Vivian Balakrishnan
Singapore
“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not issue advisories on wait times at overseas airports. Travellers may wish to monitor airline and airport websites, as well as news reports for real-time information on wait times and potential disruptions at specific airports.”
“When the conflict in the Middle East deteriorated and commercial flights were halted in March 2026, the Singapore Government mounted four repatriation flights from Muscat, Riyadh and Jeddah to bring stranded Singaporeans home.”
“The Government has stepped up public engagement to explain our foreign policy fundamentals and responses to key international developments to Singaporeans and to hear their views. We do this through dialogue sessions across segments of society, including students, youths, businesses and community leaders.”
“And the larger point during the Committee of Supply was that precisely, because the world is in such a difficult, prickly, volatile and dangerous state, actually, if we keep our wits about ourselves, we maintain unity and we continue to have this clear eye-realistic, but principled, approach, there are many opportunities for Singapore.”
“Well, in short, I completely agree with you. And that is why we have indeed been hosting these events and in your own capacity as a national athlete and also as an official now, you have seen how it works in practice.”
“Since 2022, about half of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) employees are women. The proportion of women in senior appointments has remained stable at about a quarter. We recognise that overseas postings are disruptive for officers with families, especially female officers who bear greater caregiving responsibilities.”
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“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not issue advisories on wait times at overseas airports. Travellers may wish to monitor airline and airport websites, as well as news reports for real-time information on wait times and potential disruptions at specific airports.”
“The Government has stepped up public engagement to explain our foreign policy fundamentals and responses to key international developments to Singaporeans and to hear their views. We do this through dialogue sessions across segments of society, including students, youths, businesses and community leaders. We collect post-engagement feedback to ensure our content remains current and relevant and to improve our engagement methods. Responses from the public engagement sessions have been positive, with an overwhelming majority of participants indicating that the sessions enhanced their understanding of Singapore's foreign policy.”
“Most of the positions in the ASEAN Secretariat are filled via open recruitment. ASEAN Member States can nominate officers to fill leadership positions. These are the ASEAN Secretary-General, which is appointed by ASEAN Member States on a rotational basis, and the four Deputy Secretaries-General (DSGs), which are similarly appointed or openly recruited based on merit, depending on the specific position. Singaporean public sector officers who fill such leadership positions would be considered secondees from the Government. Over the last five years, there has been one such secondee, Mr Satvinder Singh, whom Singapore successfully nominated as the DSG for the ASEAN Economic Community for two consecutive terms through an open and competitive recruitment process. It will be Singapore's turn to appoint the DSG for ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community in 2027. Beyond leadership positions, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is exploring additional secondment opportunities for our officers and public officers from other Ministries to the ASEAN Secretariat in the lead-up to, during and beyond Singapore's ASEAN Chairmanship in 2027. Such secondments allow us to broaden our experience and knowledge base of international diplomacy and ASEAN tradecraft more widely across the Public Service.”
“When the conflict in the Middle East deteriorated and commercial flights were halted in March 2026, the Singapore Government mounted four repatriation flights from Muscat, Riyadh and Jeddah to bring stranded Singaporeans home. Our overseas Missions organised 13 overland bus journeys to ferry Singaporeans in the UAE, Jordan, Bahrain, Qatar and Kuwait to the repatriation flights. In total, 618 Singaporeans, Permanent Residents and their dependants were repatriated. The spare seats on the flights were offered to 84 foreign nationals from Australia, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, South Korea, Sri Lanka and Vietnam. More than 2,000 Singaporeans who eRegistered with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) remain in the Middle East currently. Our overseas Missions remain in close contact with them and provide updates on the local situation. With the resumption of commercial flights, there are no current plans to mount additional repatriation flights. MFA's Travel Advisory for the Middle East remains valid. We urge Singaporeans to defer all travel to the region.”
“So, do you understand now why we have to take a categorical position that international law and the UNCLOS is the constitution of the oceans, and this is a right – freedom of navigation as a right and not a privilege for ships and planes. And this is of profound importance to Singapore. So, to the Member's specific question, yes, I have engaged with the Iranian Foreign Minister before the war. And yes, I am sure I will engage him in the near future. But as a matter of principle, and not because we are taking sides, I cannot engage in negotiations for safe passage of ships or negotiate on toll rates. Because to do so would be implicitly eroding this legal principle. So, again, this is another example of Singapore upholding principle, not taking sides. The larger geostrategic backdrop to this is, whether we realise it or not, the world has become more violent and more volatile, and there is a price to be paid for that. Second, what the Strait of Hormuz has shown is that even in this digital age, chokepoints and physical delivery still matter. And the third point which we need to register in Singapore is that it is not enough to be an oasis of safety, security, cohesion, wealth and even having the military ability to protect ourselves – because if our region is aflame and with war and missiles flying, no oasis can be safe. The upshot of these three observations is that there is an insurance premium to be paid. So, let us be upfront with our people, explain the dangers, no sugar-coating, explain what needs to be done, including paying that insurance premium. We need to alert our people, but not be alarmist. And we have to walk that fine tight rope.”
