Adam Price
Constituency Member · Plaid Cymru · Wales
“But it does raise broader questions, which I think are relevant to the governance of the public sector and all arm’s-length bodies, and I do want to talk about those in a second. The picture that has just been painted for us—it's a pretty dire one, isn't it, really?”
“We had delayed financial reporting. The fact that we're discussing here, in November 2024, the accounts from 2021-22 in itself, I think, captures that.”
“Remember the leadership crisis in 2017 in Sport Wales and the dysfunctionality that was shown there; the financial mismanagement and the repeated audit qualifications that led to the resignation of the chair of NRW in 2018; the issues in terms of the forced resignation of Betsi Cadwaladr's board; the auditor general's review of the fire a…”
“Clearly, the national museum, Amgueddfa Cymru, is one of our most important national institutions. It's the institution that helps us tell our national story, and I think it clearly is the case in any nation, that the way that we preserve our past and the way we structure and support the institutions that help us do so, if we get that wro…”
“I'm not wishing to litigate the issues of substance that were at the heart of the disagreement, but in terms of public reputation, was it right to appoint the former president to a role leading a task and finish group in the heritage sector, following this dispute, and then, as the Chair has just said, to draw the conclusion, in public po…”
“You've been very generous this afternoon. You are urging the Welsh Government to be as innovative as possible in regard to the policy levers that it has available. You referenced business rates, and indeed they were referenced at the outset as well. The origin of the business rates goes back to 1601.”
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“You've been very generous this afternoon. You are urging the Welsh Government to be as innovative as possible in regard to the policy levers that it has available. You referenced business rates, and indeed they were referenced at the outset as well. The origin of the business rates goes back to 1601. The tax is that old—the Elizabethan poor law, which generated relief for the poor based on the rental value of commercial buildings. Surely, it's high time that we actually replaced it, because it's not fit for purpose and there are far fairer ways in which business can make a proper contribution, absolutely, but do so in a way that is helpful, rather than hindering the businesses.”
“There is a theorem in public sector governance, 'diversity trumps talent'. I'm not sure about the middle word in that, but there is strong evidence that if you have a diverse board, you get a better functioning board. You need skill-based appointments as well, so you're not just choosing from a small reservoir, a small group of talent, but you're actually seeking to have the widest and most diverse group, because those are the most effective boards, and if we do that then I think we might be in a position to avoid some of the problems that I've just described.”
“Remember the leadership crisis in 2017 in Sport Wales and the dysfunctionality that was shown there; the financial mismanagement and the repeated audit qualifications that led to the resignation of the chair of NRW in 2018; the issues in terms of the forced resignation of Betsi Cadwaladr's board; the auditor general's review of the fire authorities in Wales, showing the weak accountability structures there. We have a general problem, I think, in terms of governance in the public sector, and that is eroding public trust, which means that public services cannot be delivered in the way that they should be, and so we need to strengthen the governance frameworks. We need not a system of self-assessment, but we need more rigorous audit from the Welsh Government's public bodies unit. We need to look at more diverse boards.”
“I'm not wishing to litigate the issues of substance that were at the heart of the disagreement, but in terms of public reputation, was it right to appoint the former president to a role leading a task and finish group in the heritage sector, following this dispute, and then, as the Chair has just said, to draw the conclusion, in public policy terms, that the thing to do after this sorry tale is then to move to a light-touch system of regulation of arm's-length bodies, to move to self-assessment? Surely we should be going in the opposite direction. What we need to have is more rigorous auditing, overview and oversight of public sector bodies. Because it's not just the problems here in Museum Wales.”
“We had delayed financial reporting. The fact that we're discussing here, in November 2024, the accounts from 2021-22 in itself, I think, captures that. We had obviously weak systems for dealing with internal grievances and whistleblowing, which reflect a wider problem in terms of organisational dysfunction at the heart of the institution. But the Welsh Government has to also accept its responsibilities here. Despite their awareness of serious failures of governance since, I believe, 2020, the Welsh Government's intervention lacked timeliness, lacked transparency, and allowed it to fester, and that was the wrong approach. Then, afterwards, I think there are legitimate questions raised by the committee in terms of was it the right thing, in terms of public perception, to then appoint the former president of Amgueddfa Cymru—.”
“But it does raise broader questions, which I think are relevant to the governance of the public sector and all arm’s-length bodies, and I do want to talk about those in a second. The picture that has just been painted for us—it's a pretty dire one, isn't it, really? We had here, essentially, a prolonged internal dispute, persistent conflict, serious disagreement between senior management and trustees, which resulted in the paralysis, over many years, of decision-making processes. We had the delegation of critical decisions such as financial settlements to a limited subset of trustees. We had the use of e-mail only for decision making, board meetings without minutes, et cetera. This had a pretty negative impact. We've heard the £750,000 it actually cost directly, but think of the thousands of hours, probably, that went into this situation.”
“Clearly, the national museum, Amgueddfa Cymru, is one of our most important national institutions. It's the institution that helps us tell our national story, and I think it clearly is the case in any nation, that the way that we preserve our past and the way we structure and support the institutions that help us do so, if we get that wrong, then how can we shape our future? So, culture is the key, often, and when something goes wrong with our cultural institutions, then that should be a core concern for our politics. And it has to be said that what we've just heard from the chair of the PAPA committee, I think, is a great cause for concern because it raises some serious questions about systemic failure, both within the national museums, but also, I think, in terms of the Welsh Government's wider responsibilities.”
