Kok Heng Leun
Singapore
“When we talk about earning trust, it is not just about sitting there and say, "Hey, show me you can be trusted". It means one needs to reach out to connect in order to express trust.”
“I thank the Senior Minister of State for the reply. I have some supplementary questions. I ask this question in light of all the interest in history debate, and I have heard from historians that they would like to have more access. So, are there actually barriers for researchers to access this information?”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, before I speak, I would like to say this on behalf of all my Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) colleagues. We were talking about it. We would also like to express our thanks to the House, to the Government and to all our fellow Parliamentarians for your patience, for your generosity.”
“I thank the Minister for the Report. My condolences to the family. I have one clarification and one question. The first clarification is the part about the conducting officer asking them if they had seven hours of rest. The troop apparently did not respond to that. Did the COI talk about why they did not respond to that?”
“Okay. Teachers have a job to fulfil to the best of their capabilities and that is true. But they are human, too. So, do not treat teachers like you are a customer, that they are salespersons at your beck and call.”
“I thank the Senior Parliamentary Secretary for the answer. Mine is a follow-up to the question. Is there a desirable student-to-teacher ratio that the Ministry is trying to achieve?”
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“It is a trite criminal law principle that an individual must have a guilty mind in addition to his or her action before one can be criminalised. Therefore, can the Minister provide reasons as to why clause 38(2) appears to deviate from this important principle? Fourthly, Mr Speaker, I also note that in the interest of speed and efficiency, criminalising an individual under clause 38 may not necessarily be the most efficient measure to deal with materials that may be prejudicial to public order during an emergency situation. Would a takedown order that immediately forces an individual to stop distributing or take down any prejudicial matter be faster and more efficient in dealing with the publication of such material rather than criminalising the conduct? Mr Speaker, permit me to reiterate that I do not oppose the intention of the Bill. National security is a priority in the current global climate. However, my view is that the Bill affords too much discretion on decision-makers. Therefore, more can be done in this respect to ensure greater transparency and accountability which are crucial during times of emergencies.”
“Another operational issue that I have is with the power of the Minister to give directions to telecommunication licensees to, amongst others, stop messages carried by a telecommunication service provided by the licensee under clause 32(3)(a) or prohibit the use of telecommunications by the licensee when an activation order is in effect. In the event that the telecommunication messaging and telecommunications services are discontinued, how would individuals caught in the vicinity where the serious incident occurred be able to send out messages of distress or call for help? My final area of concern pertains to clause 38 of the Bill which criminalises, amongst others, the publication of materials prejudicial to public order. Firstly, Mr Speaker, can the Minister clarify why the mere possession of a document is criminalised under clause 38? If, for instance, an individual types something on his phone, or writes something with no intention to publish it and merely for personal use, it seems disproportionate to say that such a person is liable of an offence, especially when no potential harm is caused by mere possession. Secondly, what constitutes prejudicial material or documents appears to be too broadly defined such that a material that might not actually be prejudicial to public order and security may, nonetheless, be caught under clause 38. For instance, clause 38(1) (a) merely requires the said material to be "likely to be prejudicial", as opposed to being "highly likely to be prejudicial". Thirdly, clause 38(2) seems to displace the element of intention for an offence relating to publishing material prejudicial to public order.”
“How is that individual then going to report to the Ministry when the only evidence to substantiate that claim has been deleted? Can the Minister please clarify what will be done in such a situation? In the event of "serious incidents", like terrorist attacks, there will be a lot of confusion, and emotion will run high. In fact, the impact of any such security incidents is not just about fatalities and loss of properties, but it will cause fear and distress and then destabilise, paralyse and even divide the society. In the aftermath of such an event, it is important that there is enough information for us to piece things together, to verify facts, to dismiss accusations and restore justice if need be. Hence, in these moments of high tension when people think that it is important to document certain happenings so that it could be useful in the aftermath of the event, to help the Police to understand the situations better, this CSO should not deter the individuals from doing that. In fact, documentation is important in the event of allegations of whether the Police or the public have stepped out of their line. It is a means to protect Police Officers and the public from false accusations and these documentations are witnesses and testimonies and, in the aftermath of the event, can help a lot in the healing of the community. I have one more query pertaining to this. What if a Police Officer was accused of abuse of process by an individual who has documented the incident during the effect of the CSO could prove that the Police was innocent, would this individual who surrenders the documentation then be charged?”
“In the MHA's Press Release on 27 February 2018, the Ministry explained that such a CSO is necessary to prevent leakage of such information to terrorist which could endanger the lives of security officers and members of the public who are caught in the act. The Ministry cited two examples: that of the Mumbai and Paris attacks whereby live television and media broadcast during those attacks resulted in leakage of information to the terrorists. In turn, such leakage of information made the police operation more difficult and placed the safety of the officers and hostages at greater risk. In both incidents, it was not individual communications between persons or through the social media that impeded security operations, but rather through the live reporting of the said incidents by the media. Yet, there is an absence of guidelines or provision in this Bill that regulate or prevent the traditional media from leaking information through live broadcasts that may impede security operations, which appears to be the mischief that a CSO seeks to address. There might also be issues arising from the issuance of CSOs against individuals. Under clause 30(1)(b), the exhibiting and communicating by any person of a relevant text may be banned during the period which the CSO is in force. If individuals near the vicinity are trying to inform their loved ones of their safety or to warn their loved ones to avoid the area of the serious incident, how are such individuals able to do so? Also, what if an individual takes a photo or a video of an abuse of power by Police Officers, under clause 31(20(b), the Police Officer can order that individual to delete that video or photo.”
“While I understand the time sensitivity of the Special Order, however, I also note the Second Minister has also said, this is such a special situation that she would even wish that it would not be ever activated. I think a mechanism of accountability should have been there. It can be done as soon as possible, without impeding the expediency of the Police when they are exercising this Order. Further, under clause 8(3), an Activation Order must be published but a failure to publish does not invalidate the Order. Mr Speaker, I believe the two clauses are contradictory in nature. If it is a must to publish an Activation Order, logic dictates that the failure to publish the Order will invalidate it. I would like to understand the reasons behind this provision that the failure to publish does not invalidate the Order. Moreover, if there is an incident where an Order is not published and a Police Officer uses his special powers on an individual who does not know that this Order has been there, and subsequently refuses to obey the instructions of the Police Officer, is such an individual guilty of an offence under the Act? Such a failure to publish means that the public may be uninformed. How can someone be held liable for a sudden change they have not been reasonably notified about? Additionally, if there is a situation when there is a failure to publish such a notice, should there not be a system of accountability of why the failure happened? Now, I would like to discuss the next area of concern which pertains to clauses 30 and 31 which give the Commissioner the power to make CSOs against individuals.”