“The Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore remains in close contact with the ship owners, as well as the operators of Singapore-flagged or Singapore-registered ships in the Persian Gulf. At both the international and regional levels, our agencies are engaging with the stakeholders to explore potential opportunities to facilitate safe transit of the ships. And do not forget, there is also a humanitarian issue for the workers, for the maritime sailors onboard these ships. This includes engaging the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and the member states on the potential establishment of a safe maritime corridor following the 36th Extraordinary Session of the IMO Council. In addition, we are also engaging regional counterparts on other possible arrangements that may be explored. You may be wondering why I am taking such a legal and strict definition. It is not because I am particularly obsessed with law but because the Straits of Malacca and Singapore is, in fact, another critical chokepoint. The Member may be aware that, in fact, if you add up all the maritime oil, crude and refined, you might be surprised that actually, more flows through the Straits of Malacca and Singapore than even the Strait of Hormuz. If we think about global trade, container trade – there has far more flowing through this place. And the most important geographical fact, which most people are not aware of, the narrowest point in the Strait of Hormuz is 21 nautical miles. Guess what the narrowest point in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore is? It is less than two nautical miles.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, and thank you for the question. Singapore's position on straits used for international navigation is long-standing and consistent. The Strait of Hormuz, just like the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, are examples of straits used for international navigation. No "ifs", no "buts", no questions – as far as we are concerned, it is so. What is the international law position on these types of straits? And the position is quite clear. There is a right of transit passage. It is not a privilege to be granted by the bordering state. It is not a licence to be supplicated for. It is not a toll to be paid. It is a right of all nations' ships, to traverse. This right is enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), of which Singapore is a signatory and has ratified. Article 44 of UNCLOS imposes a direct and an unambiguous obligation on states bordering these international straits. And let me quote, it states "states bordering straits shall not hamper transit passage." It also goes on to state there shall be no suspension of transit passage. There is no exception for security. There is no exception for environment. There is no exception for war. Singapore also takes the position that this right of transit passage, is also part of customary international law. And in case you are wondering why I am nitpicking about "customary international law", it is because there are some other states that may have signed but have not ratified UNCLOS, and I am stating that, so that I am telling you this is not a "get out of jail free" card for states that have not ratified UNCLOS. So, we have been closely monitoring the situation in the Strait of Hormuz.”
“As a signatory to the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), Singapore takes our obligations under the ATT seriously. We recognise the importance of regulating international trade in conventional arms and support global efforts to prevent illicit trade and the diversion of such trade. Our approach is to ensure that the necessary legal, policy and institutional frameworks are in place before ratifying the treaty. Within ASEAN, only the Philippines has ratified the ATT. While Singapore has not yet ratified the ATT, we contribute to international initiatives to combat unlawful arms trade. This includes participating in the United Nations (UN) Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons and the International Tracing Instrument. Singapore complies strictly with our international obligations on international arms sales as well as UN sanctions. This includes submitting regular reports to the UN Register of Conventional Arms since 1993, which is on public record. The Government remains firmly committed to our international obligations and will not hesitate to take action against any individual or entity which contravenes our export control regime.”
“And the larger point during the Committee of Supply was that precisely, because the world is in such a difficult, prickly, volatile and dangerous state, actually, if we keep our wits about ourselves, we maintain unity and we continue to have this clear eye-realistic, but principled, approach, there are many opportunities for Singapore. And that is why, do not lose hope. This is a time to stand up on our two feet, be confident and realistic and keep the flag flying high. [Applause.]”
“And the answer I said was "no", it will not affect our timeline. But maybe let me give Members a fuller explanation, since both of you have raised the question. It is also part of Singapore's DNA that when the going gets tough, we do not leave the scene and do not abandon the commitments which we have made. And in fact, a crisis is precisely the moment to demonstrate resolve, reliability, trustworthiness. 2.00 pm So, whilst specifically on the question of Mexico, the Member will know that we do have a travel notice right now because we certainly do not want Singaporeans to get into trouble. But I would not change our timeline for establishing an embassy in Mexico because of all the strategic reasons for doing so, remain salient and they will notice if we were to back off. The additional point I would make, and this is something that Minister of State Gan Siow Huang made just now. I have never, in all the decade plus in MFA, ever had an officer come to me and say, "You are posting me to a dangerous post. Can you please find someone else?" Never. In fact, the converse is true. When we had to evacuate people from Wuhan during the early phase of COVID-19, we asked for volunteers and we had volunteers who went or go onboard the plane, went into ground zero, in that sense. And again, this speaks volume to the sense of mission and commitment and responsibility of our diplomat. So, for all these reasons, I would be very, very reluctant to change plans, even in the midst of a crisis.”
“So, I thank all those who have participated in these sessions and we will continue to do more of them.”
“Well, I know where the Member is coming from as a former diplomat. I think first, she will agree with me that we need to do these engagement sessions and Mr Foo Cexiang has also emphasised that. It is not a morality play, it is not a simple binary black and white, good and evil, and that there may be multiple answers. But what is more important is understanding and understanding why. So, the main purpose of these sessions is to provide safe and open candid platforms for these interactions to occur. We do do post-event analysis, but I would not be too caught up with that. I mean, yes, it will help us understand which questions are more interesting, which speakers may be more effective, but more important point which I takeaway, is that we need to do this and we need to do more of it, and we need to engage across a wider spectrum of the public, including differing views. As long as people can agree on the national interest, can agree on why we have to adopt certain positions, I think we can courteously have some divergence on the specific recommendations. So, it is the spirit in which these engagements occur. And the Member has been posted overseas, so she would know again. It is how we carry ourselves as Singaporeans. I am always humbled by the fact that doors are opened for us, simply because of that red passport. But I also feel an extra burden – do not let the team down and do not besmirch the reputation which countless generations have built for us to gain the unusual level of access and opportunity which all of us have as Singaporeans – as athletes, as artists, as business men, as enterprises, as Parliamentarians. I think all of you who have travelled and represented Singapore in some capacity or the other, will know what I am referring to.”
“Well, in short, I completely agree with you. And that is why we have indeed been hosting these events and in your own capacity as a national athlete and also as an official now, you have seen how it works in practice. And I cannot emphasise enough how much our national athletes and artists and other creative personnel are actually ambassadors for Singapore. You fly the flag for us and you fly it well. And I want to express my appreciation to every athlete and artist.”
