Sim Ann
Singapore
“Sir, given the increasingly transnational nature of crime and the rapid advancement of digital finance, international cooperation is indeed key. Singapore will continue to issue MLAs where it is appropriate, but also pursue international cooperation in informal manner. This applies not just to AML/CFT and PF, but also to scams.”
“Sir, I believe that the first and the third supplementary questions from the Member are related. I would say that if the facts of the case are such that it warrants taking action under the Penal Code for offences relating to the circulation of intimate images, the Police will do so.”
“Sir, we have a national movement to prepare Singaporeans against terrorism – SGSecure. This is one way through which we disseminate important information so that Singaporeans are aware of security risks.”
“Sir, we want to see everyone get home safe everyday. If safety is compromised, then livelihoods and many other good things in life are going to be at risk. We believe that the public will see our proposed for changes in this light, particularly our vocational drivers, because safer roads also mean a safer working environment for them.”
“To Ms Cassandra Lee's question, the alcohol limits that are currently enforced have been in place since 1985, and that is more than forty years ago. Now, Singapore is one of the jurisdictions with the highest alcohol limits, while the other jurisdictions have adopted stricter regimes with lower limits.”
“MFA is working with the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) to strengthen our safeguards against foreign interference, which will be elaborated on by MHA during its Committee of Supply. Mr Chairman, foreign policy begins at home.”
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“Seniors and persons with disabilities who meet this definition will be protected by the enhanced penalties we propose to impose on their abusers. On the new offence to criminalise the doxxing of a public servant, Dr Wan Rizal asked if offenders could escape liability by claiming that the falsehood was minor or was disguised in humour or sarcasm. The Courts apply an objective standard in determining what constitutes a false statement of fact and will not take such claims at face value. Dr Wan Rizal sought to clarify when agencies would use levers under POFMA versus the new offence of doxxing accompanied by a falsehood. The POFMA levers focus on the likely impact of the false statement of fact on key public interests, such as Singapore's security, public health, safety, tranquillity or finances, or public confidence in our institutions. On the other hand, the new offence is targeted at protecting public servants and thus, requires that the false statement of fact relate to the public servant. Different cases may require one lever or the other, or even a combination of the two. Such a determination would have to be made on a case-by-case basis. Dr Wan Rizal and Ms Sylvia Lim had questions regarding the scope of the new offence. Dr Wan Rizal asked if the new offence would extend to public service workers who perform public duties, but are not public servants. The new offence will only cover public servants. False statements against public servants can directly undermine confidence in our public institutions and so, warrant a higher penalty. That said, doxxing of a public service worker is already an offence under POHA that carries enhanced penalties. Ms Lim asked if the new offence would extend to politicians, such as Ministers and MPs.”
“Mr Speaker, let me thank Members for their questions and their strong support for the amendments. Let me first touch on the amendments to sexual offences. Ms Joan Pereira highlighted bullying cases which involve the distribution of intimate images of minors. We agree that a firm stance should be taken against such acts. Let me assure Ms Pereira that this is already an offence under the Penal Code which attracts severe punishment. I also thank Ms Pereira for her suggestions regarding upstream preventive measures and downstream victim support and agree that these are important to complement the proposals in the Bill. Measures have, indeed, been put in place to help victims of sexual offences, including minors, through the criminal justice process. Mr Xie Yao Quan suggested introducing discretionary caning for administrators of online locations circulating obscene material. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) will continue to monitor the situation and assess if there is a need to review the penalties further. Next, on the enhanced penalties for fatal abuse of vulnerable victims. Mr Cai Yinzhou highlighted that beyond increasing the penalties for abuse of vulnerable victims, it is also important to have upstream preventive measures. We agree. Such measures have been put in place by the Ministry of Social and Family Development and Ministry of Manpower. Mr Cai also suggested including seniors and persons with disabilities within the definition of vulnerable persons. Under our current laws, a "vulnerable person" refers to those who, due to mental or physical infirmity, disability or incapacity, are substantially unable to protect themselves from abuse, neglect or self-neglect.”
“To be clear, the amendments will not require the Court to impose these penalties, nor otherwise limit the Court's discretion in sentencing. The Court can still, upon a close examination of the facts, impose a rehabilitative sentence. The final set of amendments, Sir, in clauses 26 to 28 of the Bill pertains to workers and dealers of precious metals. The amendments to the Miscellaneous Offences Act will increase the waiting period before such workers or dealers can work on or deal with goods sold to them, from three days to five. This will give the Police more time to trace and recover stolen goods. At the same time, we are reducing the scope of the requirement. This waiting period will only apply to the worker or dealer who first receives goods from a customer; and not the worker or dealer who receives the goods from another dealer. Stolen goods usually come from a customer, rather than from another dealer. The overall intent of the amendments is to improve law enforcement's ability to trace stolen goods and the criminals, while minimising the burden on businesses in a risk-calibrated manner. Sir, the amendments in the Bill are part of MHA's regular efforts to make our criminal laws clearer, fairer and more responsive to the prevailing operating environment. They will help MHA carry out our mission of keeping Singapore safe and secure more effectively. We seek the support of Members for the amendments. Mr Speaker, I seek to move. [(proc text) Question proposed. (proc text)]”
“To be clear, neither of these amendments prevents members of the public from expressing legitimate feedback or criticism, including publicly. Such feedback, expressed constructively and through the appropriate channels, can help us improve our service delivery and staff training. There will also not be any offence disclosed if the feedback is based on genuinely mistaken facts, since the offence requires that the person know or have reason to believe that a statement of fact is false. Mr Speaker, the next category of amendments in this Bill ensures that adequate penalties, including reformative training, imprisonment and caning, can continue to be imposed on older youth offenders who are repeat offenders or who commit serious crimes, and whose cases are heard outside the Youth Court. In 2019, the Government moved the amendments to the Children and Young Persons Act (CYPA) to expand the jurisdiction of the Youth Court to all offenders below the age of 18, up from the previous age of 16. The policy intent, however, was to ensure that if youth offenders between the ages of 16 and 18 commit serious offences or repeat offences, their cases could be transferred out of the Youth Court to the High Court and State Courts. In those cases, it was always intended that the High Court and State Courts will continue to have the full suite of powers to deal with the offenders. However, when preparing to operationalise the CYPA amendments, we identified certain provisions in the earlier round of amendments which are not fully aligned with the policy intent. Clauses 3 to 7, and 23 of the Bill straighten out these provisions and ensure that the policy intent is given its full effect. In particular, it ensures that reformative training, imprisonment and caning are available in such cases.”