“Additionally, civilian assistants may exacerbate the emergency situation or inadvertently cause harm to themselves or bystanders while discharging their duties. As such, my concern is that enlisting of the assistance of civilian assistants might be more detrimental than beneficial during a crisis period and that the safety of these assistants might be compromised in the process of discharging their duties. I would, therefore, like to understand how the Ministry will ensure that the safety of these assistants is protected when they discharge their duties. Sir, my third area of concern is with the broad discretion given to the Minister to grant an Activation Order. Under clause 8 of the Bill, if, in the opinion of the Minister, the granting of the Activation Order is necessary to prevent or reduce the impact of the serious incident or to control or maintain public order after the serious incident, my question is, what does the term "necessary" entail? I would also note that the decision of the Minister does not require approval from another arm of the Government or an independent body. This is in contrast to section 3(5) of POPA which this Bill seeks to replace, where every proclamation of a dangerous area must be presented to Parliament for their concurrence. Comparatively, under the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Act and the Internal Security Act (ISA), both of which are security-nature Acts, the decisions of the Minister are subject to the concurrence by the President on the advice of a special advisory committee. Just now, in the Second Minister's Second Reading speech, she has articulated the reason why she felt this should be removed.”
“So, what in this illustration would make it a "serious" enough incident such that it could be comparable to the other illustrations, such as illustrations (a) and (b), both depicting possible terrorist attacks? Illustration (d) is a peaceful protest involving neither violence against any person or property damage and presumably attracting a substantial level of support. While such events may require some Police intervention because of some degree of disorderliness, but they are not comparable to armed attacks or hostage situations in terms of severity. To me, illustration (d) seems to stand in stark contrast to all the other illustrations provided, as the level of severity and the threat posed is significantly lower. Can the Second Minister share with the House why she thinks that the powers under the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) or POA might be insufficient to cover an illustration (d) situation and, therefore, it is necessary to include this illustration as an example of the "serious incident" under clause 3? Another area of concern that I have with the Bill is that it enlists the help of civilian assistants to discharge certain duties. Under clause 2 of the Bill, specific powers are given to civilian assistants to assist a Police Officer who is granted the special authorisation. Further, under clause 15(4)(a), a civilian assistant is authorised to exercise certain powers. Mr Speaker, civilian assistants are not subject to the same training afforded to a serviceman, law enforcement officer or Police Officer. Therefore, in emergency situations that require instant decision-making under pressure, there is a possibility that civilian assistants might not possess the ability to respond quickly, decisively and even correctly as a trained personnel would.”
“Mr Speaker, today, we are discussing this proposed Bill, which will repeal the POPA, and this Bill increases the powers of the Police so that they can better deal with large-scale security threats that we may face in Singapore. These powers will include stop and search powers, requisitioning powers, powers to set up and enforce cordons and curfews. While I recognise that in emergency situations, there is a need for the authorities to act swiftly and given some latitude in exercising their powers, we must nonetheless ensure that such security measures remain accountable and be accorded with due process and fairness so as to ensure that public confidence in the Government does not erode during crisis time. Before I turn to discuss the substance of the Bill, I would like to understand if there was a public consultation for this Bill. I believe the public has a right to have their views heard on this Bill before its enactment, given that this Bill is a matter of public interest because it has wide-ranging implications and would intimately affect the public during emergency situations. Mr Speaker, there are some measures in the Bill which, after my consultations with civil society, I would now want to discuss. One of the concerns that I have was the definition of what constitutes a "serious incident". I would like to bring attention to illustration (d) under clause 3 which relates to a sit-down demonstration in the Central Business District (CBD) area which grows to a point, over a week, that it impedes the flow of vehicular and pedestrian traffic and interferes with business activities.”
“The Court must have a duty to ensure that victims are not re-victimised, being asked questions which are unduly annoying, harassing, intimidating, offensive, oppressive, humiliating or repetitive, or has no basis other than a stereotype. I also would like to suggest that defence lawyers be encouraged or required to attend some training to sensitise them to what sexual assault victims go through before they take on such cases. Insensitive cross-examination not only hurts the victim on the stand, but also deters others from bringing their case forward. I think this Bill is an important step and hope we can continue our effort to protect the victims of sexual offences and child abuse. 12.36 pm”
“I could not bear their concern or worry or anger. And till today, it is really hard for me to use the words 'rape' or even, perhaps more accurately, 'forcible sodomy' to describe what happened. Those words are forceful, heavy, have all sorts of violent and awful connotations. Just because victims do not use certain words does not mean that what Courts understand that thing to be, did not happen to them. And I remember going 'about my usual routine' as well. Why not? I had a lecture to give the next day. I had students to meet. Life goes on. We still have responsibilities to fulfil, jobs to tend to. Other people's lives do not just ground to a halt because of what happened to you the day before. I do not know why lawyers, or indeed, people, in this day and age, continue to believe that sexual assault victims must all behave in a certain way after their incidents, or else they must be lying. Maybe they just do not understand. But what really concerns me is that these attitudes are brought into Courtrooms. I do not think I can defend how I behaved after my incident many years ago. I certainly could not do it while facing a Senior Counsel. I do not think I could withstand being put on trial for how I behaved after the incident, as if how I behaved had anything to do with how I feel even years after the fact. I cannot imagine being a woman trying to bring her rapist to justice in Courtrooms where these kinds of arguments are used." Her powerful sharing reminds us of how victims really need to be protected with great sensitivity and care. I wish the amendment would go further in putting more restrictions in how cross-examination should be done.”
“Also, while I understand that the high threshold standard set out in the proposed section 394J is also to keep the "floodgates" of unmeritorious cases shut, but, as the words of the Court of Appeal, in the case of Yong Vui Kong v State, I quote, "the floodgates arguments should not be allowed to wash away both the guilty and the innocent". Mr Speaker, there are many other amendments contained in the Bill that are commendable and are steps in the right direction. I support this Bill but I hope that the Minister will address the four areas of concerns that I have shared in this House. But, finally, I would also want to draw attention to the proposed amendment in the Evidence (Amendment) Bill. I applaud the move to protect victims of sexual offences and child abuse. In a Straits Times' report about the case of the 36-year-old man sentenced to 16 years for molesting and raping his mother, the report outlined how the defence cross- examined the victim. A woman who was a sexual abuse victim, after reading the article, wrote to AWARE to voice her concerns about unrestrained cross-examination. She has given permission for me to share her thoughts about what she felt as a victim when reading about that cross-examination. I will read a portion of her letter. I quote, "For me, being attacked by someone I loved was confusing and shocking. You are trying to make sense of the world to comprehend what the heck just happened, trying to figure out why he did not understand you, how this massive miscommunication just occurred. Your mind is nowhere near trying to seek revenge or justice. Going to the Police means getting that person into trouble, and you still love that person. And why would you tear up your life even more by going at your family?”