“I think by a margin which the politicians in this House can only envy. Again, full credit to him, but it is also because he is Singaporean.”
“Well, first of all, I would want to highlight Ambassador Rena Lee's invaluable contributions to landing the High Seas Treaty, which determines basically the protection of biodiversity beyond national jurisdictions, and to have arrived at a globally binding international treaty, which has come into force, in a time like this, by consensus, given the state of the world, actually it was an incredible achievement. So, the first point is that whatever happens to the election for the Court of Justice, there is no taking away from an enormous diplomatic achievement. The second point I would make, is that it goes beyond the person, but the fact that she is a Singaporean. For those of you who have been on the international stage, you will know that just being a Singaporean or a Singaporean leader, public official or diplomat, already opens doors for you. People expect competence, trustworthiness, reliability, transparency – all the attributes that go into defining a Singaporean. And that actually facilitates the constructive work which we try to do at an international stage. The third point I would make is that, we have nominated her for the election which will be due later this year for a seat on the International Court of Justice, because it reflects first our commitment to international law, which Singapore is a small city-state to rely on; second, we believe she is a credible candidate whom other countries should consider on her own merits and on her own track record. That is the spirit in which we have put her up. Members of the House may also be aware that recently, Mr Daren Tang, who is leading World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), has been nominated again for a second term by an overwhelming margin.”
“I do not have the specific number. Maybe the Member can file a Parliamentary Question for that and I will provide it to Member later. On the Member's second point on people-to-people relations, this is absolutely critical. And I would say it goes beyond MOE. It goes beyond the Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth, but even when people make trips and sometimes with their organisations or religious organisations, these are all avenues in which deeper understanding and stronger people-to-people relations are built. I will give you some examples, because I used to be,; in those days, it was called the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, and I can assure you that our athletes in the sporting villages do not confine their interactions to only Singaporeans, or indeed, even people from our immediate neighbourhood. So, that is going on. A second example I will give you is that you will be surprised how much goodwill is generated by trips made by volunteers, to do projects which you may consider quite prosaic – whether it is digging a well, a ditch, improving sanitation, as well as more sophisticated volunteer projects where surgeons go repair cleft lips, cleft palates or provide primary healthcare. So, all these things add up and it makes a difference to the sense, the consciousness of an ASEAN identity and that Singaporeans do care for our neighbourhood and our people in ASEAN and that we do make a positive contribution.”
“Our friends and partners know that we speak honestly and independently. They know that we are open and welcoming to all. They know that we honour our word. Contracts are sacrosanct. Investments and intellectual capital are protected. There is a premium in such a world for stability, consistency and respect for the rule of law. The third ingredient is our ability to defend ourselves. We can do that today because we have National Service and because of the steady investment in defence for decades. We must preserve this capability because it keeps us safe and we are a country that can hope for the best, but also prepare for the worst. So, on this note, I thank all Members for your long-standing support for MFA's work as we continue to navigate the challenges, we continue to safeguard Singapore's national interest, and we seize the opportunities in these troubled times. I began with Thucydides and the cold logic of power. I will end on a different note. The ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus offered a different kind of wisdom, "Character is destiny". For all the turbulence in the world, I believe Singapore's destiny is bright, not because of our size or our luck, but because of who we are. That Singapore spirit – indomitable grit, courage, honesty, discipline, diligence, rectitude and compassion. These are not mere abstractions. This is the Singapore spirit that got us here, and it is what will carry us forward. [Applause.]”
“We must expect more issues on which we will have to take a difficult stand. And external and domestic pressures on us will grow. But I also believe that we should take heart. The challenges we face today are serious, but they are less severe than what Singapore faced in 1965. Singapore had unexpectedly become independent. We had no hinterland, no resources, no armed forces. Our security was precarious. Our economic viability was in doubt. Our social cohesion was yet to be forged, and we lived in a volatile and dangerous neighbourhood that regarded us with suspicion. Despite all this, our Pioneers pressed ahead and they built this country. This is a narrative that connects Singapore over the decades. We may be small and improbable, but we have never been afraid to stand up to fight for what we believe in. Today, we are in a far, far better position in terms of tools and resources. We have three prerequisites for success. The first is our domestic unity, although this is work always constantly in progress. As long as we understand that we are all in this together, as long as we can inoculate ourselves from foreign influence, as long as we can disagree maturely and, ultimately, still forge a domestic consensus, we will continue to thrive. We cannot be bought or bullied by anyone. The second ingredient is our economic vitality and relevance. Mr Lee Kuan Yew said, "Singapore cannot take its relevance for granted. Small countries perform no vital or irreplaceable function in the international system". Hence, we must preserve our relevance to the world. In 1965, our per capita GDP was US$500. Today, it is over US$90,000. Paradoxically, today's more fractious world accentuates Singapore's value as a trusted stable hub.”
“Singaporeans will have different views on these foreign policy issues. Being interested or, as Ms Eileen Chong has said, literate in global issues and understanding Singapore's national interest will help us engage the world with knowledge, understanding and confidence. We do not necessarily have to agree on all our foreign policy stances, but we must agree that these are matters to be discussed and decided by Singaporeans alone. That means keeping a wary eye on foreign interference and influence. With increased global contestation, foreign actors will want us to align with their views. They will try to see their narratives and there will be attempts, as have occurred in more recent times, to create fake news and to play on potential internal divisions. We have already seen information campaigns targeting Singapore online, including, I must add, during our own General Elections last year, where Singaporeans were urged to vote along religious lines. Government statements on regional developments have prompted criticisms from foreign netizens who want us to adopt their interpretations of history, and such attempts will continue. Geopolitical contestation has become a tussle for the hearts and minds in cyberspace as well. We must be aware and we must exercise caution because we have a diverse population. And never, never presume that we are immune to the polarisation and fractures in societies elsewhere. So, where does this leave us? The world today, more dangerous, more unpredictable than I have ever seen in my decade plus as Foreign Minister. The global order that used to underpin our success has ended and we do not expect a stable new equilibrium to take shape in 2026 or, even frankly, even the next couple of years.”
