Phey Yew Kok
Singapore
“Sir, before I withdraw the amendment, I would like to clarify one point. Just now when I mentioned CASE as being a paper tiger, I was not saying that the NTUC, of which I am the President, considers CASE a paper tiger. I do not consider CASE a paper tiger. I say that the coffee shop owners' association considers CASE as a paper tiger.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I find it very difficult to agree with the Minister of State that because the affiliates of the NTUC have been winning most of the secret ballots we should not change this regulation. May I refer to another case which is published in today's New Nation.”
“I am of the firm view that the situation can be easily rectified if an amendment is made to the Regulations, either requiring all employees who are entitled to vote in the secret ballot for recognition so to vote in the secret ballot unless they are sick or abroad or have reasonable excuse, or making the results of the secret ballot to be…”
“Sir, may I bring up another point. There were a number of occasions when unscrupulous employers used undue influence to pressurise the workers not to go and cast their vote.”
“Sir, in view of the explanation, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment. Amendment by leave, withdrawn. The following amendment stood in the name of Mr Phey Yew Kok - (7) That the sum to be allocated for Head M be reduced by $10 in respect of Subhead Code M C-02 of the Main Estimates.”
“Sir, I rise in support of the amendment to the Central Provident Fund Act. The 10,000 bus workers and SILO which represents these employees of SBS welcome the announcement by the Government to turn SBS into a public company. We are glad to learn that a percentage of shares will be set aside for our bus workers.”
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“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I think it would be a failure on my part as a trade unionist if I do not make a few comments. I should say that the slight improvement of the bus service, after the introduction of the supplementary bus service Scheme B, could coincide with the improvement of the working conditions of the workers.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, in the light of the favourable reply to the first part of my question, that is, our union members below the age of 21 can get exemption to be union leaders, I beg leave to withdraw. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. The following amendment stood in the name of Mr P. Govindaswamy: (5) That the sum to be allocated for Head GA be reduced by $10 in respect of subhead EA 1201.”
“Point of clarification, Mr Speaker, Sir. The Labour movement in Singapore is vigorously trying to increase its membership. I think we are not doing that badly. In Japan the total percentage of unionised workers is only 34 per cent, as reported in the Japan Labour Movement in 1973. In Canada it is 26 per cent. In West Germany it is 35 per cent. Even in the United States, which is supposed to have the most advanced and powerful labour movement, it is only 25 per cent. In Singapore I would say that it is more than 33 per cent. I think the union has done its part. What I am pointing out, Mr Speaker, Sir, is that non-unionised workers in a unionised establishment purely have the advantage, and this is not fair to the unionised workers.”
“Sir, since the Minister has said that the percentage of workers below the age of 18 years is very small, will he consider a temporary exemption for those companies which have a very big percentage, maybe 20-25 per cent, of workers aged 16-18? And when the minimum working age is increased to 18 years, he may then withdraw this exemption. Will the Minister also consider this fact: that in a unionised establishment the nonunionised workers are getting more than the unionised workers? Assuming a $300 take-home pay, the union member will have to pay $4 union subscription; in other words, minus $4. The unionised worker, therefore, in effect gets less than the employee who is not unionised.”
“Though a closed-shop policy by trade unions can be advocated to remedy this unsatisfactory state of affairs, such a policy would violate the principles of free and voluntary association of workers in trade unions and, therefore, such a step is not socially desirable. 4.30 p.m. But I suggest that there is nothing undesirable or unethical to make it obligatory for all non-unionised employees in unionised establishments to contribute an equivalent of union subscription and levies to a special Workers Development and Welfare Fund which can be jointly administered by the NTUC and the Ministry of Labour. This fund would not be used for the operating expenses of trade unions or the NTUC but would be utilised wholly to provide a variety of welfare, recreational and educational facilities for our working population as a whole. Indeed, there is an obligation for non-unionised workers to accept a certain measure of responsibility to their fellow workers as a condition for the enjoyment of benefits secured for them by the efforts of organised workers. We cannot afford to continue to carry them as passengers dependent on organised labour. The time has come for serious consideration to be given to this matter, and I would commend that the creation of a special Workers Development and Welfare Fund be given active consideration by the Ministry of Labour and make it obligatory for non-unionised workers in unionised companies to contribute to this Fund.”
“In the circumstances, there are strong and valid reasons to urgently review the position and make the necessary amendments to section 29 (1) of the Trade Unions Act and to reduce the age limit for union membership to 16 as against .18 now and for holding office in trade unions to 18 as against 21 now. Another area which deserves urgent consideration is the development of a policy towards those who benefit from the organised labours of others. I refer to non-unionised employees in establishments which are unionised and represented by trade unions. These non-unionised employees in unionised companies enjoy the same terms and conditions of employment which are obtained by trade unions through collective bargaining with the employers. Indeed, in the collective bargaining process itself, the facilities offered by the NTUC Research Unit are extensively utilised by the workers and their unions whose sweat and toil result in better terms and conditions for workers, but non-unionised employees who enjoy these benefits make no direct contributions. They are the parasites of the right zone. These are people who live in a social vacuum believing that they can survive by living on the efforts of others. They believe that society exists for them. Indeed, to them all State agencies, social organisations and trade unions have only a one-way responsibility. They believe that they have no reciprocal obligations or responsibilities to any social organisations. They are the silent and inactive beneficiaries who are parasitically dependent on the labours of organised labour who contribute consciously and tangibly to general welfare and progress. This is basically unfair and unjust and must be remedied if social justice is to be achieved in an equitable manner.”