“I am worried that such a provision might preclude the accused person who may not be able to meet such threshold but, nonetheless, are able to show evidence that might prove their innocence. Take, for instance, accused persons who represent themselves. Without the benefit of legal advice, a self-represented suspect may not know or appreciate that particular evidence or material which he or she possesses may be material or relevant to proving their case and, thereby, did not adduce it when the case was on-going. Mr Speaker, in such situations where the suspect cannot be said to be deliberately omitting the evidence or material when the case was on-going, such a suspect should not be prejudiced from taking up another application to adduce or obtain such material when the said material can potentially prove his or her innocence. Given that a justice system is subject to human fallibility, we should have a justice system that is flexible enough to correct such human errors where they occur. I, therefore, hope the Minister can reconsider this proposed section 394J and perhaps create an exception under the proposed section to allow meritorious cases. For consideration, perhaps such an exception may provide that accused persons who did not intentionally or deliberately not disclose such evidence during the criminal proceeding are not precluded from re-opening a concluded case. Mr Speaker, I do appreciate that finality in a criminal process is an important principle. But such finality must not come at the expense of rigid rules precluding the Court from rectifying potential miscarriages of justice.”
“There are two main concerns which I have with this proposed clause. The first is regarding the proposed section 394K which provides that the applicant cannot make more than one review application in respect of re-opening a decision of an appellate Court. Mr Speaker, let us consider a situation where such an applicant has already made one review application. Years down the road, the applicant comes into possession of new evidence which may potentially prove his innocence. Such an applicant would be precluded from being able to bring another review application based on the strict wording of section 394K which only permits him to make only one review application which he has already exhausted. If such an accused person is able to obtain new material which may prove his innocence, I do not think the law should be so rigid as to not permit such an applicant to re-open his case. The second concern I have is with the proposed section 394J of the Bill which provides that the applicant in a review application must satisfy the Court that there is sufficient material on which the appellate Court may conclude that there has been a miscarriage of justice in the criminal matter. One of the conditions that the accused must show is that the material cannot be adduced in Court earlier even with reasonable diligence and that the material is credible, substantial, powerfully probative and capable of showing almost conclusively that there has been a miscarriage of justice in the criminal matter in respect of which the earlier decision was made. This section is a relatively high threshold standard for accused persons to satisfy in order to re-open their case.”
“Second, will the Minister consider permitting an ad hoc admission basis, alongside this scheme, should there be a psychiatrist whose expertise may be very relevant in assisting the Court but who may not be able to meet the admission criteria? I am glad just now to hear from the Senior Minister of State that it would have such ad hoc admission for overseas psychiatrists. I am sure, even if we have this list of psychiatrists no matter how long the list, there will be situations whereby we may need to have to admit some other possibilities. Third, how will the Ministry ensure that there are sufficient numbers of psychiatrists on the panel such that it will not limit the pool of expert witnesses from which the prosecution or the defence may appoint? When this proposal was first introduced in 2017, some doctors had raised concerns on whether the admission criteria may be too stringent and thereby causing psychiatrists to turn away from forensic work, which further reduces the number of psychiatrists who may be appointed to this panel. Finally, while the basis of having a proposed panel of psychiatrists is to ensure that the evidence given by psychiatrists is competently arrived at and objective, there have been concerns that the contrary may result. NUS law professor Jeffrey Pinsler has cautioned that the psychiatrist who is on the panel may be unwilling to state his honest but controversial view for fear that he may appear to lack objectivity and lose his place on the panel. I hope the Senior Minister of State can share with the House what is being done to address these concerns. I would like to look next at clause 108, the proposed section 394F to 394K of the CPC, pertaining to the introduction of various legal conditions to re-open a concluded criminal matter.”
“Based on AWARE's working experience with vulnerable victims who have been sexually assaulted or abused, many of such victims may be reluctant to speak about their experience out of fear and embarrassment. The knowledge that they might be filmed while recounting their experience might cause them to feel intimidated or be less willing to share sensitive details via video-recording. The use of video-recording to record statements of vulnerable victims might potentially be counterproductive to ensuring an accurate assessment of the facts. Under such circumstances, would the interviewer of a vulnerable victim be able to exercise his or her discretion, even if the Police officer may think it is necessary, to not video-record the statement but instead record it in writing under the proposed section 22(5)(c)? I hope that the Ministry can set out how it seeks to address such a situation where the victim might feel very uncomfortable to go on video to record his or her statement. I turn now to clause 78 of the Bill which proposes that psychiatrists will only be allowed to give expert evidence in criminal cases if they are on a Court-administered panel of psychiatrists. My main concerns with this panel of psychiatrists are whether its implementation will restrict the defence's ability to effectively conduct their defence. First, I would like to know if there are any price controls to regulate and ensure that the cost of hiring a psychiatrist from such a panel will not be excessive and will remain affordable to suspects who are financially-strapped.”
“It is also important that safeguards be in place to ensure that the video footage will not be tempered or ill-edited such that important or material portions of the audio-visual recording are inadvertently cut-off and not provided to the defence. As such, I would like to ask the Minister what the other safeguards and procedure are − such as whether the camera will only focus on the suspect person or will also be focused on the interrogators − that will be established, alongside the use of audio-visual recordings' to ensure that the audio-visual recording scheme does not give a misleading account of the suspect which may, in turn, prejudice the suspect. I also hope that the Ministry will continue to expand the scope of offences where video-recording of statements, especially for serious offences which carry severe punishments, such as life imprisonment and capital punishment. I will look at clauses 6 and 77 of the Bill which permit the recording of a statement from a vulnerable victim. I am heartened to see that the Government is taking such steps to protect the interests of vulnerable victims and to support them through the investigation process. I understand that investigators are now allowed to take statements from such vulnerable victims via video-recording and that the video-recorded witness statement scheme will be implemented in stages. I have two points to raise on this scheme. The first is that I would like to know how the Government intends to implement this scheme in stages and the related timelines for its implementation. The second point which I want to raise pertains to a concern which AWARE raised in its submission on this specific video-recording scheme of the statements of vulnerable victims of sexual crimes.”