“Many public servants and public service workers are at risk of being doxed in the course of performing their duties, that is, having their identity information published with the intent to cause harassment, alarm or distress. Doxxing can impede or deter them from discharging their duties objectively and impartially, and when accompanied by falsehoods, can also undermine public confidence in our institutions. First, we will strengthen the protections for public servants and public service workers under section 6 of the Protection from Harassment Act (POHA). Today, this offence requires proof that the victim actually suffered harm, alarm or distress. Clause 68 of the Bill removes this requirement. All harassment of public servants or public service workers in the line of duty is unacceptable. For the purposes of securing a conviction, it should not matter whether or to what degree the victim experienced harassment, alarm or distress. The extent of harm experienced by the victim should, of course, still be a factor for sentencing. Second, clause 25 of the Bill introduces a new offence in the Miscellaneous Offences Act to criminalise the doxxing of a public servant, when accompanied by a falsehood about the public servant that the offender knows or has reason to believe is false. Such conduct is especially harmful because not only are the individual public servants adversely affected, but trust in our public institutions is undermined. Section 7 of the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) today already criminalises the publishing of a falsehood if that specific falsehood diminishes public confidence, but this new offence will not have that requirement of needing to show diminution of public confidence.”
“To prevent overreach, this will only apply where either the groomer or victim travels from a location in Singapore to meet overseas. The amendments also increase the penalties for sexual grooming offences. Third, clauses 45 and 46 of the Bill will increase the penalties for fatal abuse of vulnerable persons under sections 304B and 304C of the Penal Code to life imprisonment, or up to 30 years' imprisonment if life imprisonment is not imposed. We are introducing life imprisonment because there is strong public interest to deter abuse of vulnerable persons. Often, they are voiceless, they cannot protect themselves, and they depend on others for even their basic needs. And so, when they are abused to the point of death, it is especially heinous and must be met with the full force of the law. Take the tragic case of the young boy who was scalded to death by his parents a few years ago. In 2022, his mother was convicted of murder while his father was convicted of voluntarily causing grievous hurt by means of a heated substance. Both were sentenced to life imprisonment. Although the father's charge was not for causing death but only endangering life, the Court of Appeal found that life imprisonment was justified given the cruelty and severity of the abuse. The Government agrees with the Court's decision. Moving forward, similar cases may be prosecuted under sections 304B and 304C of the Penal Code instead as these provisions were specifically introduced to overcome certain hurdles in prosecuting cases of fatal abuse. The amendments will ensure that life imprisonment will be available as a sentencing option in such cases. The fourth category of amendments addresses protections for public servants and public service workers.”
“When the relevant offences were introduced in 2019, it was always the Government's intention to criminalise realistic computer-generated child abuse material, even if the material depicts a fictional child. The offences should not require proof that an actual child was involved, for example, that an image of an actual child was used as part of the training data for the AI used to generate the material. This is both to reduce the roadblocks to enforcement and to reduce the supply of such materials, which contributes to a vicious cycle of abuse. Clause 53 of the Bill amends the relevant definitions to put these points beyond doubt. Mr Speaker, the third category of amendments builds on past efforts to protect minors and vulnerable victims. First, clause 42 of the Bill extends enhanced penalties for offences relating to obscene materials under section 292 of the Penal Code to obscene materials depicting minors below the age of 18, up from the current threshold of 16. This will also bring us in line with the United Nations' Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography. Second, we propose to strengthen the sexual grooming offences under sections 376E and 376EA of the Penal Code. Today, the offences generally only apply if the groomer and victim meet or intend to meet in Singapore for the sexual acts. There have, however, been cases where sexual grooming charges could not be preferred because the sexual acts were done or intended to be done overseas. Clauses 47 and 48 of the Bill will amend the sexual grooming offences so that they will also apply to sexual acts intended to be done overseas, as long as the acts would constitute an offence if done in Singapore.”
“Given the seriousness of such conduct, the offence is punishable with a fine and mandatory imprisonment of up to five years, or seven years if the obscene material circulated depicts a minor below the age of 18. Second, we also intend to deal with the problem of images and videos generated by the use of artificial intelligence (AI). Let me begin with intimate images or recordings. By virtue of section 377BE(5) of the Penal Code, our criminal laws already cover sexually explicit deepfakes, where an image or recording is altered to depict the victim. It is already an offence to possess or gain access to, or to distribute or threaten to distribute such sexual deepfakes without consent. However, generative AI now makes it possible to generate entirely synthetic images or videos of a person, without making use of a pre-existing image or recording. Clauses 50(a) and (b) of the Bill update the relevant provision to get ahead of this development. Clause 49(d) makes clear that it is an offence to produce any intimate image without consent. Today, such offenders would already be liable for the offence of possessing or gaining access to an intimate image, but we want to make criminal liability clearer as far as production of the intimate image is concerned. Clause 50(c) makes explicit what has always been our intent that for the offence of threatening to distribute an intimate image, it is not necessary to prove that the intimate image exists. Such threats can cause serious harm even if the intimate image does not exist, especially now that it is easier to generate such images using AI. Sir, let me turn to child abuse materials.”
“They will always be lurking somewhere, threatening to resurface. These victims may never have peace of mind again. Clause 42 of the Bill therefore introduces enhanced penalties for offences under section 292(1) of the Penal Code where obscene materials are circulated by electronic means to 10 or more persons. This threshold takes reference from other provisions where the involvement of 10 or more persons introduces a public dimension. For example, under the Societies Act, the threshold size of a group that must be registered as a society is 10 persons. The maximum imprisonment term for such offences will be increased from three months to two years. If the obscene material depicts a minor below the age of 18, the penalty will be mandatory imprisonment of up to four years, a doubling of the current maximum of two years' imprisonment. These enhanced penalties will also apply to cumulative transmissions to 10 or more persons in total, to close the potential loophole of accused persons sending separate messages to single individuals, but to a large number of individuals. In addition, clause 43 of the Bill introduces a new offence to target those who set up or manage online locations where obscene materials are circulated, including administrators of chat groups or channels, blogs, or accounts on video-sharing platforms. The offence is scoped to offenders who intend that the online location be used to circulate obscene materials. It will not cover, for example, platforms whose online locations are used in this way contrary to their original intent or administrators whose chat groups are spammed by bad actors.”
“The Court may consider factors like the extent of property damage, the vandal's motivations, the degree of premeditation, and the impact on public services and functions. Similarly, in other offences which only involve preparatory acts or do not require an element of harm to be present before the offence is made out, we have assessed that discretionary caning is adequate. The Courts can still impose caning in serious cases where real harm results or there are other aggravating factors. This includes certain offences under the Corrosive, Explosive Substances and Offensive Weapons Act, as well as attempted robbery and making preparation for gang-robbery under sections 393 and 399 of the Penal Code. Let me be clear. The amendments do not signal any softening in our stance against crime. The large majority of offences which attract caning today, including serious sexual and violence offences, will continue to attract caning as a punishment. Sir, the second category of amendments ensures that our criminal laws keep pace with technology. First, we are introducing amendments to deal with large-scale circulation of obscene objects, which include sexual images or videos. Members will recall the case of the chat group SG Nasi Lemak, in which over 44,000 members circulated and shared obscene materials involving women and girls. The Government's view is that the current penalties are not adequate. Technology allows obscene materials to be shared with tens of thousands of recipients, through a single key stroke. The harm is amplified, many times over. We cannot begin to imagine the distress suffered by a young girl whose images are sent to thousands of prying eyes. And because these materials can be sent to so many people, it is impossible to take them out of circulation entirely.”
