John Chen Seow Phun
Singapore
“Sir, Singapore has signed FTAs with a number of countries, including the developed nations, such as the US and Japan. These FTAs give us better access to these developed markets compared to other countries for goods that need the rules of origin.”
“Sir, I thank the Minister for asking the HDB to relook at the case I brought up, but I hope that he would not rule out providing the same loan amount to the family. I understand the need for credit assessment policy, and so on. But I think the policy should not be applied blindly.”
“It can also be stipulated that the grants can only be used to pay part of their mortgage loan monthly. I think this will go a long way in helping these families pay for their flats. I hope the Minister can look into this and see whether these families can be given such help.”
“My point is that the Minister should reconsider this case and exercise flexibility, so that the family will be helped. Otherwise, if the family was asked to sell their flat, it could be negative equity and the problem would come back to HDB. And HDB would be owed money and I do not think that is good for HDB as well.”
“We need to come up with a regular mechanism where older and lower income workers can benefit without the pitfalls of a crutch mentality. I think, in this regard, the Government has not spent enough time or thought to look into what other mechanisms that we can have.”
“On the other hand, at best, we get one Singapore pavilion with a dozen or so companies, and that is about it. If we are really serious with our globalisation effort, our Government agencies must put in more resources to encourage more companies to participate in such events.”
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“In the Singapore context, we have to ask ourselves whether present and succeeding generations of Singaporeans will stay and fight when there is an external threat, whether there will be unity among the various ethnic groups when there is a political agitation, and whether Singaporeans are prepared to tighten their belts in an economic crisis. We have also to ask ourselves whether the social values we embrace will gradually enhance the social and political stability of this country during normal times and contribute to improved peace, progress and prosperity. Sir, I believe that the White Paper has successfully singled out and consolidated the core social values shared by Singaporeans of all races. These shared values have underpinned our success in the last 25 years. We have to ensure that succeeding generations of Singaporeans are also guided by these values so that we can continue to survive and succeed as a nation. There are two points in the proposed values which have aroused much contention. First, the proposed values seek to strike a balance between the individual and the society. Nobody can disagree with that. The controversy is: where do you draw the line between the individual and the community? Striking the right balance is essential if a society is to progress and not decline. But I think it is not possible to draw the line and there is no need to, because we should not use the shared values to justify or criticise a Government policy. I therefore do not think Mr Leong Chee Whye should use the legislation regarding flushing in the public toilet to argue that perhaps the Government is lacking in its regard for the individual.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, following the suggestion by the Government to develop a national ideology two years ago, the subject has since been discussed extensively both in and outside Parliament. Many supported the rationale behind this proposal, and many views have been expressed as to what this national ideology should include. The Government has now proposed, in the White Paper, five core shared values focusing on the relationship between the individual and society. Some Singaporeans wanted political values such as democracy, meritocracy and honest Government to be included. Some felt that religious values such as belief in God should not be left out. Others wanted to uphold individual virtues such as hard work and pursuit of excellence. It is therefore important for us to decide on whether we want to incorporate these other sets of values into the proposed set. Sir, I support the Government's proposition not because the other sets of values are not important, but because it will allow us to be single-minded and concentrate on the most difficult and yet most important task of weaving a strong social fabric in our multi-racial society. On this fabric, I believe, must the other sets of values rest. It is a difficult task because it deals with shaping people's attitude and behaviour towards other people, and in Singapore, the problem is compounded by the fact that we are not a homogenous people. It is also an extremely important task because the social culture of a people takes a long time to evolve and has profound consequences on whether that people can hold together during a crisis and whether they will not disintegrate during normal times.”
“If a person is good enough to be a Presidential stand-in, he should be qualified to stand for election. The Bill goes on to provide that if neither the Chairman of the CPA nor the Speaker is available, Parliament may then appoint a person to stand in. But it is required now that this person be qualified to be elected as President, which means he must be at least 45 years old. Therein, I think, lies the incongruity. For these reasons, Sir, I hope, the Prime Minister will consider deleting the minimum age requirement set out in new Article 19, clause 2(b).”
“It is whether, having been elected, he acts according to what he believes is in the best national interest, just as the Prime Minister who has to affirm that he will bear true allegiance to the State, no matter which political party he comes from. Sir, I would like to make another comment regarding the pre-qualifications of candidates. I support the views of the Select Committee that they should fulfil exacting standards of competence, experience and rectitude, which should be spelt out in the Constitution. I welcome the amendments to make it clear that, in addition to the categories of people deemed qualified, the Presidential Elections Committee can also accept others whom they consider suitable as candidates. However, like Mr Goh Choon Kang, I feel that the requirement that the candidate must not be less than 45 years of age is rather incongruous and arbitrary. The other stringent qualifications and the role of the Presidential Elections Committee to pre-qualify candidates are, in my view, sufficient. Are we going to reject an extremely capable and good candidate just because he is 44 years of age? Is the figure "45" not arbitrary? Furthermore, may I refer Members to new Article 22N regarding Presidential stand-in when the office of President becomes vacant. The Bill provides that the Chairman of the Council of Presidential Advisors or, if he is not available, the Speaker shall stand in. There is no require- ment here that he must be at least 45 years old. Mr Speaker, Sir, if I am not mistaken, I understand that you are younger than 45 years old. And I think you are amply qualified to be elected as the President. Therefore, it is possible that a Presidential stand-in is, in fact, not qualified to be elected as President.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to join hon. Members in commending the Select Committee for proposing some significant changes to further improve the Bill after considering the views of MPs and a sizeable number of representors. On the proposed requirement that the presidential candidates should resign from their political parties, I have noted that, although both the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister BG Lee have taken the view that there is no strong reason why it should be so, they have agreed to the proposed change because, in the view of the Select Committee, "it may be more reassuring to the public if the President stood for election in his own right and not on a party platform." This, I agree with Mr Lim Boon Heng, is an excellent example of consensus building. I would agree to the amendment although, unlike him, I feel that it suffices for the President to only take an oath of office and affirm that he will discharge his duties "without fear or favour, affection or ill-will." I do not think it will make much difference, in practice, whether the President resigns from his political party or not. The Elected President cannot be apolitical. He is expected to make political judgment when he exercises some of his powers. And when that political judgment is in conflict with the action of the government, nothing can prevent the government from accusing the President for taking part in partisan politics, whether or not the President is a party man or has been a party man, whether or not the President has taken an oath not to have regard to any previous affiliation with any political party in exercising his functions. What is important, therefore, is not whether the Elected President should or should not belong to a political party.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, for allowing me to join in the debate. Sir, I welcome the setting up of the National Science and Technology Board to ensure that research and redevelopment in science and technology will be exploited to the fullest for our economic well-being. Sir, in March, during the debate in the Committee of Supply, I emphasised the importance of ensuring success of our R&D institutes because of the huge sum of money involved in setting up and running an institute, and because of the potential benefits it can bring to our economic development. I spoke of the need for a central body to assess the feasibility of setting up a new institute to provide direction to existing institutes, evaluate their progress and ensure proper accountability. Sir, I would like the Minister to explain whether he envisages the NSTB taking on the responsibilities which I have just described under one of its functions stated in clause 5(b) of this Bill which is to coordinate the establishment and development of research institutes. It appears to me that existing R&D institutes and even new institutes set up under other Ministries or statutory boards can continue their activities with funds obtained directly from the Finance Ministry and they do not have to resort to funds from the NSTB. Under these circumstances, will these institutes be answerable to NSTB, and will the Minister then explain how NSTB can effect changes to bring about good management, clear direction and complementary R&D activities in these institutes.”