“One such safeguard is to ensure that the entire interrogation process or interactions between the Police and the suspect be recorded on video. In situations where the threat, inducement and/or promise may have been communicated to the suspect prior to the taking of the audio-visual recording, but are not recorded, the purpose of video-recording of the statement of the suspect is defeated. Another instance, if there have already been multiple rounds of pre-questioning and interrogation prior to the taking of the audio-visual recording, research studies have shown that the suspect might appear far more callous and unremorseful when their statements are taken via video-recording thereafter. As such, the recording of the suspect's statement after such intensive interrogations may not provide the Court with an accurate picture of the suspect's demeanour or his voluntariness in making such a statement. Moreover, there are several technical aspects of the conduct of the video-recording that, if not undertaken, may compromise the accuracy in the assessment of the demeanour of the suspect. Consider a situation where the video frame is focused only on the suspect’s face and not on his other body parts. The suspect’s facial movements on camera may suggest that he is calm but his body movements may suggest that the suspect is operating under distress but such signs of distress may not be captured on video-recording. Thus, under such circumstances, we may not be capturing the accurate assessment of the suspect's demeanour or make a finding as to whether the statement was made by the suspect voluntarily.”
“In introducing this proposed Bill, the Minister for Law has stated that the purpose of this Bill is to enhance the fairness of existing procedures and to ensure the accuracy and equity of the outcomes in the criminal justice system. To this end, amendments, such as the introduction of video-recordings of the statement of suspects who have allegedly committed rape offences as well as to prevent defence lawyers from questioning complaints of sexual and child abuse offences on their past sexual history and behaviours, are aligned with the principles outlined by the Minister and are most welcomed. I will focus on a few proposed amendments which I would like to seek clarifications or re-considerations, after my consultations with some NGOs. I will first start with clause 7 of the Bill which introduces video-recording of statements made by suspects suspected of committing rape. The NGOs I spoke to welcomed the introduction of video-recording of the suspect’s statement as a step towards reducing the incidents of false or involuntary confessions arising from threat, inducement or promise. However, a few concerns were raised as to whether the present amendments sufficiently protect the integrity and evidentiary value of a suspect's statements taken via audio-visual recording. Mr Speaker, in order for the Court to be able to assess the demeanour of the suspect and whether the statements made by the suspect were voluntary, it is insufficient that only the statements given by the suspect is recorded on video. Other safeguards must also be put in place to ensure that the video-recording does not give a misrepresented picture of the suspect's demeanour or interfere with the evidential value of the recording.”
“Mid-career artists sometimes may need grants that go across a certain period of two to three years. So, nowadays, grants are given usually on a project basis over a year. That hinders their progress, especially their process of innovation.”
“I just want to remind the Parliamentary Secretary that there was a question about the mid-career artists that has not been answered. I have one more point that I just thought about. Just now, fellow Member Mr Ang Hin Kee talked about freelancers. I also wonder if NAC would come in because there are a lot of freelancers who have been contracted by some intermediaries and these are private vendors. A lot of times, they would take advantage of all these freelance artists. Would NAC be willing to step in to help these freelancers in dealing with all these disputes?”
“Okay. So, I just want to know whether NAC would look at shifting some of its grant system to allow all these arts groups or artists to get grants that cover over two or three years rather than being ad hoc and on a project basis? Lastly, it is about the "ling ting liu su". This one I would have to ask in Mandarin. (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Hear65 is a very good idea. In the early days of Singapore, arts groups and musicians, such as Leong Yoon Pin and Poon Yew Tien, have written many folk songs. Can these songs be included in Hear65 as well? When we talk about Singapore music, we do not want people to only think about pop music in the market. In fact, there are rich cultural resources in these arts groups.”
“I have about six things that I need to clarify. The first is to either the Senior Minister of State or the Minister. It is about fundraising. I was just wondering whether the Senior Minister of State or the Minister would consider approaching the President to support the arts, like what they have in the President's Charity, to create a kind of platform where the President could be the person to champion the arts and get the private as well as corporate donors to come in to support arts through donations. The other clarifications are more for the Parliamentary Secretary. It is good to know that we are pushing more into heritage. So, I also want to know an update on how the Traditional Art Centres would be working within that trajectory? The Traditional Art Centres, up to this point, would like to know what is the development and how to go along. The third clarification is on the Public Art Trust. It is good that we are designating more places so that we can do the public arts. I think there is also an issue of the maintenance of the public arts whereby it needs the right people to be there to maintain, it needs funding for it to be maintained, because public arts allow people to do interaction. How would NAC be looking at that and working with the various stakeholders? Next, it is about individual artists as well as artists who are in their mid-career. A lot of artists, whether they are in performing arts or in visual arts, sometimes, nowadays, their work tends to span across durations of between one and two years.”
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“Once this is achieved, the state can then divert more funding and play a role similar to that of a venture capitalist, providing support to these artists who are innovative and experimental, and who need a leg up. Now, I would also like to first thank all our colleagues who have been talking about the importance of arts and culture. So, here, I would like to end with a plea to all politicians: please try to understand and engage with arts and culture more deeply. Look beyond the statistics, economics, policies, deliverables and KPIs. Behind each of these is a human story. Your humanistic experience and profound participation in arts will make you more aware of the people you serve and also of the artists' significance in society. There are thousands of full-time, part-time and freelance arts educators, art students and artists in Singapore. Please come to our performances and exhibitions, literature festivals and buy Singlit. Experience the richness of our narratives.”
“Instead, we begin to understand our interconnectedness – people to people, people to institutions, people to environment. Our values will then be influenced by the consideration of our shared space and based on mutual respect and dignity. After all, the second key ACSR focus is: promoting social cohesion amongst all segments of the population. Is that why PA is keen to organise huge numbers of large events at their community centres? Social cohesion cannot come from watching ad hoc art events in communities and schools. It comes from engagement and dialogue, speaking and listening. We need to socially care before we can socially cohere. I would like to end by talking about artists and their sustainability. Our Southeast Asia Connection It takes many years of support to hone an artist’s craft. Even so, only a handful amongst artists will be able to gain international standing. Not every artist that gets a grant will be successful but, like any research and development (R&D), the cultural capital accumulated in the process will have a long-lasting impact. Just like what Mr Sim Wong Hoo was going through, 20 years before he got into another new innovation. Funding is limited, especially for smaller companies, individual artists and groups and artists that push boundaries, take risks and create experiment artwork. It is especially difficult for them to secure funding from private donors and corporate sponsors. How then can we support these artistic experimentations? One sustainable approach is to build the capacity of our bigger institutions like the Esplanade, Singapore Symphony Orchestra (SSO) and Singapore Chinese Orchestra (SCO). Develop their fundraising team so that they can obtain more corporate sponsorship.”