“As Members can see from Part B of the Annex, we are proposing to amend eight provisions to remove caning entirely and in the case of vandalism, to remove caning for a subset of the offence. As our societal context and crime situation have evolved, caning may no longer be necessary in some offences. These are generally offences that do not involve intentional harm to a person nor cause significant harm to the public and for which we assess that the other penalties are adequate. Clauses 41, 61, 67 and 69 to 76 of the Bill make the necessary amendments. For 15 provisions reflected in Part C of the Annex, we propose to give the Courts the discretion to decide whether to impose caning, rather than to require caning in all cases. These are given effect by clauses 15 to 17, 40, 54 to 60, 62, 65, 66 and 72 to 74 of the Bill. For avoidance of doubt, more serious cases should still result in caning, even as we make these amendments to change mandatory caning to discretionary caning. Let me illustrate with vandalism. Clauses 72 to 74 of the Bill amend the Vandalism Act so that mandatory caning is replaced with discretionary caning for vandalism of public property and designated private property. The latter category includes private property that is of national, cultural or religious significance and any other private property that the Minister may prescribe – in short, primarily property that has public significance or serves a public function. For these vandalism offences, we will leave it to the Court to decide whether caning should be imposed on a case-by-case basis. This approach maintains a firm stance against vandalism generally, while allowing the punishment to be calibrated based on the facts of each case.”
“For downstream enablers such as payment accounts, discretionary caning will apply if the criminal proceeds laundered involve benefits from a scam and the offender had failed to take reasonable steps to ensure that the account is not used to launder scam proceeds. Let me assure Members that genuine victims who are found to have been deceived into providing a scam enabler would not be affected by the introduction of caning as a punishment. The existing offences do not penalise genuine victims in the first place. The Ministry will continue monitoring the scams situation closely and will further increase our penalties if needed. Mr Speaker, in Mandarin. (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] The Government continues to place strong emphasis on combating scams. In the first half of 2025, there were almost 20,000 cases and almost half a billion dollars lost. While these numbers have decreased compared with the first half of 2024, they are still significant. In this Bill, we are proposing to introduce mandatory caning for scammers, as well as members and recruiters of scam syndicates. We will also introduce discretionary caning for those who facilitate scams through providing enablers, such as their Singpass credentials, SIM cards or bank accounts. If we can deny scammers access to such enablers, it will be much more difficult for them to carry out successful scams and we can better protect Singaporeans. (In English): Sir, even as we introduce caning for scams, we also intend to recalibrate the use of caning in other offences. Today, there are 96 offences that attract discretionary caning and 65 which attract mandatory caning. My Ministry has conducted a review, to ensure that caning is only applied where there is a need.”
“Beyond dealing with scammers and scam syndicates, another key strategy is to deny them the tools that enable them to conduct scams. These scam enablers include SIM cards, Singpass credentials and payment accounts. Crippling the supply of scam enablers would significantly increase the difficulty for scammers to successfully conduct or profit from scams in Singapore. We will therefore introduce discretionary caning for those who facilitate scams. These are offenders who either knew or had reasonable grounds to believe that the scam enabler they provide, would be used in the commission of, or would be used in the facilitation of, a crime. Clauses 10, 11, 19, 20 and 30 to 34 of the Bill introduce discretionary caning for certain offences under the Miscellaneous Offences (Public Order and Nuisance) Act, the Corruption, Drug Trafficking and Other Serious Crimes (Confiscation of Benefits) Act, and the Computer Misuse Act, in this regard. For upstream enablers such as Singpass credentials and SIM cards, discretionary caning will broadly apply to two categories of cases. The first category is where the offender intended or knew, depending on the offence, that the enabler would be used to commit or facilitate the commission of a scam. The second category covers cases where the enabler is actually used to commit or facilitate the commission of a scam, even if the offender did not intend or know this. For the second category of offenders, discretionary caning will apply if the offender fails to prove that he or she had taken reasonable steps to ensure that the enabler would not be used to commit or to facilitate the commission of a scam.”
“Members may also access these materials through the MP@SGPARL app. Sir, scams are by far the most prevalent crime type in Singapore today. Between 2020 and the first half of 2025, there were about 190,000 cases reported, with losses amounting to about $3.7 billion. These are staggering numbers. They constitute 60% of all reported crimes, and the losses are more than three and a half times the cost of building Woodlands Health Campus. MHA has been working with other agencies and the private sector on measures to counter the scourge of scams. Earlier this year, Dr Tan Wu Meng suggested in this House that MHA also consider introducing caning for scams, to better deter and punish those who commit scams or facilitate the commission of scams. We have reviewed the suggestion and agree with it. Members may refer to Part A of the Annex for the proposed amendments. We will introduce mandatory caning for scammers. Clause 64 of the Bill amends section 420 of the Penal Code so that offenders who commit scams, defined as cheating mainly by means of remote communication, will be punished with at least six strokes of the cane. We will also introduce discretionary caning in section 420 of the Penal Code for serious cases of cheating. We will take an equally firm stance against scam syndicates. These syndicates mobilise significant resources to conduct and profit from scams and have the highest level of culpability. Clauses 37 and 38 of the Bill introduce new offences in the Organised Crime Act so that members of and recruiters for scam syndicates will be subject to mandatory caning of at least six strokes, if they knew that the organised criminal group was a scam syndicate.”
“I thank the Member for her supplementary questions. Please allow me to be clear. On behalf of the Police, public disorder cannot be tolerated or condoned and indeed, if crimes have been committed, then investigation and enforcement has to follow. In this case, there are different dimensions of what is happening in the Waterloo Street area and the Member herself is also very familiar. And for the cases of conduct where there is no outright crime being committed, but nevertheless may attract some attention, they could be vulnerable individuals involved. And in this case, it is important for us to work closely with our sister agencies. This includes the MSF and also the other agencies that I have mentioned.”
“National unity and domestic support allow our leaders to to stand firm under external pressure, to say no when it matters most, and to negotiate confidently on behalf of all Singaporeans to protect and advance our interests. (In English): Mr Deputy Speaker, we are facing uncertain times, but Singapore has never been fatalistic. We have agency. We have succeeded by staying united at home, relevant abroad and nimble in adapting to change. I believe that with the trust and support of our people, we can continue to secure a better global future for Singapore and Singaporeans. Mr Deputy Speaker, I support the Motion. [Applause.]”