“The Forum of Small States, which Singapore co-founded, brings together 108 countries to address issues, like sustainable development, climate change, protecting the global commons and digitalisation. Building consensus in a fractured world is difficult but not impossible. Ambassador Rena Lee presided over the conclusion of the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Agreement in 2023. We will continue to contribute where we can. And our nomination of Ambassador Rena Lee as a candidate for Judge in the International Court of Justice reflects our commitment to advancing the international rule of law. Dr Neo Kok Beng has suggested leveraging technology as a soft power. Completely agree with him. We have in fact been stepping up technology cooperation in our partnerships with other countries. We work together with others, including at the G20 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), to shape the norms and standards and, more importantly, open access to technology that can benefit all countries. We will continue to strengthen such engagements and ensure that Singapore remains an open and trusted hub for technological innovation and scientific collaboration. I tell my foreign counterparts, send your people to us, we will run an open book exercise with you. We will show you how we do it because anyway, the challenge is not in the idea. The challenge is in execution. And to the extent that we can show people what we have done, including our mistakes, and they can modify it and make it relevant to them, that is how we exercise thought leadership and cooperation in this field. Let me come to the challenges ahead. We are in a very turbulent world. We will face more inflection points, and we will have to take more difficult positions.”
“But the fact of the matter is that Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei will always be close permanent neighbours, and we cannot afford to allow spiky issues to undermine our overall positive cooperation. On international organisations, norms and standards, I agree with Mr Yip Hon Weng and Mr Lee Hong Chuang on the need to protect the global commons and to support multilateralism. Despite the challenges, the rules-based multilateral system ultimately provides the architecture of norms, standards and institutions that protects the global commons and gives all small states a say. This means, in spite of the headwinds today, we must continue to do our best to build overlapping flexible circles of plurilateral partnerships with like-minded countries. Where we can make common calls, we do so and we proceed. We remain fully committed to the WTO. But achieving consensus among 166 members is very difficult. Our strategy is to push the envelope with like-minded partners where we can, who share our commitment to free trade, and we aim for high-ambition agreements that are inclusive and WTO-consistent, so that others can join when ready. In other words, make common cause, move forward, invite other people to come onboard, always stay open and inclusive. 12.45 pm The Joint Statement Initiative on E-commerce Agreement began with Singapore, Australia and Japan. It now has 72 co-sponsors. The Future of Investment and Trade Partnership brings together 16 small- and medium-sized economies on supply chain resilience and trade facilitation. You see my point? These are examples where you start small, but you can build and expand these platforms. Beyond trade, we have also built constituencies of support among fellow small states in the UN.”
“This extends our experience and knowledge base of international diplomacy and tradecraft more widely across our civil service. Let me turn now to our neighbours, closer to home. Strong relations with Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei are critical. Mr Patrick Tay asked how we will step up our engagement of with them. Mr Victor Lye asked how we will strengthen economic coordination with our neighbours through city-based and regional partnerships, given the increasing cross-border activities of Singaporean companies and Singaporeans. With Indonesia, we have resolved longstanding issues and are now in the position to explore mutually beneficial projects in energy, food security, education and healthcare. We are discussing cross-border electricity trade, carbon capture and storage and establishing a Sustainable Industrial Zone across the Batam-Bintan-Karimun corridor. These strategic projects will accelerate decarbonisation. It will catalyse green investment in both countries, and we look forward to commemorating 60 years of diplomatic ties in 2027. With Malaysia, our leaders meet regularly, both formally and informally, for candid discussions. This has allowed us to pursue beneficial regional partnerships, including the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone and the Johor Bahru-Singapore Rapid Transit System Link. We are deepening economic and people-to-people ties with East Malaysia. In fact, we will be establishing new consulates, one in Sabah and one in Sarawak shortly. But at the same time, I will also be candid and tell you that we are trying to manage outstanding bilateral issues that are complex that, by definition, have been around for a long time and will take time to resolve.”
“The ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement was substantially concluded last year. We hope to finalise the agreement this year. I believe it will unlock the immense potential of the digital economy in ASEAN in the years to come. But we must also continue to look outward. We should give all major powers a stake in the stability and prosperity of our region and to ensure that ASEAN remains the partner of choice. This is the logic behind our open, inclusive ASEAN-centred regional architecture. The more countries invest in ASEAN's collective progress, the more stable we will be. This balance of power and interest provides small countries like Singapore with more room for manoeuvre than an alternative scenario where there was only a single power dominating our region. Mr Gerald Giam, Mr Patrick Tay and Miss Rachel Ong asked how we plan to leverage our upcoming ASEAN Chairmanship to deepen integration and unity. We will assume the Chair of ASEAN in 2027 during ASEAN's 60th anniversary. This is a heavy responsibility but also an opportunity, an opportunity at a time of turmoil. We will deepen integration, we will promote external partnerships, we will continue to keep the ASEAN region open for business, open to the world, committed to peace, stability and cooperation. I would like to assure Mr Gerald Giam that we do, in fact, second officers to the ASEAN secretariat, particularly at the leadership positions. We have done so over the years, including the current Deputy Secretary-General for the ASEAN Economic Community, Mr Satvinder Singh. MFA will continue to curate and facilitate secondments for MFA and other public officers from other Ministries to the ASEAN secretariat and to other international organisations.”