“Though these young persons may join trade unions, we are very often confronted with the difficulty of forming branch committees because, invariably, in many cases elections to the branch committees will, unavoidably, have to be from amongst the rank-and-file membership who are under 21. If it is not possible to form branch committees in such circumstances, trade union organisation in accordance with the rules of the trade union is inhibited and makes union membership a mockery for on the one hand these persons may become members, but on the other they cannot form themselves into branch committees. This is an untenable situation. In the circumstances, I ask that urgent consideration be given to lower the age for holding office in trade unions to 18 as against 21 now. It would also be pertinent to point out that for workmen's compensation purposes a person who is 18 years of age and above is entitled to the same quantum of compensation as any other adult. The unmistakable inference from this is that for the purposes of workmen's compensation a person above the age of 18 is deemed to have attained the age of majority. It would not also be out of place to mention that in the Factories Act, on the strength of section 62 (c), the fact that the Minister may make regulations for medical supervision for persons below the age of 18 employed in work, which may cause risk or injury to their health, indicates that those who are 18 years of age and above are for the purposes of the Act, considered to have attained the age of majority. All in all, there seems to be no valid reason for having a separate set of principles for admissibility to membership of and to hold office in trade unions.”
“Sir, I beg to move, That the sum to be allocated for Head GA be reduced by $10 in respect of subhead DA 1111. A phenomenon that faces the trade union world today is the rapid change that is taking place, and will continue to increasingly take place in the years to come, in the age composition of our labour force. In the light of the changed composition of the labour force, the provisions of section 29 (1) of the Trade Unions Act has become anachronistic. Section 29 (1) stipulates that a person under the age of 21, but above the age of 18, may be a member of a registered trade union. This implies that a person under the age of 18 cannot be a member of a trade union. It would, therefore, be necessary to amend the law to allow membership of a trade union to a person who is below 18. We are now facing a situation in which the vast majority of employees in many establishments are below the age of 21. To meet the changed circumstances, an amendment to section 29 (1) of the Trade Unions Act is an absolute necessity. It would be pertinent to point out that such an amendment would not be inconsistent with other legislation. For instance, in the Employment Act, a person who has completed the age of 16 is not deemed to be, by definition, a young person and who, therefore, may be employed without any restrictions whatsoever in any commercial or industrial undertaking. There seems to be no reason, therefore, to restrict union membership to only those who have attained the age of 18, for if a person under 18 can be employed, then by the same token he can also be allowed to join a trade union. The next and more important point, Sir, is that section 29 (1) of the Trade Unions Act does not allow any person under the age of 21 to hold office in a trade union.”
“Sir, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“I ask the Minister of State whether it would be to the advantage of the CPF contributor to increase the CPF interest. In other words, he pays a reasonable rate of interest to the CPF. That is the first bird to be killed. Secondly, to make sure that every CPF contributor can make use of his CPF savings. Thirdly, assuming that all the building projects are approved by the HDB, we can check speculation in any housing development programme.”
“Sir, the Minister of State has not answered my question.”
“Sir, the proposals I made to the Minister of State would give him a stone to kill three birds, instead of two. (1) To make sure that the middle income group who purchase private houses will not be charged exorbitant interests. (2) To make sure that the middle income group will also be allowed to use their CPF contributions to purchase their own houses. (3) If any building society, not necessarily the NTUC or any private company, builds houses and is approved by HDB, we encourage genuine ownership. In other words, the housing developers will not speculate in their developing project. Dr Ong Leong Boon (Kim Seng): Sir, first I am very encouraged by the expression of the Minister of State for Labour regarding this new housing scheme that the Government has in store for middle income wage earners. Yes, quite rightly so, but when will that be? Secondly, would ownership of these homes be governed by the same conditions as those recently circulated by the Ministry of Finance; where there is an insistence that whosoever moves into these flats will compulsorily stay on in Government service for the next 10 years?”
“I would strongly urge that CPF savings be made available to such people to purchase houses which are built through projects organised by the NTUC or other building societies or private companies which are approved by the HDB. To neglect these people would mean their exclusion from a social benefit which they have every right to enjoy as citizens. I would, therefore, call upon the Government to allow these people to utilise their CPF savings to purchase houses built by approved organisations including projects which will be embarked upon by the NTUC. 3.30 p.m.”