“First, where discussions grow emotional, inflamed sentiments can hamper judgement and create rifts between groups of Singaporeans that are hard to repair, especially when sensitive topics such as race and religion are involved. Let us maintain calm and mutual respect when discussing current affairs, including global developments. Second, where discussions centre around which countries Singapore should be closer to, or which countries’ lead Singapore should follow. Such chatter, though not uncommon, does not reflect how Singapore conducts foreign policy. Those who find themselves in such conversations could gently remind the speakers that Singapore bases our foreign policy on our national interests. Third, where leaders of local social and business institutions comment publicly on international developments. In such instances, it would be useful to consider the content carefully beforehand and check if it can be construed to mean anything other than the views of a Singaporean well-versed in Singapore’s national interests. Mr Deputy Speaker, “foreign policy starts at home” is not an abstract slogan but represents a vital shield for Singapore. Singapore can be reliable and trusted by other countries only if we remain principled and consistent. We can only achieve this if we speak with one united voice. This stems from domestic stability as well as public trust in the Government. If our social fabric frays, our international credibility will weaken. Malignant actors may seek to exploit our divisions for their own interests. Support for our foreign policy does not mean unconditional agreement with all foreign policy decisions, but a shared commitment to safeguard Singapore’s sovereignty and long-term national interests.”
“There are many objectives for conducting foreign interference. Foreign interference aims to weaken the targeted country, for instance by sowing division and internal strife. It could also aim to influence the targeted country’s policies, including its foreign policy. Vigilance against foreign interference is therefore a shared concern of governments and foreign policy circles throughout the world. But this does not mean that we discourage Singaporeans from learning about international developments and discussing foreign policy. On the contrary, we would like Singaporeans to continue being interested in and knowledgeable about global affairs, because it affects our security and prosperity. Therefore, MFA is stepping up engagement efforts with Singaporeans, including students, youths and businesses, to help them better understand Singapore’s operating context and foreign policy considerations. Even as Singaporeans consume and exchange views on foreign policy, we need to remain alert to the possibility of external attempts to influence our people’s understanding of international developments and change their perception of, and support for Singapore’s foreign policy. This could be done through manipulating public sentiments, including through local opinion leaders, as well as spreading misinformation and fake news. We encourage Singaporeans to be discerning about the news and messages we are constantly receiving, including on social media, from a wide variety of sources. There are a few scenarios where it would be particularly useful for Singaporeans to exercise more vigilance and remind others around them to do so too.”
“We can be reliable and trusted by other countries only if we remain principled and consistent. We can only achieve this if we speak with one united voice and this stems from domestic stability as well as public trust in the Government. If our social fabric frays, our international credibility will weaken. Malignant actors may seek to exploit our divisions for their own interests. Support for our foreign policy does not mean unconditional agreement with all decisions, but a shared commitment among Singaporeans to safeguarding Singapore’s sovereignty and long-term national interests. National unity and domestic support allow our leaders to stand firm under external pressure, to say no when it matters most and to negotiate confidently on behalf of all Singaporeans to protect and advance our interests. The Government will continue to do its part through legislation, broadening education and regular engagements with different segments of society to raise awareness and understanding of our foreign policy considerations and Singapore’s global contributions. But more crucially, we must, as a nation and as a people, be alive to attempts by foreign actors to interfere in our politics, policies and way of life. Legislative levers can only do so much, and they are often brought into play only ex-post. The ultimate line of defence against foreign interference is an aware and discerning people. Mr Deputy Speaker, in Mandarin, please. (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Mr Deputy Speaker, the international order is being weakened day-by-day, the world is also not very peaceful. Under such circumstances, we need to guard against foreign interference and hybrid threats. MHA plans to amend FICA to strengthen our levers to address foreign interference threats.”
“Inflamed sentiments can hamper judgement and create rifts between groups of Singaporeans that are hard to repair, especially if race and religion are involved. Let us maintain calm and mutual respect when discussing current affairs, including global developments. Second, where discussions centre around which countries Singapore should be closer to, or which countries’ lead Singapore should be following. Such chatter, though not uncommon, does not reflect how Singapore conducts foreign policy. Those who find themselves in such conversations could gently remind their friends and associates that Singapore bases our foreign policy on our national interests. Third, where leaders of local institutions and groupings or those with a following, find themselves commenting publicly on international developments. In such instances, it would be useful to consider the content carefully beforehand, and check if it can be construed to mean anything other than the view of a Singaporean who is well-versed in our national interests. Mr Deputy Speaker, over the past weekend, I spoke to a group of mostly young people who attended a workshop that unpacks how foreign actors might seek to interfere in another nation’s policies against the nation’s interests and I was heartened that they were so keen to know more about Singapore’s approach to foreign policy And supportive of the need to safeguard Singapore’s autonomy and agency in a complex world. Through more of such engagements, I hope that youths and community leaders can spread the word in their own circles. Mr Deputy Speaker, foreign policy starts at home; we have repeated this many times in Parliament because it is not an abstract slogan, but a vital shield. Singapore’s relevance to the world depends on our ability to create value.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, foreign interference aims to weaken the targeted country, for instance by sowing division and internal strife. It could also aim to influence the targeted country’s policies, including its foreign policy. Vigilance against foreign interference is therefore a shared concern of Governments and foreign policy circles throughout the world. But this does not mean that we discourage the public from learning about and discussing foreign policy. On the contrary, we would like Singaporeans to continue being interested in and knowledgeable about global affairs, because it affects our security and prosperity. MFA is stepping up engagement efforts with domestic audiences, including students, youths and businesses, through closed-door dialogue sessions and workshops to help Singaporeans better understand Singapore’s operating context and foreign policy considerations. Even as we consume and exchange views on foreign policy, let us remain alert to the possibility of external attempts to influence our foreign policy by shaping our people’s perception of, and support for it. Through manipulating public sentiments, including through local opinion leaders, in addition to spreading misinformation and fake news. We encourage Singaporeans to be discerning about the news and messages we are constantly receiving, including on social media, from a wide variety of sources. Always question what you see, hear or read – ask where the information came from; is it true and what is the intent? I would like to share a few scenarios where it would be particularly useful for Singaporeans to exercise more vigilance and remind others to do so too. First, where discussions grow emotional.”