“Therefore, search the buried past ─ the stones, monuments, chronicles, folklore, language, religion, bones, names ─ all the curled, gnarled roots sunk in the soil of history. Look at history from the standpoint of the Malayan Man, from the viewpoint of a people on the threshold of Merdeka turning to look back at the long road they have travelled. Do this and you will see a new pattern, a meaningful pattern emerging out of the past." Because of his appreciation and involvement in the arts, Mr Rajaratnam, I believe, was a more all-rounded, astute and humane politician. Which brings me to my next point – Arts Education. The ACSR report has a significant focus on Arts Education in school, as well as at a community level, with the aim to bring the arts closer to the people, and also to increase their knowledge of art. With active participation, people become more creative, too, but is creativity an end in itself? I urge our arts educators to go beyond that. We should aim for our community and students to make creative interventions. Creative intervention is about putting creative thinking into solving problems, communal issues and social issues. Creative interventions mean that the people become activists of their own lives. It means people become more political. I do not mean party politics. Rather, when people become conscientised, they become more aware of their rights, choices and decisions. They become better citizens. This will definitely benefit any ruling government, because an active and informed citizenry can comprehend Government policies and implementations better. Creative interventions steer us from viewing our world solely as a coldly pragmatic one, focused just on economic returns or efficiency.”
“Instead, they are often hidden and often ignored in the national narrative. Why is the Government so averse to these narratives and dissensus? Why are certain Singapore artworks which offer alternative or counter narratives restricted from public screening or slapped with a Restricted Artistic (RA) rating, suitable only for those 18 and above? Why should Singaporeans, especially younger Singaporeans, be denied the multifaceted and complex histories that make up our identity? Complexity matters because it shows how diverse we are, and also how courageous we can be in confronting ourselves ─ our achievements and our errors alike. The diversity of our narratives needs to be validated with immediate effect. Our people today are a mature, discerning one. By providing access to disparate perspectives of history, as opposed to any "official" account, we are not only acknowledging that Singaporeans can think critically, but also have every right as a citizen of this nation to do so. When we silence or disregard certain narratives, are we then effectively saying our people are incapable of understanding complexities, or that we do not trust them enough to do so? I would like to quote Mr S Rajaratnam, who, besides being a much-respected politician, was also an established and published writer. He wrote in a radio play which was performed in the 1960s. "A national history and national consciousness begin when the history of every community is accepted as part of a common Malayan history, just as in Europe, the history of the groups, tribes and states were moulded into a common national history. It is not a question of falsifying history, but of re-examining historical facts in the light of the present.”
“All these come together to form a collective body that we can identify with in an instinctive way. So, when we talk about defining the Singapore identity in a globalised world, we should talk about our uniqueness that define us in a positive way; we should talk about our sense of belonging, our shared experiences and histories; we should talk about our loyalty, our patriotism and our emotional connection to our country, our past and our future. Next year, we are celebrating Singapore's Bicentennial. But what do we really know about our past or, rather, what do we know beyond the surface − the stories of colonisation? Historically, Singapore has a deep and rich relationship within the Southeast Asian region; it was part of the Srivijaya and Majapahit empires. Archaeological excavations in Singapore have confirmed that we were more than an insignificant mudflat or sleepy fishing village, as often painted by official narratives. Instead, we were a thriving settlement and port way back from the 14th century. History is not a single monolithic narrative. It is one composed of diverse players and their struggles. Some are victors, some are losers. But everyone’s story is equally valued, because we learn lessons from history ─ lessons of courage, of defeat, of convictions, of quests to build better lives for communities beyond oneself. These stories become part of the fabric of who we are, collectively, as Singaporeans. Stories about Singapore's colonisation, our fight for Independence, the struggle during the 1950s and 1960s; stories about communists and ex-communists, stories about so-called Marxist conspiracies, stories about men and women incarcerated, detained without trial. These are stories which should be part of our national conversation.”
“First, I would like to declare my interest as I run a theatre company in Singapore. I would like to join my fellow colleague, Dr Lim Wee Kiak, to repeat the request for a comprehensive report on the Arts and Culture Strategic Review (ACSR), as we have just finished our first five-year cycle of funding for ACSR. I would also like to take this opportunity to offer some of my insights on ACSR and some suggestions as to how its scope can be widened. At the moment, ACSR focuses on two key aspects: one, defining the Singaporean identity in a globalised world; two, promoting social cohesion amongst all segments of the population. So, what is the Singapore identity? If we ask people in the streets, their response might be our food or our language "Singlish", or our behaviour that we are "kiasu", or even our love for shopping. Globally, the responses might be somewhat different. Some of us would have heard from overseas friends that the Singapore culture is clean, safe, disciplined, not allowed to chew gum, we cane people, and we have little freedom of speech. But the Singapore identity goes much deeper than that, which I am sure everyone here agrees. The late dramatist, Kuo Pao Kun, had imagined our cultures as a tree with deep roots. We are, first of all, a multiracial society, where different races do not live in segregation. We practise different faiths and it is not uncommon to see different places of worship lined up next to one another. That is a unique symbol of our identity. We speak different languages and use different registers with one another, often with ease. Our identity goes beyond food and shopping. It is encapsulated by our cultures, our memories and our social connections.”
“We can start with the Social Service Office (SSO) by having inhouse artists work with SSO officials and the community to design community projects, mapping out the needs of the community and co-designing good solutions for caregiving issues and other social disparity issues like digital inequality. In this way, the caring society we aim for is one that comes from collaboration among the people, agencies and policymakers. It is not just the physical and material, but the mental, emotional and spiritual well-being of the people. That is what real care means. Coordinating for Holistic Social Support”
“I would argue that in every caregiving instance, it is about making a place for the person to age, heal, grow and even to die with dignity. Designing caregiving approaches need us to think out of the box, to think in a multidisciplinary way. St Joseph's Home houses seniors who need various kinds of nursing care and hospice, but it also has a childcare centre there. In future, the Home will also host programmes for young people. In fact, youths from the Boys' Home, which is just beside the St Joseph's Home, will come over to the Home on Friday evenings to man the cafeteria and to perform for the residents of the Home. This design allows for intergeneration care to be practised. Here, care is relational, not functional; long-term and less temporal. Such a venture, intergenerational, cross-sectorial and cross-discipline involves multiple stakeholders and multiple Ministries. In designing it and getting support for such a project, all the stakeholders and Government agencies think out of their comfort zone to facilitate such creative interventions. In the United States (US), Creative CityMaking Minneapolis is an art-based innovation initiative that pairs city officials with experienced community artists to eliminate disparities. Creative projects designed by artists, mapping community assets, mapping the needs of the community in housing, transport and healthcare, help the city government to make informed policies. The artists also design creative projects for city officials to effect cultural change in their work approaches so that they can effectively work with under-represented community. We can do so in Singapore.”