“These objections can be resolved by making it mandatory for Parliament to elect a qualified person to be the Acting President. I would like to add to the point made by Dr Aline Wong regarding reserves and I would like the First Deputy Prime Minister to clarify. It is possible that the Government of the day collects large financial gains due to privatization of statutory boards, Government companies and valuable properties. Will these gains be considered as reserves accumulated by previous governments or will they be considered as newly acquired reserves? Finally, Sir, the Elected President Bill on the whole will enhance the political stability of our country. Without the proposed Elected President, all you need is a bad government and Singapore will go to ruin. In the proposed two-key system, the chances of collusion between the Elected President and the Cabinet will be remote. In the event of a bad President being elected, the Government will always have recourse to the people. For these reasons, Sir, I support the Bill.”
“But an objective person will tell you that if an Elected President is identified by the people as having the same philosophy as the PAP Government, there is every possibility that it will encourage more people to vote for the Opposition in a general election. Dr Lee claimed that the PAP Government is preparing for contingencies and the Elected President will cause problems for the Government when the Opposition comes into power so as to make them unpopular. He forgot that if a Government is incapable of ensuring financial prudence and the integrity of the civil service, the role of the Elected President is precisely instituted for checking such a government. At any rate, there are provisions in the Bill for the government to challenge the Elected President. Sir, I now turn to some points regarding the implementation of the Bill. When the office of President becomes vacant prior to the expiration of his term, the proposed Articles 22M and 22N make provision for the temporary appointment of persons to fill the office until a newly Elected President assumes office. I feel that if there is an elected Vice-President, then he is the most suitable person to act as President. Perhaps the Presidential candidate should have a running mate for Vice-Presidency, and the elected Vice-President can then chair the Council of Presidential Advisors under normal circumstances. Under the present proposal, I feel that the Chief Justice and the Speaker should not automatically be in the line of succession for the temporary appointment of President. This is because, firstly, people have not elected them and, secondly, automatic succession does not guarantee that the appointee is capable of handling the wide ranging functions of the Elected President.”
“Sir, I can understand the need to entrench the provisions relating to the President's custodial powers by requiring amendments to be confirmed by a two-thirds majority in a referendum. It is to ensure that this part of the Constitution cannot be easily tampered with without the overwhelming consent of the people. But in a deadlock situation between Parliament and the President on the Supply Bills alone, requiring Parliament to amend the custodial powers of the President by a referendum of two-thirds majority may prove to be a destabilising factor in our political system and the governing of the nation. I share the same concern as Dr Aline Wong when she mentioned that when the President and the Government belong to separate political parties, a deadlock and paralysis of the Government can happen. May I suggest that, for the Supply Bills and Supplementary Supply Bills, if there is a deadlock situation and if Parliament has a two-thirds majority, then either Parliament should prevail or the Government needs only to obtain a simple majority in a referendum on the Bills alone, not on the other custodial powers belonging to the President. A simple majority will do, because in the first place the President will probably be elected on the first-past-the-post basis. Sir, Dr Lee Siew-Choh complained that it is undemocratic if an elected government is not allowed to use the financial reserves. But he knows that the election of a President with powers to check the use of reserves will be done within the framework of parliamentary democracy. Dr Lee also accused the PAP Government for introducing this Bill to continue its rule.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, we have in front of us a very important Bill which will fundamentally change the political landscape of our country. I would like to examine mainly two aspects of the Bill. First, what powers the Elected President will be given and for what purpose; and second, whether these powers will result in a more stable or less stable political system for Singapore. Sir, the custodial powers that will be entrusted to the Elected President are primarily aimed at providing adequate checks and balances on the government of the day. These powers enable the Elected President to protect the Republic's financial assets, preserve the integrity of the public services, and safeguard the abuse of powers by the Government with respect to the ISA, the proposed Maintenance of Religious Harmony Bill and the CPIB. Contrary to what Dr Lee Siew-Choh has said yesterday, these checks and balances are hitherto not available in our parliamentary system. They are therefore important in safeguarding the interests of our people. On the Presidential powers to check the Government, I support fully without reservation. However, on the question of Supply Bills and Supplementary Supply Bills which are passed by Parliament, the Elected President, together with the majority of the Council of Presidential Advisors, can effectively veto the decision of Parliament, even though Parliament may have a two-thirds majority agreeing to the Bills. Under these circumstances, the only immediate thing the Government can do to challenge the President is by introducing amendment to remove or modify the veto power of the Elected President. And that requires a referendum with a two-thirds majority of the total number of voters. Is this desirable?”