“The reality is that all countries, including Singapore, will have to find creative ways to work with both the US and China because they are the major powers and they are relevant to our future. Turning to the middle powers, we are growing our network of partnerships with middle powers and the regional blocs. So, for instance, in 2025, we upgraded our partnerships with Australia, France, India, New Zealand and Vietnam. We achieved a new partnership with South Korea. We signed the EU-Singapore Digital Trade Agreement. And we are deepening relations with more like-minded partners. We are expanding our global footprint in Africa and Latin America. And to support this, we are establishing new Missions in Mexico and Ethiopia. Actually, there will be more to come. And I want to reassure Mr Lee Hong Chuang that all these moves, beyond the diplomatic field, are also in, to increase access for our local enterprises to overseas markets. On ASEAN, I agree with Mr Liang Eng Hwa and Ms Valerie Lee that ASEAN has to remain the cornerstone of our foreign policy. It is a salient platform from which we engage the wider world. For ASEAN to remain relevant, Mr Liang has reminded us that we must deepen our regional integration in order to become more cohesive, more united and credible. An integrated ASEAN builds a stable regional platform for Singapore and gives us a voice, more so than a unilateral voice and also the convening power of ASEAN. That is why we are also pushing hard on key initiatives that bind our ASEAN economies closer together, as emphasised by Mr Yip Hon Weng and Miss Rachel Ong. We are making progress on the ASEAN Power Grid. This is about creating a sustainable, interconnected infrastructure that supports the entire region's continued growth.”
“Actually, if you stop to think about it, beyond the numbers, we have a unique relationship with China. China and Singapore are the only two sovereign states in the world with a majority Chinese population, with deep linguistic, culture and historical links. This presents both opportunities and it is also a burden for us. Because Singapore is an independent multiracial city-state in the heart of Southeast Asia. We have our own identity, our own political system and our own values. Actually, our value proposition, even to China, is to be same-same but different, to quote Mr Lim Swee Say. Same-same, yes, of course, we enjoy the affinity, the linguistic, the shared cultural heritage. But different, because Singapore's destiny and our value proposition is to be distinct and not yet another small Chinese city. Do you see my point? Therefore, we have to work with both the US and China where our interest coincides and where our interest diverged, we will courteously stand up and say "no". And when we say "no", both sides must understand it is not personal, but it is based on a principled assessment of Singapore's national interests and that we are not acting as a proxy for one or the other, against them. So long as we can maintain this, and I speak now from my experience, in fact, so long as we maintain this principled approach, actually, I feel that we come under less pressure because they know this tiny little city-state is one where the more you push them, the more spine and the more firmly they will hold their ground. And conducting foreign policy on this basis with superpowers, I am telling you from experience, I think this is only way to do it.”
“And by immediate neighbours, it is Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei – the core of our core. And fifth, take an overarching view, we need where to do where we can, to reinforce a rules-based international architecture despite the current headwinds. So, again, it is an example of not surrendering to our fates. Let me delve in a little bit more detail about major powers, starting with the US and China. Mr Edward Chia, Mr Henry Kwek, Mr Yip Hon Weng, Mr Shawn Huang and Ms Jessica Tan asked how we will maintain trust with both the US and China, whilst preserving Singapore's strategic options and even while the two superpowers are competing against each other in the realms of security, supply chains, technology and trade. It is a tough question. Let me start with US. We have a substantial, deep and multi-faceted relationship with the US. The US has long been and continues to be the largest foreign investor in Singapore by a long way. If you check the figures, you will see that it is multiple times more stock of foreign direct investments (FDIs) from the US than the second, third, fourth and fifth investor, even if you add it up. We purchase US defence equipment and we cooperate closely on countering terrorism and proliferation. We are deepening cooperation in critical and emerging technologies. This year, we celebrate 60 years of diplomatic ties with the US. Having said that, China is also a vital partner with whom we enjoy a robust and close relationship. Over most of the last 10 years, it has been our largest trading partner in goods. At the last Joint Council for Bilateral Cooperation, we concluded 27 agreements ranging from finance and innovation to food security and green energy. We marked 35 years of diplomatic relations last year.”
“30 pm Last year, MFA facilitated over 180 visits, incoming and outgoing, at the political level. If you include officials and civil servants, the number balloons exponentially. But the purpose of travelling is not just to show up, just to fly the flag, but to deepen the personal rapport and trust between leaders and officials and their foreign counterparts, particularly when the views are divergent. It would not resolve the conflict but building reservoirs of trust and understanding reduces the probability of miscommunications and unnecessary conflicts. Having said all that, let me go one more layer of resolution down. MFA has five priority workstreams. First, we want to engage all the great powers constructively and we want to give them a stake in the stability and prosperity of our region, because that balance of power between great powers is what gives small states like Singapore room for manoeuvre and options. The second workstream is to buttress an even wider network of middle-power partnerships for greater stability. I think in the last couple of years, the need for middle powers, particularly middle powers who share an affinity for international law, multilateralism, free trade, that imperative for middle powers to get together and for us to engage in middle powers has become all the more obvious. Our third workstream is to strengthen a stable and integrated ASEAN, not just because it is our immediate neighbourhood but because this happens to be a part of the world with great potential over the next couple of decades, in terms of economic growth, in terms of a rising middle-class, in terms of technological leapfrogging, in terms of infrastructure and integration. Fourth, obviously, we do need to pay attention to our immediate neighbours.”