“Sir, I beg to move, That the sum to be allocated for Head GA he reduced by $10 in respect of subhead AA 1105. There is no doubt that the Government's low cost housing programme has achieved impressive results since the Housing and Development Board was established in 1960. One of the most significant features of the housing policy of the Government has been the assistance to the lower income groups to have houses of their own by allowing them to utilise their credit in the Central Provident Fund to pay for the flat or to meet the down payment or part payment. This feature of our public housing in helping our citizens to own their own homes with CPF savings is unique, but there remains the middle and upper-middle groups of employees who are unable to own their own homes because of soaring land prices and building costs which are beyond their means and who are unfortunately not eligible for HDB fiats. Any housing development project to meet the needs of such people who individually may find their resources too meagre to build their own houses or flats at a reasonably economical cost must, therefore, be welcomed. These people are also contributing to the Central Provident Fund but, because of the fact that they are ineligible for HDB flats, they are unable to utilise their CPF savings to purchase their own homes. To help these people, it is imperative that a plan should be formulated to help them to own homes. The HDB's endeavours in the field of housing could be supplemented by endeavours by the labour movement itself to meet the needs of such people. The NTUC's proposal to embark on a housing project is, therefore, a timely one and deserves active encouragement by Government and support by other organisations both of the NTUC and the Government.”
“Sir, will the Minister consider allocating parking spaces for those who require to use vehicles for their livelihood? I agree with the Minister that the Housing Board cannot build car parks for flat owners who possess cars, but I think that those who are required to use vehicles for their livelihood deserve consideration.”
“It would be a great pity if the initiative we have shown proves to be still-born because of a lack of positive response from the employers. The tripartite affiance between Government, trade unions and employers must not be an alliance only on paper. It must be translated into practice on our factory floors. We offer our hands in sincere co-operation to the employers. We hope that at least some of them will have the wisdom to accept the proffered hand. 3.40 p.m.”
“Unfortunately, the number of managements in Singapore which are prepared to give the works councils a try-out is few and far between. If workers and management can regard themselves as two necessary parts of a production team, many of our problems in industrial relations will disappear. The Secretary-General of the NTUC proposed in a recent speech the desirability of achieving what he called "a community effort" in all our industrial enterprises. Some managements, however, fear that this proposal means that trade unions will attempt to take over management functions. This is rubbish and is far from being the intention of the NTUC. We clearly recognise that the specific economic problems in industries, touching on the division and the nature of the product, the utilisation of labour and capital, the distribution of raw materials, etc., cannot be solved by majority decisions or voting. They can only be dealt with by those who possess the technical knowledge. The workers are not specialist in this field. So there is no question of trade unions wanting to usurp management functions. But in the actual process of production, workers can and should be made to feel that they are members of a production team and not, as the addendum to the President's Speech puts it, "mere cogs in the wheels of production." In the near future, the NTUC hopes to hold discussions with a number of selected employers in the Republic with a view to trying out more enlightened and productive methods of industrial relations. We cannot institute these changes on our own. Management must also co-operate. Furthermore, we hope to obtain the blessings of the Government.”
“Instead, there is a system of arbitrary orders, the reasons for which are not given, but which the workers are expected to obey like automatons. Recently, I had to deal with one factory where the management embarked on a major reorganisation of work schedules. They had good reasons for this reorganisation, for they had obtained new and more productive machines. But the workers were left completely in the dark about the management's plans. One fine morning, they found themselves re-allocated and transferred about. Resentment boiled over, and there was a work stoppage. The climate was not improved by a Production Superintendent who threatened dire punishment for the workers because he claimed that he was a close friend of what he termed "top PAP leaders." He is one of those persons responsible for destroying the confidence and trust which our Government so richly deserves. I shall be happy to privately identify the gentleman concerned to the Minister for Labour, so that he may consider taking appropriate action. But coming back to my theme, none of these troubles would have occurred if the management had taken the workers into confidence about the "whys" and "wherefores" of the reorganisation of production. Indeed, a number of enlightened managements make good use of works councils to discuss and to consult with their workers on problems which arise in the process of production. The intelligent use of works councils can give workers a rewarding sense of participation in production, and thereby help to enhance productivity and to transform the climate of industrial relations. Workers come to feel that they belong to the enterprise they work for, and identify themselves with the success of its operations.”
“Mr. Speaker, Sir, I am happy to note that, in the addendum to the President's Speech dealing with the Ministry of Labour, there is a categorical statement to the effect that "workers are human beings and not mere cogs in the wheels of production." If we want a healthy framework of industrial relations to develop in Singapore, it is of fundamental importance that our system of industrial relations should get away from concepts which regard the worker and his skill as no more than yet another purchasable commodity on the market. Human skills certainly have a market value. But human co-operation cannot be purchased. It can only be earned through the practice of sound industrial psychology. The atmosphere which prevails on the production sites of many enterprises in Singapore is poisoned by pernicious doctrines of industrial relations, which regard workers as wage slaves who have to be coerced and bullied, and not as partners in the production process, whose co-operation, even enthusiastic co-operation, might be obtained by the simple expedient of regarding them as responsible human beings. It is all to the good that we in Singapore are becoming increasingly conscious of pollution. But pollution is not only physical pollution. There is also psychological pollution which exists in many of our industries and which can and does have serious harmful consequences for our industrial production. This psychological pollution is the consequence of the primitive notions of industrial relations and of personnel management, which I have referred to. And it manifests itself in an atmosphere of mutual distrust and disregard between managements and workers on our factory floors. There is no mutual consultation on what, in fact, are common problems.”