“All these demand that the waters around us be kept clean. The Bill is therefore timely and will enhance our efforts to preserve the marine environment. It is also consistent with our policy of adopting international standards for shipping. The Minister has also mentioned that it will facilitate the clearance of Singapore ships in foreign ports and reduce operational and accidental pollution from all ships using Singapore waters. Pollution from land-based sources can also be effectively dealt with. Sir, I would like to ask the Minister two questions. First, what proportion of the total number of ships using Singapore waters are at present not up to the required standards and how do we deal with them in bringing the new law into force? Second, what can we do when a non-Singapore ship causes pollution just outside our waters? Sir, I support the Bill.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the United Nations' World Commission on Environment clearly recognised the crucial role of the oceans to humanity in its 1987 Report entitled "Our Common Future". I quote: 'Sustainable economic development, if not survival itself, depends on significant advances in the management of oceans.' Indeed, man has used the oceans as a source of food and minerals, and for other purposes such as transportation, recreation, and industry, and in some countries, as waste disposal. The oceans are therefore under tremendous pressure from all these human activities, and threats of sea pollution have become more and more. Most pollution comes from land-based sources, but a significant amount comes from shipping. It is estimated that about 12% of marine pollution results from maritime transportation. Singapore is strategically located at the cross-roads between the Asia-Pacific and the Middle-East and also Europe. Our port ranks as the world's busiest port with about 40,000 vessels calling in 1989. Singapore is also a regional refining and bunkering centre. In addition, the Malacca and Singapore Straits are very busy waterways used by international maritime traffic. In view of the high level of shipping activity, Singapore is very vulnerable to pollution from ships, both accidental and operational. As our population increases and the country becomes more affluent, there will be growing demand for recreation and greater consciousness of the need for better health and better living conditions, ie., a higher quality of life. Marine leisure activities like swimming, wind surfing, sailing, fishing, and scuba diving are increasing, not only among Singaporeans but also with tourists. Besides recreation and tourism, we also have a thriving aquaculture industry.”
“For instance, we could be more liberal in granting permission to stage a public drama. We ought to allow people to criticise, to laugh at certain aspects of the system, and at ourselves, from time to time. So I submit that if we have the right framework in our educational system for our children, we will not find ourselves short of people who will make solid contributions in the economic, political, social or cultural realms, and who will add a dash of colour and some novel ideas to our on-going efforts in nation building. Sir, I support the motion.”
“Now, this was very interesting, because it pointed out that although the Japanese system is very pressurized, it is much less so before the child reaches the age of nine years. That is a very important revelation, because in those early years, we want the child to develop a love of learning, not to kill it with too much pressure. Once this love of learning is there, it stays for life. And the love of learning is in itself the best way of learning, and the beginning of creativity. It is a fact that many parents who complain of the second language requirement are themselves from English-educated backgrounds. Their children often see no practical necessity for having to learn the mother tongue. Now when such a child sees the highly structured way in which the mother tongue is taught in some of our schools, he finds it a very burdensome, unwelcome chore. By contrast, a child will automatically learn as soon as he sees its usefulness - and the fact is that he does so when the environment is right and when positive feedback and encouragement are present. I therefore very much hope that the Ministry of Education, as part of its effort to improve primary education, will pay close attention to this problem. We need to provide a free environment - within the parameters, of course - to allow children to express themselves and to explore and enjoy doing this at the same time. We need to ensure that the environment is right so that the benefits will be reaped in all spheres of human activity. In drama and in the arts generally, we must be sure we help Singaporeans to express themselves in their attempts to come up with good art forms. To do so, we must, for example, ensure that the unnecessary restrictions are kept to a minimum.”
“They generally do things not because they have a passion for them, but merely because of external factors such as material reward and recognition. Why is this happening? Are we guilty of shaping such attitudes and perpetuating them? For example, while it is good to ask employees of some statutory boards to donate money to the 25th anniversary charity fund, why then should you offer them different types of certificates of appreciation in return for the varying amount donated? I am sure this scheme produces results, but that only goes to show that we have brought up Singaporeans in the manner I have just described. If I may give another example, I believe there are many people with 8th grade certificates and even diplomas in piano, but when put to the test, they cannot really perform, while in some cases, there are highly talented pianists who have no paper qualifications at all. Therefore, it is important that we be motivated by the right reasons, and if we are not, we will never be truly creative - or caring. I am glad the Government has stated that in the coming years more effort will be concentrated on primary education, because we have to teach children a certain crucial set of values right from the start. What is important is to instil in them an attitude of caring and a love of learning very early in life. But you cannot develop these attitudes if you are under lots of pressure! And the impression that our education system gives many people is that there is certainly too much pressure right from a very young age. Does it come only from the schools? Or from parents? Or both? Recently there was a Newsweek article which compared the educational systems of several countries around the world, including Japan.”
“Consultative government is therefore a two-way process. I feel that is what the present Government stands for, and will not be apologetic for the fact that it often is the initiator of new policies, and does its part to get the people to accept them. Of course, if Government does not consult and discuss intended policy matters and just enacts laws without consulting the public, then that is not practising consultative government. [Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Abdullah Tarmugi) in the Chair] 3.15 pm Now, consultative government, by its very nature, entails the need for an intellectually vibrant society. In order to see us through the next 25 years in our social, political and economic development, we need a people who are adaptable, who will take the initiative to contribute to the decision-making process. In short, we need to be creative, and re-creative. With respect to our economic development, we need people who can learn new things quickly, upgrade themselves as the need arises, and to have generally flexible minds. In the social and cultural realms, we need people who can express themselves in a free environment. And in terms of our political development - especially in the area of consensus building - we need people who will not lack ideas, and who will want to participate. The question is: are we preparing Singaporeans for this? How do we nurture creativity in our people? Research carried out time and again over the years has shown that 'people will be most creative when they feel motivated primarily by the interest, enjoyment, satisfaction, and challenge of the work itself - not by external pressures'. I believe most Singaporeans are motivated by anything other than intrinsic reasons.”