“To answer Mr Gerald Giam, we are still assessing the invitation from the US to formally join the Board of Peace, but in the meantime, we will explore initiatives, including those that were recently announced at the inaugural meeting of the Board of Peace on 19 February 2026. Singapore will continue to play a constructive role in the pursuit of peace and reconstruction in Gaza, and on Palestine, the larger question. Our long-standing position remains that the only path to a just and durable peace is a negotiated two-state solution consistent with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. We oppose attempts to create new facts on the ground that undermine the prospects for a two-state solution. And it is our consistent position that the Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal under international law. These positions that we have taken and explicitly stated over the last few years have not been universally welcome and even domestically, have elicited active debate. But the point I am trying to make to you is that people may disagree with certain decisions and positions that we take, but I hope you understand why we take these positions, as Mr Foo Cexiang has emphasised. Taking a position rather than lying low and seeking cover, in fact, aligns with furthering our national interest. Articulating these positions is part of exercising agency, because we must try to shape the environment and to carve out conditions which are most conducive for the survival and success of small states. I agree with Mr Giam that in this fraught geopolitical environment, the personal touch is still paramount. Building relationships at a personal level between leaders, political leaders is still the paramount currency of diplomacy. 12.”
“Jobs, investments and living standards depend on our predictable access to external markets. We also took clear positions on the Israel Gaza conflict. We condemn the attacks that occurred on 7 October 2023 on Israel. These were acts of terror. We affirm that every state has a right of self defence. However, in exercising this right, countries must abide by international law, including international humanitarian law, and we have clearly stated that Israel's military response has breached international humanitarian law. I agree with Mr Yip Hon Weng on the need for both moral clarity and diplomatic effectiveness, although I would add that we must not try to reduce foreign relations into a morality play. I think you will be hard pressed to find occasions when the Prime Minister or I will ever refer to anyone, any other leader or any other country as evil or saint. That is not the way things work in real life. Coming back to Gaza, we have and we will do more to alleviate the suffering in Gaza, and in fact we have been able to do more precisely because we have got extensive diplomatic ties across the entire Middle East, and we are one of the few countries, and those of you who travel with me will know, with remarkable access to all sides. We have sent 11 tranches of humanitarian aid amounting to more than $25 million to help the civilians in Gaza so far, and you know that these fundraising efforts are continuing. And more than just money, that there are Singaporeans lining up to volunteer their services, their professional services to help on the ground.”
“Because, for instance, our interests are not always going to be aligned with the Great Powers, all the middle powers, or our immediate neighbours. On some issues, and this is the key point that we are making today, on some issues, we will have to say “no”, to say "no" courteously, respectfully and constructively. But nevertheless, we stand firm and say "no". This is not about choosing sides but about upholding principles and a careful assessment of Singapore's long-term national interests. I have been in this post long enough to tell you that pressure has been and will be brought to bear on us. There will always be attempts to weaken our will and to divide us domestically. I will also state that sometimes we will pay a price for staking our position but I am hoping that this House and the citizens beyond will agree that we must retain this ability to say "no" when we have to and that if we ever lose that ability to say "no", then that is the day that Singapore loses its relevance, indeed, our independence. Let us provide some examples so it is not just words. We have consistently called out violations of international law. We did so when Russia invaded Ukraine. To us, that was a clear violation of international law and the principles of the UN Charter. More recently, we also did so in relation to the US actions in Venezuela. And we took these positions because a world based on "might is right" is a world that is more dangerous for Singapore. We spoke out about the need to preserve a rules based trading system, including the principle of most favoured nation in the WTO. We expressed categorically our disappointment with the US tariffs that violate this principle, because trade is our lifeblood. Trade is more than three times Singapore's GDP.”
“This is what Mr Rajaratnam termed “the practice of foreign policy”. We have always understood that size and power matter in foreign relations. Disagreement, coercion and even conflict are part and parcel of the cut-and-thrust of international relations. This is precisely why we have spent between 3% and 6% of our GDP for six decades for defence. An effective foreign policy needs both pillars: idealism and realism. We never want to become so cynical that no one will trust us. But we also do not want to be so naïve that we will get taken advantage of by everyone. We need to assess objectively our national interests based on our unique circumstances as a tiny multiracial city-state in the heart of Southeast Asia. So, the next set of questions: what are our national interests? First, to safeguard our sovereignty, our independence and our national unity. Second, to secure access to essential supplies and the freedom of navigation necessary for us to continue to have access to these essential supplies. What are these essential supplies? Energy, food, water – and you can add to that list. The third national interest is to continue to strengthen our role as a trusted global hub for trade, for finance, for wealth management, advanced manufacturing and other global services. The fourth aspect of our national interest is to support a rules-based multilateral approach wherever possible, recognising that challenges to the global commons, like climate change, like pandemics, in fact, have to be tackled collectively because they go beyond the ability of any single country, even a super power, to resolve. In such a tumultuous world, the point I am making today is that we are going to face more strategic dilemmas and difficult choices.”
“I think the answer must be no, because that is not who we are. This is not who we were in 1965 when in fact, a newly independent Singapore faced even longer odds with less resources. Second option: choose one dominant power and seek protection under its wing. No. This would undermine our sovereignty, our independence, and in effect, make us a vassal state. Singapore should not and does not need to do this. And after all, Singapore has never expected anyone else to come to our defence. We will defend ourselves. The third, and in my view, the only viable option for us is to continue to determine our long-term national interests and then exercise our agency to chart our own path. Choose our own destiny. Yes, we may be small, but we are a sovereign and independent country. We are a trusted global hub and an assiduous bridge builder. We want to make common cause with all states that are willing to engage us. We build regional and global networks that support dialogue, openness and inclusion. We want to be useful but not made use of. We are successful because of our domestic unity, our economic relevance and vitality, and our defence capabilities. Therefore, we may be small, but we have agency, we have resilience and we have the resources and the will to back this up. Mr Yip Hon Weng asked how Singapore will defend our principles not just in words, but also in deed. Singapore's foreign policy has always rested on two pillars. Mr Rajaratnam described the first pillar as “the theology of foreign policy”. Theology. That means, the world that we hope to have, a world that hopefully was based on principles of fairness, sovereign equality and international rules. But we have never been naïve. There is a deep vein of realism in the way we view the world and the way we operate.”
