parliament do now adjourn. Adjourned accordingly at Twenty Minutes to Six o'clock p.m.”
“That will be considered. I think that can be accepted if the hon. Member means to have both the romanised names and Tamil names on the application forms. In the case of Malays, their names will already be in romanised form. So there is no necessity to put down their names again in Jawi on the application forms. On another point. Where a Chinese is adopted by a non-Chinese family and where no adoption papers have been taken out, consideration will be given to entering the adopted name on the identity card. For the information of the hon. Member, the new identity card will show the number of the present identity card and the date of its original issue. In addition, the race and dialect group of the applicant will be entered on the identity card, such as Chinese/Hokkien or Chinese/Cantonese or Indian/Tamil, etc. The occupation of the holder will not be shown on the new identity card, but if he changes his occupation, he need only inform the Commissioner for National Registration either in person or by post. Further, the new plastic laminated identity card provides a pocket for the insertion of a change of address slip. Where a person changes his address, he will report either to the nearest police station, post office or a registration centre to notify his change of address. He will fill a very simple form and will be given at the same time a change of address slip which will be inserted into the pocket provided for in the identity card. There will, therefore, be no necessity for a holder of a plastic laminated identity card to change his card completely when he changes his residence. There will be no charge whatsoever for effecting the change of address.”
“I have already said that the names will be written in Roman alphabets. So it is not necessary to write the names again in romanised Malay or romanised Tamil because it will be in the same alphabets. Mr Lingam: I think the Minister did not understand what I said. I understand that the names will be written in English on the identity cards. But as the Minister said, for the Chinese, Chinese characters will appear in the application forms. That is why I asked him whether it would be too much if he would consider putting a Malay name in romanised Malay on the application form, or Tamil on the application form.”