“For instance, critics in fact say that the Government had already long ago decided to have a vehicle quota system and that all we were doing in the Select Committee and in this House are just PR work, pretending to have involved people in the decision-making process. But surely a good government with capable leaders would have thought through a particular problem and worked out a sensible and workable solution before consulting the people to ensure that what they present to the people is worthy of their consideration. Is that not, after all, the role of government leaders anywhere? It is only good that leaders should have thought their way through something, if they are leading a nation. Indeed, a good government must anticipate problems long before they arise, and think through all possible solutions, weighing the pros and cons in the process. It is therefore ridiculous to say that the Government should come to the people without any firm idea of what they are leading the people to! Government is thus actually leading and working in an efficient way. Therefore, in this context, the Government can still be consultative and consensus-building by going to the people and getting their views on what they have already thought through. They will then proceed to modify, where necessary, especially when it comes to details about implementation. Now, I am not saying, on the other hand, that ideas cannot be generated by the people. By all means, if Singaporeans have good ideas or feel that certain problems are getting worse, they should feel free to throw out their own ideas for tackling persistent problems. Such ideas will certainly be very welcome. As a result, I believe that the Government may well react and change policies or enact whatever new laws that prove necessary.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, we are now coming to the end of a major phase in our nation-building. I would like to take this occasion to congratulate the Government for having been able to carry out programmes as outlined in the Election Manifesto and for having completed a major part of this programme with only a little left to go. This new session will allow us to have a smooth transition from this first phase to the next phase of nation-building, when the First Deputy Prime Minister takes over as Prime Minister of Singapore. I would like to deal with two aspects of Government which are important and which will see us through the next phase of our development as a nation. The younger generation leaders have decided correctly to adopt a consultative style of governing. This is because as Singaporeans have become better educated and more politically sophisticated, they want to have a say in the process of governing. Whether the Government can help people to feel they have been consulted and have a role to play in shaping the nation will decide whether we can carry the people with us for the next 25 years of our development. For a number of years, the Government has advocated a new style of governing, by contrast to that of the old, that is a participatory style, which is meant to involve people in the decision-making process. Good examples of that have been the Medisave scheme and the land transport policies. Now, there are those who believe that consultative government means that the Government must not pre-decide things and that we should go through a long process of getting views from everyone on how to solve a problem.”
“To sum up, Sir, the objectives of health care policy should be to keep Singaporeans healthy, and to provide a high level of medical care to the poor and rich alike. We must strive to achieve these objectives.”
“Sir, polyclinics are also well located and easily accessible, but only used in the day time. The Ministry should therefore look into putting them to good use in the evenings. This may help to relieve the load in the A&E departments posed by the non-emergency cases. The second level of curative service is the hospital care which is admittedly more expensive because it is labour and skill-intensive. However, the Ministry must ensure that hospital care remains affordable for the lower income group. In this respect, the Ministry should look for ways to increase the level of productivity and efficiency in hospitals. One way to reduce the financial impact on patients is to help them recover quicker and spend less days in hospital. Government must also ensure that sufficient C class beds are available at all hospitals and waivers or partial reduction of medical fees are given liberally to those who cannot afford. In this regard, can the Minister provide data on the number of patients who applied for waivers and the number rejected? Sir, in our effort to restructure and streamline hospital operations, while policy and plans were well thought out, I believe problems are encountered at the implementation level where staff may sometimes get their priorities wrong. There are some concerns that admission to hospitals is now more difficult and patients in class C and B2 wards are receiving a lower level of care in terms of medical attention and courtesy of staff. I hope that if any such complaint is brought to the attention of the Minister, he will ensure that a thorough investigation is carried out and thus ensure that the appropriate level of medical care is given to all, irrespective of class of ward.”
“Sir, in formulating our health policy, it is important that we emphasise both the preventive and the curative health care, and strike a balance between the two. Therefore, while we have to ensure that our medical services are good, so that the sick can be cured quickly and that such services are cost-effective and affordable, we must also step up our effort to help more and more people to remain healthy through our preventive health care programme because this is a cheaper and better way of health care. In this regard, I am happy to note that our preventive health care programme has been effective through the provision of various types of immunisation. The Ministry must therefore continue to ensure that compliance will remain high. We must also improve on our health education pro- gramme. The National Health Fair held last year was a good effort. However, the exhibits were only in the English language and the feedback I received was that many who attended the Fair were the elderly people who could not benefit from the health education messages due to the language problem. The Ministry should therefore ensure that health education messages be in languages best suited to the target audience and review how the health education programmes can be made more effective so that the maximum number of Singaporeans can work at keeping themselves healthy. Sir, I now come to the curative service, both at the primary and hospital levels. I believe we have generally done a good job in providing primary health care through the polyclinics where a range of services are available at affordable fees. Polyclinics should continue to concentrate on the young, the old and the indigent, and see how they can be better served.”
“Sir, I thank the Minister of State for his reply and beg leave to withdraw the amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. The sum of $118,351,800 for Head V ordered to stand part of the Main Estimates. The sum of $513,891,500 for Head V ordered to stand part of the Development Estimates. 1.49 pm Head P -”
“Perhaps the role of the existing Science Council should be expanded to take on this responsibility. I would appreciate the Minister's response to my comments and suggestions.”
“Sir, I beg to move, That the sum to be allocated for Head V be reduced by $10 in respect of Code VE 5200 of the Development Estimates. Sir, Singapore rightly believes that science and technology is the key to our economic progress and prosperity. The Government has committed and given large sums of money to promote R&D activities. One of the important efforts is the establishment of R&D institutes. We have seen over the last five to 10 years the emergence of several R&D institutes, such as the Institute of Molecular and Cell Biology, Institute of Systems Science, Information Technology Institute, GINTIC, and so on. Two other institutes, the Institute of Micro-electronics and Institute of Manufacturing Technology will be set up in the near future. Sir, there is no doubt that we have to maximise the chances of success of our R&D institutes. However, I am concerned that there has been an apparent lack of coordination in our overall effort to establish these R&D institutes. The result has been that while one or two institutes may be doing well and able to attract substantial funds from the industry, the performance of the rest may be mediocre. Setting up a successful R&D institute is a complex task. It involves, among other things, a clear identification of the need, a careful definition of a set of objectives, an adequate feasibility, planning and design study, consideration of manpower and other resources, and proper management and evaluation. There is therefore a need to have a central organisation to assess the feasibility of a new institute, to provide better direction to existing institutes, evaluate their progress and to ensure proper accountability. This organisation could also come up with a R&D master plan for Singapore and coordinate all our R&D efforts.”