“Globalisation has created wealth, but it is also blamed for accentuating fault lines, for increasing inequality, for middle-class stagnation, for the loss of jobs, for growing despair and deep polarisation in many societies. 12.15 pm This domestic dysfunction has now projected itself onto the global stage and you will see that this has undermined the support for the international order. So, I completely agree with Mr Yip Hon Weng, Mr Vikram Nair, Mr Liang Eng Hwa and Gerald Giam. That this is not a passing shower. This is not just a small tremor. This is a geostrategic tectonic plate rupture. The Greek historian Thucydides wrote, “The strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must”. His words are now acutely apt. Today, the Great Powers flex their military and economic power more readily than ever before in pursuit of their interests more narrowly defined. And to be frank, with less pretence of legal or moral justification for their actions. Where there was once economic integration, there is now fragmentation and weaponisation of interdependence and dependence. We are now in a world where international relations are no longer driven primarily by rules or by attempts to achieve consensus. Actually, the Great Powers have always been selective when applying the rule of law to themselves. But now, they feel even less need to engage in hypocrisy. It is all about how raw power and how that raw power asymmetry can be exploited. And so, this is a more dangerous world for small countries, because small countries do not have the strategic heft to buffer ourselves from turbulence. For Singapore, a tiny city-state, the shoals are even more treacherous. Let us pause for a moment to consider what our options are. First option: despair, give up, surrender to our fates.”
“Mr Chairman, on behalf of my colleagues, I first thank all Members for their ideas, their suggestions. And I must say, again, this year, I think I can claim bi-partisan support for MFA. The post-World War II international order actually is historically an unprecedented phase in global history and generally, the last 80 years have been a period of unprecedented peace and prosperity for most countries in the world, but the point is that it was unique. And the deeper point today is that that international order has ended. Ended! This order used to be characterised by principles of multilateralism, international law, sovereign equality, free markets, global supply chains organised on the basis of efficiency and global institutions – the UN, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the WTO. In the last 60-plus years of Singapore's Independence, actually, we evolved exquisitely to take full advantage of this global system. And we benefited from Pax Americana, from China's reform and opening, from the rise of middle powers and the progressive integration of ASEAN. In fact, Singapore thrives as a global metropolis in an age of globalisation. The first brutal hard truth is that if that period has ended, we cannot simply presume that we just carry on as per normal, somehow magically, things will fall into place. This is a moment of rupture. It is also worth asking ourselves why and how that benign era of globalisation has ended. Actually, foreign policy begins at home and this applies in understanding what is happening now on the global stage. In many countries, there has been a populist backlash.”
“Since 2022, about half of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) employees are women. The proportion of women in senior appointments has remained stable at about a quarter. We recognise that overseas postings are disruptive for officers with families, especially female officers who bear greater caregiving responsibilities. The Ministry regularly reviews human resources policies to better support officers' career aspirations and family obligations, including considering personal circumstances for overseas postings and providing support for spouse and children accompanying officers overseas. All new hires are fully aware that an MFA career involves periodic relocations. The Ministry selects and deploys the best candidate for each position based on merit. We remain committed to fostering an inclusive workplace that provides equal opportunities for all officers.”
“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs extends consular assistance to Singaporeans in the United States of America, including those detained by the Customs and Border Protection and Immigration and Customs Enforcement. There were eight cases in the past two years.”
“Singapore continues to recognise the Federal Republic of Somalia. There has been no change to our policy.”
“Agencies are reviewing Singapore's regulatory frameworks and their applicability to activities under Singapore's jurisdiction or control that take place in or may have an impact on areas beyond national jurisdiction, videlicet in the high seas or deep seabed. We will take reference from national frameworks, including Singapore's existing Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) framework, which provides a systematic process to assess and mitigate the potential environmental impact of any new development activity taking place in Singapore. Under Singapore's EIA framework, EIA reports are made publicly available online by default unless there are considerations requiring confidentiality, such as national security. Our disclosure approach aims to facilitate transparency while preserving confidentiality where necessary. Agencies will coordinate and minimise regulatory duplication in overseeing the conduct of EIAs.”
“As I have previously stated in this House, meaningful political progress in Myanmar requires a cessation of hostilities, inclusive dialogue and participation by all stakeholders. These preconditions are necessary for a government with legitimacy and a measure of popular support to emerge, and to bring the country forward. These preconditions have not yet emerged. The ASEAN Five-Point Consensus remains the framework for addressing the situation in Myanmar. This includes upholding the decision to maintain Myanmar's non-political representation at ASEAN Summits and ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meetings, until there is meaningful progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. Singapore will continue to support ASEAN Chair Philippines and ASEAN's efforts in ensuring a Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led resolution that is in line with the Five-Point Consensus.”
“This question for written answer has been addressed by an earlier response to Question No 98 on the Order Paper for 3 February 2026 [Please refer to "Impact of US' Withdrawal from International Bodies on Singapore's Interests", Official Report, 3 February 2026, Vol 96, Issue 15, Written Answers to Questions for Oral Answer not Answered by End of Question Time section.].”
“The Singapore Government is assessing the invitation from the United States to join the Board of Peace.”
“The Singapore Government is assessing the invitation from the United States to join the Board of Peace.”
“The GFCE works with Singapore's Cyber Security Agency and other partners to deliver cyber capacity-building programmes to countries in the region. For both ReCAAP and GFCE, the US' withdrawal is likely to have minimal impact on their funding and operations within the region. Singapore will continue to work with like-minded countries to support these entities. Member states' annual contributions to the UN's regular budget are based on an agreed scale of assessment, which is reviewed every three years. Singapore remains strongly committed to the UN Charter and will continue to support international law and the multilateral system.”