“I would like to thank the Second Minister for the reply on SEPs. I am glad to hear that MOM is looking for insurance for prolonged medical leave. I would like to speak on behalf of a lot of the dance community who go to school and Community Centres to teach. They are, quite a lot of times, susceptible to injuries. So, I hope that this group can be included in it. Secondly, also the stage technicians who would work both indoors and outdoors in events. There is a lot of possibility of casualties during the process. And I hope that it can also be included. For the third question, I wish to direct it to Minister of State Sam Tan. Previously, with regard to my questions, the Ministry had agreed to check on how the Koreans have been recruiting their foreign workers. I would like to have an update on whether that was followed through and, if so, what was the outcome?”
“By reducing the burden of recruitment costs, foreign workers will have improved mental health states, thereby increasing their productivity and overall work safety levels. Also, they will not shy away from reporting errant employers who flout workplace safety regulations or unjustly withholding pay. Employment Contracts The second issue of concern I would like to bring up is the non-issuance of contracts to foreign workers. At the moment, foreign workers accept work in Singapore based on their in-principle approval (IPA) which lists their jobs, pay and deductions. Yet, upon arriving in Singapore, many either realise that they have been duped by forged IPAs or that their key employment terms (KET) issued within 14 days of starting work, are not aligned with the IPAs. In fact, this KET does not even need to be signed nor is it an actual employment contract. As a basic fair employment practice, MOM should mandate that a standardised contract be issued and signed by both parties and submitted to MOM before Work Permits can be issued. MOM's newly-announced Settling-in Programme for male construction workers could be an opportune time to educate the workers about KETs and employment contracts as well. We must ensure that our workers are accorded rights and protection against abuse. We should, therefore, do our best to ensure that our foreign workers, often tasked with hard, menial labour to build our roads and homes, are working under humane conditions and never exploited. Protecting Our Migrant Workforce”
“Over the last year, there have been reports of appalling cases of foreign labour abuse, from over-crowded, unsanitary dormitories, to workers served expired food, to workers forced to accept less than half their promised salaries. Yet, these are merely the cases that have come to light. In order to come to Singapore to work, many foreign workers have to raise significant sums of money to pay recruitment agencies, making them vulnerable to forced labour and debt bondage. Therefore, even in cases when these workers are underpaid or not paid, or when they experience safety violations, they would rather stay silent, to avoid losing their jobs and, by extension, their ability to repay their debts. To target the root cause of these problems, I would like to ask the Ministry to look into helping these workers to reduce their recruitment costs. In last year's COS, I have spoken about recruitment approaches in Korea, in which the Ministry has said that they would look into. I would, therefore, like to ask for an update on this issue. Currently, based on our FCF before the submission of any EP applications, employers are required to advertise the job vacancies on the online Jobs Bank so that there are measures to ensure Singaporeans are considered fairly for these openings. At the same time, the Jobs Bank provides an added benefit of transparency. Jobseekers from Singapore or overseas can access the same vacancies directly without any interference from middlemen or recruitment agencies. Could we, therefore, look into extending this approach to other foreign non-domestic Work Permit vacancies? This infrastructure that we already possess with the Jobs Bank can be applied here as a viable ready-made solution.”
“This would be similar to funds in Germany where social security or LTC insurance can be used for oneself or one's family members. With our greying population, the burden of caregiving will increase significantly. To be a truly compassionate society, we need to put in place structures of support for the caregivers in our midst. Older Workers and CPF”
“The 2017 study on Singapore's older family caregivers by CARE showed that caregivers above 70 years old are primarily spouses, 90% of whom are female. More than half of these older family caregivers do the work alone. Many of them are in declining health themselves, with 30% showing symptoms of clinical depression. Despite their frailty, they dedicate up to 60 hours a week in caregiving. In another Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) survey on informal caregiving, it was shown that caregivers experienced substantial stress due to financial stress arising from caregiving. This was especially acute with younger caregivers because of their multiple commitments, as these so-called "sandwich" caregivers have to work, tend to their children and care for their elderly parents. If we aspire to be a caring society, then we cannot be negligent towards caregivers. The elderly folks taking care of their spouses, caregivers for the disabled, or the above mentioned "sandwich" caregivers, they deserve our support and utmost respect. To help them, one way is to provide tax rebates for families who have members who are caregivers. Another would be through direct allowances, with CPF contributions provided to caregivers to defray the loss of incomes due to caregiving and ensure long-term security. In Australia, allowances are given to those with heavy and regular caring duties that result in forgone earnings. In Norway, municipalities which are responsible for long-term care services employed family caregivers directly and provide a wage and insurance plan. We could also introduce a long-term care (LTC) insurance plan, and LTC insurance which individuals can tap on to pay for their own LTC arrangements as well as those of their family members.”
“As a first step, to ensure a fairer social compact, perhaps the Government can look at mandating hirers, probably starting from the Government agencies, to make contributions to CPF for the freelancers engaged. The more they come together, the stronger their negotiating power. It allows us to take care not only of ourselves, but of others like us. It goes beyond the transactional because, through a social compact, we see our interdependency, thereby growing stronger as a society. CPF for Self-employed Workers”
“I worked as a freelancer for almost eight years between 2003 and 2011 in the Arts. Back then, my concern was whether I had enough jobs to ensure my financial survival in the short term. At times, I would be offered part-time work with employer Central Provident Fund (CPF) contributions, and that was a bonus and I felt more secure. But by and large, the security of benefits, such as CPF provisions, was not something I thought much about. 11.00 am My experience then is similar to what freelancers face today, perhaps an exacerbated level in the gig economy. Because of their relative lack of experience, they can be easily exploited by hirers offering them less pay. To ensure they get a job despite their lack of a portfolio, new entrants resort to undercutting, thereby creating a vicious cycle of decreasing wages. They may take on more jobs than they can handle, endangering their own health and lives in some cases. In full-time employment, there are legal and contractual obligations enshrining a social compact between employer and employee – employers' CPF contributions, paid sick leave, workplace insurance and other welfare. But with a freelance engagement, the hirer does not bear such responsibilities. In fact, sometimes, there is no agreement signed, no reimbursement for workplace injuries, no assurance of remuneration deadlines. These are purely transactional relationships, where the hirer stands to gain because there is willing labour. This freelance employment model will continue to thrive, because it is highly efficient. It is what the gig economy relies heavily on.”