“Sir, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“It is common knowledge that investments in loan stocks are far less risky than investment in shares of the companies issuing these loan stocks. I would therefore urge the Minister to consider granting trustee Stock status to the loan stocks of all CPF trustee companies.”
“Another person, Mr B, also had 1,500 shares but they were bought and registered privately. He also received rights to 500 loan stock and applied for 8,000 excess loan stock. He was allocated an additional 1,500 loan stock with warrants. At present market prices this represents a good gain. This real life example shows that Mr A, a CPF investor, was severely disadvantaged. Sir, there are different ways to resolve this problem so that the CPF investor is put on equal terms with private shareholders. They involve varying amounts of additional administrative work for the share registrars, nominee companies or both. However, I feel that steps taken to eliminate this anomaly is justifiable on the grounds of fairness and public interest. I would like to propose one way to resolve this problem. Perhaps share registrars should be made to recognise that nominee companies hold shares on behalf of various beneficiaries. They should record a breakdown of the beneficiaries for each nominee company. This is already done for shares of banks, newspaper companies, etc., and should not be difficult to implement. During a rights issue, nominees applying for excess rights should provide a detailed list of the interest of each beneficiary. The registrars should then treat each beneficiary separately, as if they were privately registered shareholders. Another matter, Sir, I would like to raise concerns the loan stocks of some CPF trustee companies. It is found that, unlike ordinary shares, the loan stocks of these companies do not enjoy CPF trustee status, ie, one cannot use his CPF account to buy these loan stocks. Examples are UOB loan stock, ICB loan stock, Yeo Hiap Seng loan stock and National Iron Bond, etc.”
“Sir, I beg to move, That the sum to be allocated for Head R be reduced by $10 in respect of Code RA 1500 of the Main Estimates. Sir, in 1986 the Government allowed part of an individual's CPF savings to be invested in approved Singapore shares listed on the Stock Exchange. The shares bought under this CPF investment scheme have to be registered with a nominee which is a bank participating in this scheme. Sir, I would like to bring up a matter concerning rights issue which I think CPF investors are not given a fair deal in. When a rights issue is declared by a public company, registered shareholders are invited to apply for excess rights, ie, for rights not taken up by other shareholders. However, this privilege is severely restricted if the original shareholding is bought under the CPF investment scheme since only the nominee companies may apply for the excess rights. Usually these companies consolidate all the excess rights applications by the CPF beneficiaries and make one application. As this is one large application, the ratio of excess rights shares or loan stock they receive to the original number applied for is smaller than if each beneficiary of the nominee company applied for the shares individually. Thus, shareholders under the CPF scheme is at an unfair disadvantage compared to private investors. For example, recently a bank announced a rights issue of loan stock with warrants. A person, Mr A, had 1,500 shares under the CPF scheme with Bank Z and received rights to 500 loan stock with warrants. He further applied for 10,000 excess loan stock through Bank Z nominee. He received no extra loan stock as Bank Z nominee was allocated only a small portion of what they applied for.”
“Certainly one reason for this is the realisation of a good commonsense principle: that refreshment, relaxation and recreation make for a more productive workforce! Staying on the job till Saturday afternoon and returning to it feeling jaded, irritated and distinctly unrested early on a Monday morning, does not lead to quality production. The secret to the success of the 5-day week lies in efficient, effective time management, and strong organisational skills. There are many multinational companies in Singapore which operate on a 5-day week. Such firms are functioning very effectively. We must therefore move away from sheer quantitative considerations regarding time management. In the final analysis, it is the quality of time that is most important. Needless to say, a 5-day work week, coupled with an improved organisational and management structure, will greatly increase the attractiveness of the civil service. Finally, Sir, while we have enjoyed tremendous economic success in our 25 years of nationhood, we have apparently been less successful in making allowances for a sufficiently balanced lifestyle. We need to work hard but we also need to play hard. The 5-day work week would certainly be a step in the right direction. And it does not mean we must give up being "number one" in the process! I hope the Government will consider this suggestion.”
“More and more Singaporeans are engaging in cultural pursuits, as well as in hobbies, sports, and a whole host of creative and physical endeavours. Or at least they are trying to. But all of these require two basic ingredients: one is time, and the other is energy. If we do not provide people that time and energy to devote themselves to such pursuits, Singapore will ultimately be the loser, as without creative excellence, and the appreciation and support for such excellence, no society can ever truly achieve greatness. We simply cannot afford to forfeit the enormous reservoir of human talent among our people, which in many cases is lying fallow and untapped. A 5-day work week will also enable more people to take week-end trips to the beaches and mountains in Malaysia or other nearby destinations for the purpose of recreation and physical fitness. This will result in a more rugged and mentally more refreshed society which the Government has called for. I submit that the family unit would also be strengthened, and at the same time, there would undoubtedly be a drop in the alarming number of stress-related illnesses. Thirdly, I believe that a 5-day work week will not necessarily bring about a fall in productivity. On the contrary, it can lead to an improvement in productivity as a direct result of a more refreshed, more motivated, and generally happier workforce. The great fallacy among many in management is the erroneous equation of productivity with quantitative measurement. In other words, the more hours you put in, the more productive you are. This is simply not true! Indeed, many countries in the world have been on 5-day work weeks for a long time.”