“Last July, MHA had to issue Account Restriction Directions under the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act (or FICA) to block a network of social media accounts alleging that Singapore was in the pocket of a foreign actor, and that the foreign actor was behind the selection of Singapore's fourth generation leader. The network could have been used to mount other HICs against Singapore. In October 2024, the Government blocked 10 websites set up by foreign actors masquerading as Singapore websites, including by using AI to generate content with local features. At the same time, traditional methods of interference continue apace, through local and influential proxies. In 2024, the US arrested and charged a former CIA analyst for allegedly acting as an agent for a foreign country, while an Australian court convicted a businessman for secretly attempting to improperly influence an Australian federal minister through donations, in order to advance the aims of a foreign power. Singapore is not immune to these examples of interference. MHA has therefore taken preventive measures, one of which was to define persons who are directly involved in Singapore’s political processes, including Members of Parliament, and designating several other individuals, as Politically Significant Persons under FICA. Transparency requirements and reporting are imposed on these individuals. Foreign interference tactics will evolve and grow in sophistication. They touch on our everyday lives – through what we see, hear and read in an increasingly permeable infospace. Our defences must therefore grow stronger too. To this end, MHA plans to amend FICA to update and strengthen our levers to address foreign interference threats.”
“For example, at the International Civil Aviation Organization, the International Maritime Organization, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs and WIPO, as mentioned earlier. To this end, the Singapore Government has nominated Ambassador for International Law Rena Lee as a candidate for Judge on the International Court of Justice; and Mr Daren Tang for re-election as the Director-General of WIPO, with both elections taking place in 2026. Mr Deputy Speaker, I turn now to foreign interference and hybrid threats, an increasingly prominent feature in this contested global landscape. To be sure, countries have long interfered in other countries' domestic politics, overtly or covertly, to advance their own interests. This is not new. What is new is the landscape in which foreign actors conduct these operations. The ubiquitous digital environment and development of advanced digital tools have supercharged their ability to mount hostile information campaigns (HICs) to advance their interests. By exploiting the internet, digital and social media, foreign actors can mount HICs at scale, speed and precision. Colleagues may have heard of the "sprinter" network, a complex web of fake accounts that spread disinformation on the war in Ukraine, manipulated public opinion and amplified politically-charged content. There is even disinformation-for-hire. In 2023, the Guardian uncovered a team of contractors that conduct disinformation operations for private companies, intelligence agencies and political campaigns. With a diverse population that is highly digitally connected, Singapore is an attractive and vulnerable target.”
“The rules-based international order may be under strain, but many countries still believe that there is more to be gained from cooperation than contestation and that like-minded partners can continue to cooperate on initiatives like digital economy agreements, green economy partnerships and global governance initiatives, albeit on a smaller scale, and we are among them. This is why we will do our utmost to support multi-lateral institutions, enhance international law, contribute to global governance discussions and promote peaceful dispute resolution. We contribute actively to the development of global norms, by leading groupings like the Forum of Small States and the Global Governance Group, to discuss issues affecting small states and to champion practical cooperation on issues, such as respect for international law, climate change adaptation and digital transformation. Singapore's chairmanship of the Open-Ended Working Group on Cybersecurity at the United Nations (UN), from 2021 to 2025, led to the establishment of a UN Global Mechanism on Cybersecurity. The Agreement on Marine Biodiversity in Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction agreement, successfully concluded under the leadership of Ambassador Rena Lee as President of the Intergovernmental Conference, has just crossed the threshold of 60 state ratifications and will soon enter into force. Singapore has also made contributions to the world Intellectual Property Office (WIPO) Treaty on Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Associated Traditional Knowledge, and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, particularly, the development of carbon markets. Singapore will also continue taking up leadership roles in international bodies where we have significant expertise.”
“By anchoring trusted partnerships across different regions, we will reduce our exposure to volatility, such as supply chain disruptions, and strengthen our national resilience in key domains, such as defence, energy and technology, and continue to serve as a "safe deposit box", not just for capital but also technology and innovation, and be a trusted and secure node in the global network, where ideas, data and partnerships are protected, nurtured and scaled. Singapore has also been building new partnerships and networks with countries in emerging regions of growth, such as Africa, Central Asia, the Middle East and South America, to avail our companies of new opportunities and partnership, and nurture coalitions among the like-minded to pursue shared objectives. We are planning to open new diplomatic missions in Africa and Latin America in the coming years. In addition, through our Development Partnerships Directorate, MFA will enhance the Singapore Cooperation Programme to share Singapore's experience and best practices in areas where we have relevant strengths. This is part of our diplomatic toolkit to deepen relationships with partners. And when humanitarian crises strike, we will contribute where we can and seek to deliver practical assistance to alleviate the immense civilian suffering and displacement. We have done so when a magnitude 7.7 earthquake struck central Myanmar in March 2025 and are providing ongoing aid to the civilians in Gaza, something that we discussed in this House yesterday.”
“However, the space for us to do more together would narrow if US-China contestation were to escalate. We must remain clear-eyed and have the resolve to make decisions that are in Singapore's long-term national interest. We have also been deepening strategic relationships with other partners, such as Japan, the Republic of Korea (ROK), India, the European Union (EU), Australia and New Zealand. We have strong economic and security cooperation with Japan and the ROK, as well as a like-minded approach towards free trade. I look forward to the upgrading of our relations with the ROK to a Strategic Partnership next month. With India, we upgraded relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and are working to expand collaboration in forward-looking areas, such as digitalisation, connectivity, advanced manufacturing, fintech and space. With the EU, our Free Trade Agreement and latest Digital Trade Agreement have given Singapore businesses preferential access to one of the world's largest markets, while our cooperation in sustainability and green transition opens up new areas of growth. As we embark on the next round of our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with Australia, we are exploring initiatives with a regional focus, as well as collaborations in frontier areas, like critical technologies and space. With New Zealand, we are upgrading our Enhanced Partnership to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with significant initiatives across the defence, trade and economic, and supply chain and connectivity pillars.”
“We have embarked on long-term projects to enhance connectivity and strengthen economic and people-to-people ties, such as the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (SEZ) and the Rapid Transit System (RTS) Link. We will also expand our partnership into emerging areas like renewable energy and human capital development. ASEAN remains a cornerstone of our foreign policy. Deeper economic integration within ASEAN remains vital to unlocking the vast potential of our region. We will work towards this by upgrading and fully implementing our trade agreements, deepening cross-border digital frameworks, developing the ASEAN Power Grid and advancing green economy standards. We will also expand ASEAN's network of partnerships, ensure key international players have a stake in our region's success and maintain an open, inclusive and ASEAN-centred regional architecture. Singapore's upcoming chairmanship of ASEAN in 2027, which coincides with ASEAN's 60th anniversary, will be an important opportunity for us to help amplify ASEAN's voice, effectiveness and relevance globally. We have built strong relations with major powers over the years and will continue to do so. The US is our top trading partner in services and our largest foreign investor. We are also the US' only Major Security Cooperation Partner. China is our top trading partner in goods and we are China's largest foreign investor. Our bilateral interactions with China are multi-tiered, led by the Joint Council for Bilateral Coorperation at the Deputy Prime Minister level, and comprising three government-to-government projects and eight province-level economic councils. We see much potential to advance mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation between Singapore and the US and between Singapore and China, in multiple areas.”