“There are many patriotic people like that in Singapore. But this country also needs patriotic people of a different kind. Those who try to grapple with the increasing inequalities in our midst, those who are compassionate, innovative, fearless in their questioning. Those who embrace the mess. Those who want to improve our system for one and all Singaporeans. And, lastly, I would like to appeal to this Government to participate in this dialogue; let yourself be a vulnerable observer, a vulnerable listener. Listen to the voices, to the stories and narratives by first acknowledging your vulnerability as a human being. Allow your values to be challenged, be confronted and to invest into the emotional truths of the activists and the underserved, before making judgement and proposing solutions. Only with vulnerable listening, then the policies formulated can be more humane, more just, more equal. 4.07 pm”
“In fact, they want to get the state on their side, so that policies can be changed. They ask questions because they are patriotic. At the core of their activism lies the deep belief in achieving happiness, prosperity and progress for our nation, through a system that is just and equal to all. Sometimes, when activists feel that they are not heard, they appeal for support from the public, hoping that the public will hear them out. This is what a functioning democracy is all about. Democracy is not just about votes and electorates, but a system that allows different groups of people to pose their questions and opinions, to start a discourse, hoping more people will be more aware of our social problems, get involved and make a difference. This is patriotism. Patriotism is not always convenient or comfortable. Patriotism can sometimes come in the form of thorns in our sides. But patriotism comes from a good place and demands that we all do better – not only for ourselves, but for our fellowmen and, most importantly, for our country. So, what then is the role of the Government in this? How can the state encourage constructive questioning? This is where my experience as an artist comes in useful. Asking hard questions always begins with messiness. We first need to acknowledge the mess. Then, together, we wade through the messiness, sort things out and listen to different views. Soon, we will find and agree on one brilliant idea. But we need more than just one brilliant idea. We need many ideas, working together, serving as many people as possible. Patriotism is not just about flag-waving and National Day celebrations; patriotism is not about the pursuit to be the best, the richest, the fastest, the smartest or the most advanced.”
“I quote, "The main obstacle is ourselves – our organisation and all our entrenched processes, bureaucracy and a culture of being afraid to fail because all these years we have succeeded." Indeed, our biggest stumbling blocks are ourselves. An innovative culture is one that does not shy away from asking difficult questions. Innovators often demonstrate different points of views from the conventional or the establishment. As a functioning democratic system, we need to safeguard spaces for such discourses, not only because we should respect differences, not only because it is politically expedient to do so, but because we can learn from differing views, widen our perspective and become stronger in the process. Here, I would like to highlight the work of an important group of people, the NGOs and the activists on the ground. They have worked incredibly hard against all odds, over many years, to find means of addressing the plights of the less privileged or accepted groups of people amongst us – the poor, disabled, LGBT people, foreign workers, inmates facing the death penalty and so on. Some of them have been working at this for more than 30, 40 or 50 years. Sometimes, their work, while not in opposition to the Government, can confront the Government's position. So, why do they do it? Are they agitators who are just concerned about themselves? No. They do this because they have the same vision that Minister Heng had mentioned: to "build a better home and provide for a better quality of life for our people". They raise issues to highlight hidden problems, make the invisible visible. They are concerned about solving problems and eradicating prejudice and injustice. Activists by and large do not want to incite trouble. They do not want to be at loggerheads with the state.”
“Where is the assurance that the hard work of Singaporeans will contribute to their well-being in the future? This larger conversation must be one that involves all Singaporeans across all demographics of society. It should also be one that is open to difference. The different ethnic groups, the different religions and beliefs, the different genders, the different sexual orientations and the different political ideology. No one should feel or be made to feel left out. This conversation must also not exclude foreigners. The construction workers who build our homes and roads, the domestic workers who tend to our children and seniors. Singapore has a diverse make-up. It is this diversity that enriches our humanity. It is this diversity that powers our innovation. When we support one another regardless of our differences, we all benefit by becoming collectively stronger. This diversity is what will make or break Singapore. We are a land-scarce nation, with no natural resources. But what we do have is our people. We need to create a conducive space for them to be creative and innovative, for people to take risks and be applauded for failures as much as successes. Innovation should not just happen in the workforce in the economy. We need to be innovative in life, in the social sector and in dealing with our social and political problems. To think critically, to ask the right questions, to break rules and challenge the status quo, if necessary. Do we have such an environment? Are we able to ask the hard questions? Here, I would like to cite what Minister Ong Ye Kung shared in his keynote speech at the last Public Service Conference.”
“For every one person who says, "I came from a poor upbringing but now I am a success", there are many others who did not succeed. To use an analogy, we are, each of us, individual parts of a machine that has been working well in the course of our history. Each of us has a different function and capability. If this machine is successful, it is because of all the parts, not just the shiny parts, not just the big parts, not just the loud parts. Every single person plays a role in making an economy successful – from the CEOs to the coffeeshop cleaners, from the highly salaried to the hourly-paid labourers. Let us not sweeten meritocracy by adding a descriptive word like "compassionate". While we want to uphold meritocracy to promote growth, we should also then look at systematic approaches to eradicate inequality, so that meritocracy can be more equitable, so that we can help achieve a better quality of life for all people. How do we then achieve a better quality of life for all whilst we grapple with growing inequality? Is universal coverage of essential services to certain groups the answer to these problems? I believe it should be one amongst other options that Singaporeans should start considering and we should be having conversations on these, deeply. We should not just ask what we want for ourselves. I hope this conversation will start with us looking around us. Looking at what, besides ourselves, is needed to bring a better quality of life, to all people. The reserves we have accumulated belong to Singaporeans, especially when they are contributions from the older generations. We work hard now, hoping to save for the future. The Government has said that there will be more expenditure and even have plans for 100 years ahead.”
“Currently, the Government has adopted the "many helping hands" approach to plug the gaps where Government schemes are less able to deliver. That is to say, funding and activation of manpower are provided for self-help community groups to address these areas. Encouraging community engagement and volunteerism is important. But we need to provide care and support in a sustained and meaningful way. More importantly, how can we provide assistance without making those who need help feel that they have to prove that “they have worked hard but not achieved enough and hence, is worthy of support?” We have been inculcated with the values of meritocracy: hard work will be rewarded, self-reliance and personal achievement are key to our success. Have we also then made those who have failed to achieve believe in the narrative that it was because of personal failing that one cannot do better and accept this narrative that it is not a dignified existence? How then do we tell those who do not succeed by society’s standards that they have not failed? How do we tell them there should be no shame in seeking help? Or do we look at them, and say, "You are not working hard enough, so you do not deserve support"? My point is that there are people in our midst who do not succeed despite their best efforts. Maybe they grew up in a poor household, unable to afford books, educational toys and enrichment classes. Maybe they grew up in a broken home, with little parental supervision, so they spend their days and nights at the playground. By the time these people go to school, by the time they leave school, by the time they enter the workforce, I do not have to say it. We know what the outcome is.”