“Sir, a 5-day work week is gaining considerable popularity in the private sector. This trend is likely to increase substantially as the needs and aspirations of our dynamic and increasingly sophisticated society grow and change with time. I therefore ask the Government to meet these needs and aspirations by implementing a 5-day work week in the public sector. My reasons for this suggestion can be grouped into four broad categories reflecting the need for (1) an enhancement in the overall quality of life, in particular, family life; (2) a genuine pursuit of social, cultural and recreational activities; (3) an improvement in productivity with a more refreshed work force; and (4) a better working environment in the civil service in order to attract and retain good quality staff. First, let us consider the need to uphold the family as a building block of society. This is one of the very cornerstones of our evolving the national ideology, but we cannot expect this to evolve if we do not provide a better environment. I am concerned that more and more parents may be unable to spend enough time with their children. This will be worsened as more and more mothers heed the advice of the Government to join the workforce. With the rise in absentee-fathers and mothers, children are often going unsupervised. This has resulted in a rise in juvenile delinquency. Even the procreation rate has suffered, and monetary incentives alone may not prove sufficient to reverse its trend. Sir, a 5-day work week will have a positive effect in improving family life and unity. The second area entails the desire for a genuine pursuit of social, cultural and recreational activities.”
“Are they considering charging per call or per connect time? Can we achieve the objective of curbing wastage without increasing the cost of telephone service? Sir, if the wastage comes from the business sector, may I propose that we leave the residential telephones alone. As for the business telephones, we should allow them an acceptably large number of free calls for the subscription fee they have paid, and any call beyond that number would then be charged accordingly. Sir, if Telecom decides not to leave residential telephones out, surely we should charge residents on a per-call basis only during working hours, say, from 8.00 am to 6.00 pm. There is no reason to charge them after office hours. I hope the Minister will consider my suggestion.”
“For instance, will the Government allow a private company to provide telephone service to a new housing estate and ensure that the company is allowed to tap onto the exchanges of Telecom by paying a fixed fee or a certain fee per call. Another example will be allowing a private company to set up a satellite station to compete with Telecom in providing international telecommunications services to local companies. Sir, if the growth of our telecommunications industry continues at a sufficiently high rate, which is what we hope it will, I am sure such competition can not only be accommodated, but also will be desirable and beneficial to Singaporeans. The intention of Telecom to charge telephone use on a per call basis is a separate issue from privatisation, although many people unfortunately link it to the privatisation plan. Sir, I understand that Telecom's objective is to curb wastage which has contributed to a tremendous growth of telephone traffic. This is a sound objective which makes a lot of economic sense. However, people are worried that it may result in rising costs for businesses, inflation for Singaporeans and, last but not least, a psyche cost that people have to pay because they find it irksome whenever they make a phone call. The end result is a lower quality of life, they say. Sir, I would like the Minister to provide some details about telephone charges. First, are we currently subsidizing local calls, for both residential and business phones, taking the infrastructural cost into consideration? Second, where does the wastage which contributes to traffic growth come from - the residential sector or the business sector? When does Telecom intend to restructure telephone charges? Is the proposal finalized?”
“Sir, as Mr Goh has said, Singaporeans are fearful that, because of the recent announcement of the intention of Telecom to restructure the telephone charges and the impending privatisation of Telecom, this will mean higher cost for them. The Minister has promised that Government will look after the interest of the public. I would like to ask the Minister that after privatisation, will he consider setting up a telecommunications council, not unlike OFTEL in Britain, to regulate future increases of Telecom charges, just like the Public Transport Council which regulates public transportation charges? This telecommunications council can be given clear guidelines, such as ensuring that any increase in a year must not exceed a certain percentage of the inflation rate, and also requiring that any increase must have the approval of the council. This watchdog body is necessary to allay the fears of the public because Singapore Telecom is a monopoly and will be a monopoly for many years to come. Unlike SIA, if one is not satisfied with its price, he can always go to another airline, whereas one cannot do that with Telecom. Sir, for privatisation to benefit Singaporeans in terms of lower telephone charges, there must be healthy and fair private competition, not the kind that we see among our petrol companies. Singapore Telecom has taken a positive step by allowing private competition in the sales of telecommunications equipment and peripherals. Will the Government facilitate competition by allowing private companies to compete at other levels, such as the domestic service level, the inter-exchange service level and the international service level?”
“Sir, we believe in equal opportunity in a meritocratic system for all Singaporeans. We accept that Singaporeans come from different family backgrounds and living environment, and therefore the starting points are different. The question is, how do we improve the opportunity for those at the bottom so that eventually the whole society will be better off.”
“Sir, in our strive towards excellence in education, we have encouraged competition among schools and students. We have done so by allowing students going to secondary schools to choose their own schools, and secondary schools are free to determine their own admission standards. We have also introduced independent schools to allow these schools to develop autonomously to achieve greater success. I support these efforts. However, I observe a worrying trend, ie, a rapid stratification of schools. We are creating a spectrum of schools where we have the very good ones at the top and the poorer ones at the bottom. We are collecting in these poorer schools a relatively large group of students who are academically poor and socially having a lot of problems. Parents avoid sending their children to these schools. Sir, free competition results in excellence and inevitable stratification. But we must ensure that the whole spectrum of schools will move forward in every aspect of their education, instead of having the good ones becoming better and the poor ones becoming poorer. Sir, I would like to ask the Minister to consider how we can better help the students in these poorer schools. They are handicapped by the environment they are in because bad peer influence is certainly very pronounced and serious. That is why certain schools have a high number of juvenile delinquencies, with some of them connected to secret society activities. Furthermore, in view of the shortage of good principals and teachers, these schools or these students are even more disadvantaged. If having good principals and teachers is a solution to this problem, then let us attract more capable people to the teaching profession by rewarding them enough.”