“These trends are keenly felt by Singapore, an open economy and global business hub, whose security and prosperity have been boosted in the post-war era by favourable conditions, such as an extended period of relative peace in Southeast Asia, a rules-based international order largely shaped by US leadership and China's success in reform and opening up. We now face greater risks, narrowed room for manoeuvre and sharpened trade-offs in our foreign policy decisions. In the face of these geopolitical shifts, it would be natural to wonder whether Singapore’s foreign policy should change significantly. But in fact, Singaporeans can expect to see more continuity, rather than change, in our foreign policy; and this is because we have never taken for granted favourable global and regional conditions. We took pains to develop a diversified diplomatic strategy, just we have built a diversified economy. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has invested as much effort and energy into advancing Singapore's contributions at multilateral fora and regional groupings, as we have in maintaining bilateral accounts with our partner countries, which together, constitute a broad geographical spread. We have also remained consistent in being a trusted friend and honest broker to our partners, adding value wherever we can, but also accepting the limitations of being a small country. While there will be some adjustments to our diplomacy, these will not be abrupt shifts. Let me elaborate. Mr Deputy Speaker, we are doubling down on existing international partnerships and networks. At the core of this effort is ensuring that our relationships with our closest neighbours – Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei – remain strong, wide-ranging and forward-looking.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise in support of the Motion. I will speak on how our foreign policy is adapting to geopolitical shifts and the growing presence of foreign interference, and how Singapore can remain vigilant against it. As noted by previous speakers, the global economic and strategic order is indeed shifting. As a small, open and trade-dependent country, Singapore is especially sensitised to these shifts. Let me briefly elaborate on some of the key geopolitical trends affecting us. First, great power contestation between the US and China is intensifying. The Asia Pacific region has become a primary arena of their contestation which spans trade, security, ideology and technology. The South China Sea is an example of how tensions between major powers could have direct implications for peace and prosperity in our neighbourhood. Second, geopolitical conflicts weigh heavily on the international system. Some wars continue unresolved and are difficult to end, while others have been rekindled in recent times. They have resulted in immense humanitarian suffering and generated strong emotional resonance in many countries, including ours. Such conflicts have also delayed or impaired decision-making at regional or international groupings, making cooperation more difficult. Third, nationalism and protectionism are on the rise. Countries are taking a narrower and more transactional view of their national interests. Declining strategic trust between countries has also led to increased contestation. We are seeing the fragmentation of global trade and technology ecosystems, export controls on sensitive technologies and competing standards in areas, like AI. Consequently, multilateralism and rules-based international trade are under considerable strain.”
“Nevertheless, Singapore's stance will continue to be guided by our national interests, of which the maintenance of the unity and cohesion among our people is of utmost importance. To that end, we will continue to make every effort to help Singaporeans understand the rationale for the foreign policy stance we take.”
“Singapore opposes ongoing attempts to create new facts on the ground which undermine the prospects for a two-state solution. In this regard, we have decided to impose targeted sanctions on the leaders of radical right-wing settler groups or organisations that have been responsible for acts of violence against Palestinians in the West Bank. Details will be announced at a later date. Singapore's approach to foreign policy is grounded on objective realities. Many countries, like Singapore, see the recognition of Palestine – when it has an effective government that accepts Israel's right to exist and categorically renounces terrorism – as a meaningful step towards the ultimate goal of a negotiated two-state solution. But a few countries have chosen to recognise a Palestinian State now, even as the prospects of a functioning state have become more remote. They do so precisely to express their grave concern at the status quo, and hope to make it harder for Israel to extinguish a two-state solution altogether. Singapore's support for a two-state solution means that we will oppose any steps by Israel to extinguish or undermine such a solution. Singapore cannot recognise any unilateral annexation of occupied territory as this would be a flagrant breach of international law. We will continue tracking developments closely. Events are unfolding quickly and remain unpredictable. If the situation continues to deteriorate, or if Israel takes further steps to extinguish a two-state solution, we will reconsider our position on recognising a Palestinian State. It is hard to foresee how the situation in the Middle East will develop in the future.”
“Singapore will continue to do what we can to contribute to international efforts to alleviate civilian suffering in Gaza. Under our tenth tranche of aid, we will: First, support Egyptian hospitals in treating injured Palestinians. Second, support Jordan’s Restoring Hope Initiative, which will provide prosthetics supplies for about 100 Palestinian amputees being treated in Jordan and in Gaza. Third, support the World Food Programme’s efforts to fight hunger in Gaza with a contribution of US$500,000. On the question of recognition of Palestine, Singapore has consistently affirmed the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and their own state. In many instances, Singapore has voted in support of the Palestinians at the UN. We have made clear our position on the recognition of Palestine. We will recognise the State of Palestine when it has an effective government that accepts Israel’s right to exist and categorically renounces terrorism. This has been our consistent position which we have maintained so far, while doing as much as we can to help strengthen the Palestinian Authority's capabilities. However, we are concerned that extremist elements on both sides continue to undermine the prospects for a negotiated two-state solution. Hamas has consistently rejected a two-state solution. At the same time, Israeli settlers continue to displace Palestinians in the West Bank. Some Israeli politicians have spoken about annexing parts of the West Bank or Gaza. The Israeli government recently approved the construction of the E1 settlement project in the West Bank. This will fragment the West Bank and threaten the contiguity of Arab towns in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. We call on the Israeli government to cease settlement construction and expansion.”
“While Singaporeans may have strong and diverse reactions to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it is essential for us to express our viewpoints respectfully and be open to different perspectives. National policies, especially foreign policy positions, must be based on Singapore’s national interests and not on communal or religious perspectives. We cannot allow external events and actors to cause fissures in our society or exploit potential fissures in our society. The second, is protecting Singapore’s security. As a small and open nation, we cannot condone terrorism in any form. We had supported Israel's right of self-defence after the 7 October terrorist attacks, because if something similar happened to Singapore, we would certainly assert that same right. We also need to maintain cooperation with international partners to enhance our defence and security capabilities and to keep Singapore safe. Israel helped us build up the SAF in our early years of independence when we were most vulnerable. This unique security relationship remains invaluable to us. But this does not stop us from conveying our views directly to the Israeli government, clearly and respectfully, when we do not agree with their actions. We have done so and will continue to do so. The third, is promoting respect for, and compliance with, international law. A world based on "might is right" is fundamentally inimical to small states. Singaporeans are very familiar with the reasons why. Hence, we spoke up and said that the deliberate and unlawful denial of humanitarian aid to a civilian population is completely unacceptable. In our view, the excessive actions by the Israel government may even be a breach of international humanitarian law.”