“The children are deprived of privacy and a conducive environment to study. Some do not even have a meal to come home to after school. How do you tell these children that meritocracy will help them succeed? There are various Government schemes which low-income families can qualify for based on their income level. Yet, these families bear a heavy burden on their shoulders. They worry that when they get salary increments they may no longer qualify for financial aid and other assistance. They worry that despite their hard work, their incomes do not match the increasing costs of living. How do we tell them that our meritocratic system benefits them, when it does nothing to improve their current living conditions and, ironically, adds to their insecurity? With our greying population, we also encounter more elderly people, particularly seniors who are alone and living in poverty. Some of them share a home with another elderly person because they cannot afford to buy their own property. Others may realise that escalating healthcare costs have to be financed by the sale of their greatest assets – their homes. The sense of displacement that these seniors face can be extremely detrimental to their mental health. In some cases, they take on manual low-paying labour to make a living. How do we explain to these senior citizens that despite all their years of work, they are now left on the margins, because they are simply not as productive or competitive as others? Have our social support structures been developed to cater for these seniors? Or do our meritocratic convictions in self-reliance and responsibility mean that they should find solutions to their own problems?”
“Only then can we say, true to our pledge, that there is justice and equality. Yet, the fact is, we are some ways away from achieving this ideal. We pride ourselves for building a "compassionate meritocracy", one which is kinder, more inclusive and more redistributive. If I may quote Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam's Budget Speech back in 2015, we seek to "complement a culture of personal effort and responsibility with stronger collective responsibility". Yes, we hold meritocracy as an important tenet of the society. But our meritocracy rewards only those who have made achievements – those who have done well in school, those who have succeeded in their jobs. What about those who continue to fail in school? What about those who work two jobs and still cannot earn enough to feed their family? There is no guarantee of equal opportunity when there is no guarantee of an equal starting point. There is no level playing field. Those who are better off can and will use their privilege to go to better schools, live in better neighbourhoods, get better internships and job opportunities. Where does that leave those who begin their journeys on more rocky ground? Those who cannot rise above their circumstances despite their hard work? Those who never achieve because the odds are perpetually stacked against them? Let us not forget that privilege comes in myriad forms — socioeconomic status, family history, gender, race, class, sexual orientation, political affiliation and so on. How do we honour our social compact where meritocracy fails? Now is the time to examine our social compact, to see how meritocracy benefits or fails it. What is the quality of life lower-income families have at the moment? They are squeezed in tiny rental flats.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, for giving me this opportunity to speak. This is probably my last Budget speech. I thank Minister Heng for preparing a comprehensive Budget for the year ahead. Mr Speaker, Sir, I was really appreciative when during his speech, the Minister for Finance said that "A strong economy is not an end in itself". Usually, the emphasis on "economy" and "economics" is so overwhelming. We hear it on the news, we talk about it with our colleagues, and even the Government tends to use economic benchmarks as a marker for Singapore's success. But if "a strong economy is not an end in itself", then what is the end? Why work so hard to attain a strong, robust economy? The answer comes in the Minister's next line, which I quote: “It is a means to build a better home and provide a better quality of life for all our people.” So, there is a certain social contract, forged between the people of Singapore and the Government. In this social contract, when the economy is strong, the fruits of our labour must be shared with everyone, so that we can all achieve a better quality of life. Let me emphasise that point – it is for "all our people", not "some", not "a privileged group", not "our supporters". It is not conditional. As a nation, we progress with everyone hand in hand. We each have a role to play in society, in building our economy. Some provide capital, some contribute labour, some succeed and some fail. But, as we move ahead, no one should be left behind. When we benefit from this system, we should give back to the society, to give a leg up to those who are less privileged. Our social contract recognises that we are all part of a larger whole. As such, we need to take care of those who fall between the cracks.”
“I thank the Minister for the reply. On behalf of Mr Ganesh, I have a supplementary question. In light of the last Olympics when we had Joseph Schooling doing Singapore proud in 30 seconds, would the broadcaster consider together working with the Government to think about pooling resources to secure the rights? As the Minister rightly said, the cost of securing the rights has gone up. This has been done in Malaysia and in other countries. Is there any progress on that? Assoc Prof Dr Yaacob Ibrahim: Mr Speaker, Sir, I understand the sentiments expressed by the Member, and it is important for us to recognise that these are commercial arrangements. It is best that we leave it to the rights owners and the broadcasters to make the negotiations. The Government will continue to monitor the situation. The most important thing is that we do not think it is right for us to intervene. Let the key players and the market decide what is the best course of action for them.”
“I remember helping my father change his diapers and bathe for the first time. These experiences left a very deep impression on me. These intimate contacts with my father helped me understand the physical changes he experienced through the process of falling ill and ageing. When I took him to see the doctor, kept him company at the hospital and fed him, my relationship with him improved. Previously, my father seldom smiled at me, but now, he always smiles when he sees me. Through this process, I learnt to think from the other person’s perspective and understood what empathy means, because when you look after a patient and an elderly person, you must look at things from their perspective. To enable the elderly to live their twilight years with dignity, we must create an environment where they feel secure, and that begins with ourselves. When I was drafting this speech, this poem by Ma Zhiyuan kept ringing in my mind. "Dry vines, old trees, and a crow; a home by a small bridge and a flowing stream; a horse on the ancient path stands against the western wind; as the sun sets, a man roams the world, broken-hearted." Does life need to be so sad and lonely when one enters the withering season of fall?”
“Moreover, faced with daily stress and long working hours, they can only choose to depend on domestic helpers in the end. Further, I often see that the caregivers of the elderly are also around the same age as them. So, can you imagine an elderly person looking after another elderly person? My mother says she always believed that she would become a burden to her children. She also did not want our father to become a burden to us. However, despite getting help from a domestic worker to take care of my father, she still lost around 10 kilogrammes in the last three years. Caregiving is an exhausting and often a thankless job, but many people are unable to afford a maid and have to juggle between caregiving and work at the same time. They have to pay for transport and medical bills, they do not have enough rest as they have to look after the elderly for extended periods of time. This will not only affect the mental health of the caregiver but also those around him or her. I listened to the suggestions by many of my Parliamentary colleagues and I agree with them. I hope that the Government will consider two measures to help reduce caregivers’ burden. Firstly, legislate caregiver leave so that caregivers can have paid leave and spend more time with their loved ones. Secondly, pass legislation to allow working adults with elderly family members that require caregiving to enjoy income tax rebates. Actually, I am quite worried about whether young people know how to look after their elderly family members, because many young parents today do not even look after their own children. Instead, they leave their kids to their parents or domestic helpers. However, looking after your loved ones brings a lot of joy.”