“Therefore, I personally would like to see that when an academic staff goes for reservist training during the off-term time, his teaching load in the following term be correspondingly reduced to enable him to catch up with his research activity and his professional development. Sir, the best way to motivate our reservists is to give them due recognition for their sacrificial service to the nation. The Minister of State for Finance and Foreign Affairs, BG George Yeo, has rightly said in his speech to SAFRA, that we must "show this recognition not just by word but by deed". Nations always reward handsomely their soldiers after a victorious war. The Chinese call it "da shang san jun" ( ). We have a reservist armed forces which, although do not engage in war and bring victories, has contributed tremendously in keeping peace for our country. Have we given them enough recognition? BG Yeo mentioned that we should "discriminate positively in favour of Singaporeans and PRs who do NS". Before we talk about positive discrimination, let us first ensure that our reservists are given a fair deal in their jobs. Sir, the Government has been trying to reward reservists more through SAFRA in terms of providing social and recreational facilities which I think is commendable. But we must step up such benefits in a bigger way and in a way which will benefit many more reservists. Mr Das has mentioned about golf. Yes, the golfing membership that SAFRA offers which gives members access to certain golf clubs on certain weekdays has generated ---”
“Let me give you an example, Sir, to indicate what kind of improvement can be made in the National University of Singapore. But before I do that, I would like to declare my interest as a reservist and also as a university lecturer. NUS is supportive of our reservist policy in that it always allows its staff leave for reservist training. It also takes into account reservist contribution of staff in its promotion exercise, although many academic staff doubt that such a factor can be objectively assessed or will make any difference. However, when an academic staff goes for reservist training, his research suffers. Furthermore, there are no explicit guidelines as to how his total teaching hours should be correspondingly reduced. As such, whether there is any reduction varies from department to department. An understanding Head of Department may therefore treat his staff fairly. But some may consider reservist liability as the staff's own problem and therefore schedule no reduction of teaching load for the affected staff. This means that when a staff comes back from reservist training, he would have to teach a higher number of hours per week to make up for the time when he was absent. Furthermore, when an academic staff goes for reservist training for, say, one month, during the off-term time, his research suffers tremendously because one whole month of his research time is gone. However, when it comes to promotion, academic performance, in terms of number of papers published, is probably the most important factor of all. He is thus handicapped compared with his non- reservist colleagues.”
“Sir, a year ago when I spoke up for reservists, I was the lone voice. Today, I am very glad that at least four more colleagues have voiced their concern on this topic. However, unlike some of them, I do not begrudge the Singaporean women because I think they already have enough problems to take care of. Sir, our armed forces consist mainly of reservists. We must therefore ensure that our reservists are motivated to take their role seriously and positively. To do this, we must first understand how reservists feel about the way their reservist duty affects their civilian lives and careers. First, they feel that reservist liability causes disruption to their work and family lives, as Dr Ong has said. Fortunately, most of them understand and accept that disruption is unavoidable. However, the Ministry should look into how the frequency of disruption can be kept to as low as possible. Second, reservists feel that they are disadvantaged at their workplace when they compare themselves with their immigrant colleagues who do not have reservist liability. This problem may not be serious if the number of immigrants is small. But, as Mr Chandra Das has said, as more and more foreigners take up residence here due to our relaxed immigration policy, the resentment against them and against our reservist policy may rise sharply. This may also add to the push factors for emigration. Sir, the least we can do is therefore to minimise any disadvantage reservists may face in the course of their career development and give them a fair deal. In this regard, I would like to call upon the Government to conduct a study on this problem among all its Ministries and statutory boards. I am sure of the positive results this study can bring.”
“Not only would this Budget be able to stimulate our economic growth, it also safeguards our reserves. It is a sharing and caring Budget on a social and national level; and overall, it is well received by our people. Mr Speaker, Sir, I support the motion.”
“Our Finance Minister has stressed that: "We cannot afford to indulge in profligate spending on account of anticipated surpluses. Instead, we should allow surpluses to accumulate when times are good so that when necessary, such as during recession years, we can fall back on the reserves to tide us over." This clearly shows the importance of prudent management over our official reserves and national assets. A major portion of our reserves comes from the CPF savings of our population, the blood and sweat of our people. As such, they will definitely agree towards prudent management plus double safeguards over these reserves! In view of this, I am most happy to note that there is an allocation in the Budget for a possible Presidential Election. The elected Presidency proposal has been one of the major issues during the 1988 general election. Our people understand that the elected Presidency relates to the national reserves and ensures the integrity of the civil service. As such, having two keys and double protection will definitely be better! Only a honest and responsible Government like ours is willing to provide this undertaking of double protection and custodian of the reserves. As such, it could be said that the elected Presidency offers a protective mechanism - it acts as a safe-box for a good and responsible government, but a pair of handcuffs for an irresponsible one! It could prevent an irresponsible government or one who cares for only short-term prosperity from squandering away our national reserves - the blood and sweat of our people. Therefore, it is not surprising that those irresponsible politicians, like our Opposition Members, would debate strongly against this proposal because they are afraid of this pair of handcuffs!”
“Mr Peh Chin Hua (Jalan Besar GRC)( In Mandarin): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support the motion on the Budget Statement for the financial year 1990-91 moved by the Minister for Finance. A Budget from Santa Claus The details of the Budget consist of a series of tax concessions and rebates to stimulate and encourage our economic development as well as to help solve our population problem. These incentives, such as early procreation incentives, increase in the relief for aged parents and handicapped dependants, deduction of CPF contributions for the self-employed, rebate on personal income tax for the Year of Assessment 1990 and reduction in corporate tax are so welcomed that some have considered it "a Budget from Santa Claus". Commendable that no consumption tax is levied The Budget statement that consumption tax will not be needed this year, and probably not for some years, is commendable indeed. I fully appreciate the intention to introduce legislation on a comprehensive goods and services tax, but to defer its implementation for as long as it is possible. It shows our Government understanding that, with its implementation, the worst hit will be those from the lower income group. Consideration for lower income relating to foreign labour policy In view of our tight labour shortage in certain sectors, the relaxation of our foreign labour policy to ease the present situation is timely indeed. However, we should pay special attention in monitoring the situation regularly so as to dispel any undue worry from the lower income group concerning their job stability and wage rate. Elected Presidency acts as a safe-box for a responsible government but a pair of handcuffs for an irresponsible one.”