“Singapore will continue to do what we can to contribute to international efforts to alleviate civilian suffering in Gaza. With our latest tenth tranche of aid, the Government and Singaporeans have contributed over S$24 million of humanitarian assistance for Gaza. Singapore believes that a negotiated two-state solution, consistent with the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions, is the only viable pathway to a comprehensive, just, and durable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As a friend of both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples, we hope that they will be able to live side-by-side in peace, security and dignity one day. In recent months, the situation in the Middle East has become more dire, despite the attempts of multiple countries to mediate and bring about a ceasefire. The scale of civilian death is harrowing. More than 60,000 people have reportedly been killed – a third of them children. Schools, hospitals and places of worship have been struck; medical services are incapacitated and overwhelmed. Gaza is dangerously close to famine levels, which was entirely preventable. The United Nations’ Independent International Commission of Inquiry recently concluded that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. The matter is now before the International Court of Justice. These events have further upset those who have been closely following the situation, including some Singaporeans. As a multiracial and multireligious country situated in the heart of Southeast Asia, our national interests dictate that we have three priorities. The first, is maintaining national unity. I have explained earlier why the issue can impact national unity.”
“Mr Speaker, in Mandarin. (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Mr Speaker, following Minister Vivian Balakrishnans Ministerial Statement on Singapore's position on the situation in the Middle East, I wish to address the same topic in Mandarin. I last did so during the 2024 Committee of Supply debate. There was a need to do so, because the diverse composition of Singapore's society means that different groups have different degrees of awareness and interest in the matter. Their reactions are also different. Some see the Israel-Hamas conflict as one that has a long and complex history, and very distant from Singapore, while others care deeply about the fate of Palestine, particularly the pain and suffering of civilians in Gaza, and have strong views about the foreign policy stance Singapore should take. This is why the Middle East situation has been featured in many Parliamentary Questions, as well as a dedicated debate in Parliament. It has the potential to trigger disagreements, even intense disputes, on social media as well as political platforms. If not handled well, it can also affect our social unity. Hence, the Government has been explaining our approach and position carefully. Singapore immediately condemned the terrorist attacks on Israel by Hamas on 7 October 2023, and recognised Israel's right to self-defence in accordance with international law and the UN Charter. We have always and repeatedly called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages taken by Hamas. We have called out Israel's actions in Gaza, which have gone too far for too long. Israel's military operations have exacerbated the prolonged, desperate suffering of innocent civilians.”
“Mr Speaker, may I have your permission to deliver the Statement of the behalf of the Minister for Foreign Affairs?”
“If the TCs are of the view that solar panels deployed on the rooftops of HDB blocks could possibly affect insulation and therefore, affect seepage, then this is something which, in our experience, the contractors that have been responsible for installing the solar panels would work very closely with TC and also with HDB, if necessary, to resolve the issue.”
“In terms of the methods or the initiatives that HDB is doing to help TCs resolve wall seepage, first of all, there are regular meetings between TC representatives as well as HDB. And I do believe that technical issues, such as wall seepage can be discussed and have been discussed at these settings. I also mentioned earlier that we have a training video. This is to help TC staff better understand what are some of the possible causes of water seepage and we also hope that this would equip them with more information when making a decision on which contractors to engage. And as for the issue of re-roofing, to date, our experience with TCs across the board is that they have been able to continue to do re-roofing based on the funding support that they have received from the Government, but also from the service and conservancy charges (S&CCs) that they have been collecting from residents. And Mr Giam will also recall that, not that long ago, all TCs underwent a revision of S&CCs and there has also been Government support for that. So, if there is a need to further increase funding, this is something that we can take up separately, if the TCs have a specific request.”
“Sir, in our experience, contractors are generally equipped with the capability to resolve wall seepage cases. But if the TC is in doubt about the capability of any particular contractor, we welcome the TC to also consult with HDB. What HDB has been doing aside from leaning forward to assist TCs where there are long-standing or difficult-to-resolve cases, is we have also been introducing methods that have been tested and proven to be effective in dealing with wall seepage cases, such as the Corrosion Resistant Repair method. We understand the frustration of residents that Mr Liang and also Ms Carrie Tan have alluded to, and this is why we are committed to continue working together with TCs and to lean forward to help, especially for the difficult-to-resolve cases.”
“In response to Ms Carrie Tan's question, there are two parts to the issue that we are trying to resolve here, when it comes to wall seepage. The first is the accurate diagnosis. Secondly, because HDB, as well as the TC responsible for the estate would have different areas of jurisdiction. So, sometimes when the diagnosis moves from one possible cause to another, there would be a need to hand over the case from the TC to HDB, or from HDB back to the TC. And we have found from experience that this process can take time, because the diagnosis process would not only require the personnel associated with either the TC or HDB to be available and present, but the presence and consent of the homeowner are also necessary. So, first, there is the technical issue of diagnosis, but then there is also the human coordination involved. We will try to move things along as quickly as possible every time a TC approaches us for help.”
“HDB assists flat owners in resolving ceiling leaks through the Goodwill Repair Assistance scheme, where HDB pays 50% of the ceiling leak repair cost, while the remaining 50% is shared equally between the upper- and lower-floor flat owners. HDB is constantly on the look-out for better and more effective maintenance methods and equipment. For example, HDB is working with industry partners and research institutes to develop better ways to address maintenance issues, especially those encountered in our older estates. This includes an ongoing trial at 70 flats island-wide on the use of better scanning technology which has the capability to scan through concrete to detect causes of seepage. Similar to an x-ray machine, this allows the inspection team to see beneath the surface and trace the root cause of the seepage. HDB will then monitor and assess if the technology can be scaled up for widespread use, including use by TCs to more effectively diagnose and resolve more complex water seepage cases upfront. If the trial is successful, HDB will share more details on the plans to scale up.”
“In 2024, the Housing and Development Board (HDB) assisted Town Councils (TCs) and flat owners with a total of 859 complex water seepage cases. Such cases include water seepage from various sources, such as from the external wall or from the flat above. TCs are responsible for the maintenance of the external walls of HDB flats as they are part of common property. Residents who encounter water seepage from external walls in their flat typically report it to the TC managing their estate. Where residents report such cases to HDB, HDB will refer these cases to the respective TC for follow-up. Based on the number of cases that HDB received, it did not observe a surge in March 2025. Notwithstanding, HDB has received feedback from some TCs that the number of external water seepage cases typically increases during the monsoon season. HDB will continue to support TCs in resolving these cases. For complex cases involving external wall seepage, each HDB Zone’s dedicated team for handling repairs management will support TCs by conducting joint inspections and providing technical advice so that TCs can identify the root causes and carry out repairs expeditiously. This is typically within one week after the TC approaches HDB, subject to the availability of the flat owner and TC staff. It is important for TCs to build up expertise in dealing with external wall seepage. To support this, HDB has been conducting regular training for TCs and has made available a training video on the diagnosis and repair of external wall seepage to further level up TC staff’s technical competency. Flat owners are responsible for the maintenance of the interior of their flats, including the repair of leaks in the shared structure between units.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, may I have your permission to give a combined reply to Question Nos 3 through 6 in today’s Order Paper?”