“My response addresses both the Oral Parliamentary Question by Mr Yip Hon Weng in today's Order Paper and a question for written answer on the same subject by Mr Gerald Giam scheduled for a later Sitting [Please refer to "Impact of US' Withdrawal from International Organisations on Singapore and Resultant Contribution Changes", Official Report, 4 February 2026, Vol 96, Issue 16, Written Answers to Questions section.]. The United States (US) has withdrawn from 66 International Organisations, including 31 United Nation (UN) entities. The immediate direct impact on Singapore is limited. However, there will be long-term impairment of the collective management of the global commons. For example, the loss of US leadership, funding and technology will set back the world's capacity to deal with climate change and pandemics. The new world order is still evolving and new platforms for partnership are developing. Many countries, including Singapore, support international cooperation on climate change, as well as other issues like global health. Singapore will continue to work with these countries to shape international norms and promote cooperation. The US remains a part of many other major international entities. We will continue to encourage constructive collaboration with the US and other countries in those areas. Of the 66 entities from which the US is withdrawing, there are two which have established premises in Singapore. First, the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) Information Sharing Centre. Second, the Global Forum on Cyber Expertise (GFCE) which has its Southeast Asia Hub located in Singapore.”
“The Singapore Government is assessing the invitation from the United States to join the Board of Peace.”
“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement on 4 January 2026 stating our views. Singapore expressed grave concern about the US' military intervention in Venezuela on 3 January 2026, which was contrary to international law and the principles of the United Nations (UN) Charter. Singapore has consistently opposed actions contrary to international law by any parties, including foreign military intervention in any country. We did so in the case of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the US' invasion of Grenada in 1983. Singapore has also voted accordingly on the relevant resolutions at the UN. This is because a world order based on “might is right” is more unstable and dangerous, especially for small states. It is crucial that all countries respect and uphold international law and the principles of the UN Charter that safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. In the conduct of Singapore's foreign policy, we have taken and will continue to take a principled approach to every issue, in accordance with Singapore's long-term national interests.”
“This response will address Parliamentary Question No 1210 raised by Member Vikram Nair and Parliamentary Question No 1352 raised by Member Lee Hong Chuang in today's Order Paper. As a small country, Singapore has to reaffirm the importance of international law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. This includes respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all countries, as well as the right to self-determination of all peoples. Consequently, any issues concerning Greenland's future should be resolved peacefully, in accordance with international law. Singapore values our longstanding and substantive partnership with the United States (US). The US continues to play a vital role in the security and prosperity of the Asia Pacific. At the same time, we enjoy friendly ties and mutually beneficial cooperation with many European countries, including Denmark. We will continue to uphold international law and multilateralism, as these principles ultimately protect small states, and contribute to global peace and stability.”
“We also urge Singaporeans to stay vigilant and take precautions for their personal safety while abroad, purchase comprehensive travel insurance and refer to MFA's Travel Advisories and Notices.”
“This response will address Parliamentary Question No 992 raised by Member Lee Hong Chuang and Parliamentary Question No 1002 raised by Member Kenneth Tiong Boon Kiat in today's Order Paper. When a crisis or major incident occurs overseas, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) mounts an appropriate consular response. First, we determine the nature and severity of the incident. Second, we disseminate relevant information and updates to Singaporeans who may potentially be involved. Third, we provide consular assistance to Singaporeans in distress. This includes contacting eRegistered Singaporeans to check on their well-being, liaising with local authorities, issuing Document of Identity for lost passports and facilitating the return of Singaporeans back home, if necessary. We may also issue Travel Notices and Advisories for Singaporeans to avoid travel to that region. That said, every incident is unique and circumstances in the foreign country vary widely, so our responses must be customised accordingly. Let me cite some examples from recent incidents. During the floods in Hat Yai, our Crisis Response Team was deployed overseas to reach Singaporeans and help bring them home. MFA also helped facilitate the departure of 11 Singaporeans from Iran during the Israel-Iran conflict in June 2025. When the attacks at Brown University, Bondi Beach and Taipei occurred, our Missions took immediate action, including contacting Singaporeans that eRegistered, posting updates and advice and liaising with local authorities to ensure the well-being of our citizens. We encourage Singaporeans to eRegister when they travel as this allows MFA to reach out and render prompt consular assistance where needed.”
“Singapore contributes to foreign disaster assistance and rescue missions as a responsible and constructive member of the international community. These contributions help to support people in times of need, demonstrate solidarity with affected countries and promote broader bilateral ties. The Singapore Civil Defence Force (SCDF) maintains a 24/7 operationally ready contingent capable of rapid mobilisation and deployment for overseas humanitarian missions. Operating under the codename "Operation Lionheart" (OLH), the primary capability of this contingent is to provide Urban Search and Rescue assistance to disaster-affected countries. SCDF's OLH contingent comprises 80 personnel and four search dogs. Aside from SCDF regular officers, the OLH contingent incorporates both full-time National Servicemen, for example, NSF Medical Doctors, and Operationally Ready National Servicemen (in roles such as Deputy Team Leader, Rescue Technician, and so on). The OLH was recently deployed to Myanmar in March 2025 after a devastating earthquake to assist in search and rescue efforts, including the successful extrication of a live casualty from a partially collapsed building, the recovery of disaster victims from quake-affected structures, as well as the establishment of a medical outpost for the provision of medical aid. For major regional disasters, SCDF maintains established protocols for activating additional standby personnel, and additional OLH teams can be deployed in support of the humanitarian efforts, if required.”