“It is therefore reasonable and logical to ask that the second-child incentive be backdated also to 1st January 1988, also nine months after the 1987 announcement. Perhaps the Minister could let us know how many additional families will benefit if my suggestion is accepted. Sir, changes to the procreation incentives are necessary from time to time to maximise their results. And the Minister may say that those who would have been eligible for the second-child incentive but missed it can still go for the third-child incentive. But we must be consistent and fair as far as possible in our approach. Many things in our society already entail some degree of speculation by an individual, be it buying a house or a car. People are now saying that even procreation has become a speculation activity. They have reasons for saying so although they may not be serious. Should we not dispel such notion? Sir, I now turn to the foreign worker policy. I applaud the Government's decision to extend the admission of a controlled number of foreign workers into the hitherto non-approved sectors of the economy. In my view, if the foreign workers levy is set at an appropriate level to ensure that only those sectors which have sufficient valued-added will find it worthwhile to employ foreign workers, I see no reason why we should not allow a limited number of foreign workers into all sectors. However, the latest policy of allowing the non-approved sectors to recruit foreign workers for up to only 10% of their workforce appears to be a bit conservative in tackling the labour shortage problem. The Government should therefore monitor the situation closely and revise the percentage, if need be. Sir, I support the motion.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I support the Budget Statement announced by the Minister for Finance. In my view, it is an excellent Budget which will benefit almost everyone and, at the same time, move us one step closer to our long-term economic and social goals. However, Sir, I would like to comment on two measures announced by the Minister. First, let us look at the procreation incentive to encourage families to have their second child earlier. The Minister stated very clearly that the objective behind this incentive is really to increase the likelihood of families having a third or even fourth child. I support this objective. But I would like to ask the Minister to grant the rebate retroactively for the second child born on or after 1st January 1988, instead of 1st January 1990 as proposed. Let me explain the reasons. Sir, the incentive for the third child was first announced in the 1987 Budget. This incentive is for all families whether they have two, or one, or even no children. Families with only one child at that time could not take advantage of the incentive unless they first decided to have a second child. So for those who felt encouraged, were obedient and heeded the call of the Government in 1987 and had their second child early, should they also not be rewarded for having an earlier second child, just as those who would be rewarded now? Bear in mind that both had contributed to the increased likelihood of having a third child. Sir, granting of rebate retroactively is not unprecedented. In the 1989 Budget, when the Minister introduced the special tax rebate of $20,000 for the newborn fourth child, he did so by granting the rebate for the fourth child born on or after 1 January 1988, nine months after the 1987 Budget Statement.”
“Sir, the Minister did not answer the question. Is he aware that the figures that he gives on the rapid increase of old vehicles were under the old circumstances? But under the new policy, you are going to have this prevailing quota premium that is to be levied on the old vehicle owners. So why then do you want to have these double measures? That is the question. I believe that the quota premium will be effective enough.”
“Can the Minister consider removing this double whammy surcharge? The Minister also mentioned that he would reduce the ARF by the end of the year. My question is: what kind of quantum is he talking about? Because any reduction of ARF would eventually be transferred to the quota premium and therefore it would be seen as increasing the quota premium.”
“Sir, I question the necessity of having the road tax surcharge on vehicles older than 10 years. Under the new policy, vehicles older than 10 years will already have to pay the prevailing quota premium to keep his vehicle for another 10 years. Furthermore, this prevailing quota premium is expected to go up over a period of time. It may also be aggravated by any reduction of the ARF mentioned by the Minister.”
“Finally, Sir, I would like to ask the Minister whether the prohibition orders, the recommendations of the Council and the judgment of the Court in a conviction will be made known to the public. I believe the Bill is silent on those points and I would appreciate the Minister's clarification because there are important implications. Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I support the Bill. Resolved, "That the debate be now adjourned." - [Mr Wong Kan Seng].”
“Perhaps the Government should consider altering the Bill to give the Cabinet the power to decide on the prohibition order, instead of the Minister alone, for I think this is a better safeguard in that the Cabinet itself is multi-racial and it should provide a better analysis and decision. However, Sir, the greatest safeguard, in my view, is the ultimate judgment of the people of Singapore. The Government cannot expect to abuse its power in religious matters and get away with it. On the other hand, to deny the Government this power because of possible abuse is to ask for a more treacherous tendency for disharmony and not less. For nothing else can be as effective in the maintenance of religious harmony in Singapore. Having supported strongly the necessity of this legislation and the necessity of giving the Government the power to decide on prohibition order, I would like to suggest a modification for the Minister to consider. According to the proposed Bill, when a person receives a notice of the Minister's intention to issue a prohibition order, he can only seek representation by written statements. He has no right to appear before the Minister or the Council for an oral hearing. He has no way of getting a response from the Minister or the Council except the final decision. In other words, he has no opportunity to argue his case as carefully and effectively as one would in an oral hearing. I can understand the difficulty for the Minister to hear everyone out personally. But surely it is not impossible nor undesirable for the Council to hear the appeal of the person concerned personally.”
“Secular courts and their judgment appeal to the natural and rational norms of a society whereas a religious person appeals to the super-natural, and what is rational to him may not be rational to another person. That is why I see a secular court deciding on religious disputes as explosive. If the power is vested in the Presidential Council, the Council will also have difficulty to be the final arbiter on religious disputes because of its multi-racial and multi-religious nature. A Muslim member of the Council may not want to pass judgment on the dispute between, say, the Hindus and the Christians. Furthermore, minor religions or denominations may not be represented in the Council and who will speak on their behalf and protect their interests? Can the Council decide on issues which require political judgment? The Council must therefore play an advisory role. It is therefore obvious that in order for the legislation to work, the Minister or maybe the Cabinet must take up the power and the responsibility which is entrusted to them by the electorate, to decide on prohibition orders in the interest of the nation as long as there are reasonable safeguards against the abuse of power. The Presidential Council for Religious Harmony and the prosecution in court for it to decide whether the person has breached the Minister's prohibition order provide some safeguards. I am glad to note from the White Paper that these provisions are results of Government consultation with the Government Parliamentary Committees, MPs, community and religious leaders. I believe more views and representations will be received once this Bill is committed to a Select Committee after it is passed in this reading, so as to further fine-tune this piece of legislation.”