“In response to Mr Chong Kee Hiong's question about budget meals, our officers at HDB continue to stay in touch with the operators in our HDB rental coffee shops. We take in feedback from the operators with regards to the implementation of the budget meals. This is one way in which we check that the scheme is sustainable. And as I have also shared in the speech, we are going beyond that to review the PQM framework, as well as considering measures to deter overly high bids, because we are mindful about the possible impact on stall holders who may feel squeezed by providing budget meals on the one hand, but they may possibly also face the requirement for high stall rents. I think in putting in place these measures, we can assure stall holders that we do have the sustainability of their livelihoods at heart.”
“Mr Chairman, please allow me to make a clarification. There was a missing word from my speech earlier, in the section where I dealt with CIPC applications. I should have said: "Most projects are approved. Where they are rejected, there are generally two reasons". And the reasons are as what I have stated in the speech.”
“We invite Members of this House to join us in this endeavour and encourage active participation within your constituencies.”
“If the hoarder refuses assistance or assessment, affected residents can file a claim with the Community Disputes Resolution Tribunal (CDRT) and apply to CDRT for a Mandatory Treatment Order. We know that the underlying motivations and support networks of hoarders and their families vary from case to case. There is no one-size-fits-all solution and enforcement is only one of the several measures. The New Environment Action Team (NEAT) will continue to develop and refine our strategies. Chairman, in Mandarin, please. (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] The Government will expand the Budget Meal programme to more locations to benefit more people. We are on track to onboard all HDB rental coffeeshops to provide budget meals by 2026. Starting from May this year, HDB will require privately-owned coffeeshops seeking to renew their application to use the outdoor refreshment area, to provide budget meals. While ensuring Singaporeans have access to budget meals, we do not want to overburden our local F&B operators, especially stallholders running small businesses. Therefore, we are studying two new initiatives. First, we are reviewing the Price Quality Method (PQM) framework to increase the weightage on quality and take into account stall level charges that prospective coffeeshop operators will impose on stallholders. Second, we are reviewing HDB's rental renewal policy to deter overly high rental bids for HDB rental shops and coffeeshops. Further details will be announced when ready. (In English): These initiatives reflect our commitment to partnering with stakeholders, like residents and business owners, in shaping enduring, vibrant communities and ensuring our neighbourhoods remain desirable places to call home.”
“Under the pilot, the active use of operations-technology (ops-tech) solutions, coupled with the cross-skilling of municipal workers, has enabled them to take on more related tasks with a leaner, more productive workforce, while also addressing issues more pre-emptively. We have reaped good results at our first pilot site and have expanded the integrated ops to Pasir Ris-Punggol, to see if we could achieve similar efficiencies over a larger area. To address Mr Xie Yao Quan's question, the expanded pilot continued to yield good results. Resident satisfaction increased by 15 percentage points in the first six months of operation in Pasir Ris-Punggol, on the back of more than 30% speedier response and true case resolution, despite three times the area of operations. Given the positive results, we are gathering learning points and studying how to refine and expand the model. We have begun proactively engaging industry partners to share our findings and understand what other capabilities can be tapped on. We will share more details when ready. Sir, municipal issues are really about people and not just things like roads and buildings. The trickiest municipal issues tend to involve changing human behaviour. Ms Joan Pereira has asked for stricter measures to deal with hoarding cases. These have already been included in amendments to the Community Disputes Resolution Act last year. Where the hoarder has a suspected mental health condition, the pilot Community Relations Unit (CRU) will work with mental health professionals from relevant agencies and community partners to refer such cases for the appropriate mental health assessment and support.”
“The exception is Aljunied-Hougang, which has 62,000 HDB flats – a mid-sized town with the lowest funding approved across towns. I looked into why Aljunied-Hougang has been receiving less CIPC funding than other towns. The reason is that it has consistently submitted fewer projects than the rest. For example in FY2024, each town on average submitted 53 projects. On average, the CIPC approved about 39 projects at about $4 million per town. Aljunied/Hougang submitted the fewest projects: 18 projects for a total of $1.2 million, and CIPC gave in-principle approval to all 18 projects. Sengkang submitted the most projects, 248 projects worth $30 million or about half of the more than $60 million funding approved across all towns. Given funding constraints, the CIPC could only support 47 of Sengkang's higher-ranked projects amounting to $4.5 million. The CIPC is happy to clarify with any TC or CCC if they have queries on their rejected proposals. In fact, the CIPC has regularly provided explanations to TCs and CCCs that requested such information and will continue to do so. Sir, while municipal issues like cleanliness and pest control may seem routine, they significantly impact residents’ daily lives. Let me now share on how Municipal Services Office (MSO) is working with stakeholders to pilot new approaches to these essential services. 12.45 pm In February 2022, we started the Integrated Municipal Operations Pilot in Tampines Town. The pilot centralised the delivery of 10 common municipal services under a single operator, where they used to be done by multiple contractors under different Ministries. This includes services, such as cleaning and infrastructure maintenance.”
“The CIPC will evaluate projects in the rank order submitted by the Town Councils (TCs) and Citizens’ Consultative Committees (CCCs). Third, whether the submitted projects meet eligibility criteria. For example, projects that are not value for money, or cater only to specific interest groups or commercial entities will be rejected. Broadly speaking, larger towns that submit more projects amounting to higher values get more funding. Most projects are approved. Where they are rejected, there are two reasons. [Please refer to the clarification later in the debate.] One, they did not meet the eligibility criteria; or two, they were lower-ranked projects from towns which submitted a total project value far exceeding what would have been commensurate with the number of flats in their town. For such projects, TCs and CCCs can resubmit them in subsequent years with higher rank orders. So far, we have completed three funding cycles for FY2021, FY2022 and FY2023. For FY2024, we have completed the first stage of in-principle approval. From experience, the final funding for FY2024 may be slightly lower if TCs and CCCs eventually decide, for their own reasons, not to proceed with some of the supported projects. Based on the funding approved to date, between FY2021 and FY 2024, the top five towns are Ang Mo Kio, Pasir Ris-Punggol, Jurong-Clementi, West Coast and Sembawang, with funding ranging from $14.2 million to $21.1 million. These are larger towns ranging from 69,000 to 104,000 HDB flats. The bottom five towns are Aljunied-Hougang, Marsiling-Yew Tee, East Coast, Holland-Bukit Panjang and Bishan-Toa Payoh with approved funding ranging from $11.0 million to $4.9 million. Most of these are smaller towns, ranging from 39,000 to 53,000 HDB flats.”