“Brif Weinidog, mae'r sefyllfa o ran amseroedd aros ar gyfer ambiwlansys yn sir Gaerfyrddin wedi cyrraedd sefyllfa hollol argyfyngus. Clywais i ddim ond mis yma gan etholwr, a'i mam yn ei nawdegau wedi cwympo ac anafu am 6 o'r gloch y bore, yr ambiwlans wedyn yn methu â chyrraedd tan 2 o'r gloch yn y prynhawn, a hithau mewn poen difrifol trwy'r amser. Wrth gyrraedd yr adran frys wedyn, bu'n rhaid iddi aros dros nos yn yr ambiwlans hwnnw nes iddi gael ei chludo i ysbyty arall am 3 o'r gloch y bore. Mewn achos arall ar ddechrau'r mis, mi gafodd chwaraewr rygbi yn Nantgaredig ei anafu, a gorfu ef a'r ffisios oedd yn gofalu amdano fe aros ar y cae, ar noson oer, aeafol, am chwe awr, i ambiwlans gyrraedd o ysbyty pum milltir i ffwrdd. 'Dywedwch llai, gwnewch fwy' yw'r hyn a ddywedoch chi gynnau.”
“8. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu lleihau'r amseroedd aros ar gyfer ambiwlans yn Nwyrain Caerfyrddin a Dinefwr? OQ61958”
“Diolch, Cadeirydd. Rydw i jest eisiau rhoi ar y record y ffaith fy mod i wedi gweithio gyda Jennifer Nadel a Sam Fowles mewn gwahanol gyd-destunau ar y pwnc yma. Mae Sam Fowles wedi rhoi cefnogaeth pro bono i mi wrth ddrafftio adran 64 o’r Bil Etholiadau a Chyrff Etholedig (Cymru). Mae hynny ar y gofrestr fuddiannau. Mi oeddwn i’n rhan o’r gweithgor oedd wedi bwydo i mewn i’r Papur Gwyn gwreiddiol. Ac rydw i wedi gweithio gyda Jennifer Nadel fel rhan o ymgyrch Compassion in Politics ac wedi cael sawl sgwrs dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf gyda hi.”
“Jest un pwynt ychwanegol—mae'n flin gen i, Cadeirydd, roeddwn i wedi anghofio. Dwi'n credu, yn y llythyr, maen nhw'n cyfeirio at y ffaith eu bod nhw wedi casglu data gan gyrff sydd yn rheoleiddiedig. Ond, fe gofiwch chi fod yna gategori arall o gyrff cyhoeddus sydd yn dilyn y cod apwyntiadau cyhoeddus yn wirfoddol, ac a fyddai modd, wrth iddyn nhw gasglu'r data, felly, wneud hynny nid yn unig ar gyfer byrddau sydd yn rheoleiddiedig, y cyrff sydd yn rheoleiddiedig, ond hefyd y categori yna o gyrff sydd yn dilyn y cod yn wirfoddol?”
“Ynglŷn â chymhwysedd y Senedd i gyflwyno system apwyntiadau cyhoeddus ein hunain, gan nad yw'r Llywodraeth wedi cymryd cyngor ynglŷn â hyn, a fyddem ni fel pwyllgor yn gallu cael cyngor gan gyfreithwyr y Senedd fel ein bod ni'n deall beth yw'r sefyllfa o ran cymhwysedd, cyn ein bod ni'n cyflwyno ein hargymhellion yn yr adroddiad terfynol?”
“Ie, dwi'n cytuno gyda Mike yn hynny o beth, a dwi hefyd yn croesawu'r ffaith nawr fod y Llywodraeth yn mynd i gasglu'r data ar fyrddau presennol ynglŷn â'r Gymraeg, ond mi ddylen nhw ymestyn hynny i leoliad daearyddol hefyd. A dwi ddim yn deall pam roedden nhw wedi gadael y pethau yma mas yn yr ail arolwg, achos mae'n rhaid cofio y gwnaethon nhw ymrwymo i wneud hyn—pryd bynnag oedd hi—bedair blynedd yn ôl. Felly, dŷn ni'n cyrraedd nawr, o leiaf, ymrwymiad i gyflawni'r hyn roedden nhw wedi ei ymrwymo i wneud yn wreiddiol. Felly, oes modd iddyn nhw, ie, plîs, gasglu'r data ychwanegol ynglŷn â sgiliau iaith, ond hefyd ymestyn e i grŵp sosio-economaidd ac i leoliad daearyddol, fel y gwnaethon nhw ymrwymo i wneud yn wreiddiol?”
“In fact, we had other questions on this when you were last in this ministerial role. Can you reassure us that there will be no further delay to this project and that the original dates that I’ve just shared with you will be kept to?”
“The Minister for climate change, who was then responsible for this project, did make a statement—in fact, it was actually earlier this year, in February 2024—about an accelerated timetable. Following that, I was informed that the employment agent was to be appointed in August of this year. You just said that they’re going to be appointed in January. That is a five-month delay. Will that have a knock-on effect on the later stages in the project development? I was informed that the early contractor involvement award was going to be made in December 2025 and that the draft orders were going to be published in May 2027. Any further delay would be a matter of grave concern, because this is already a project that is eight years now in the making since the original decision.”
“1. A wnaiff yr Ysgrifenydd Cabinet esbonio pam mae'r amserlen a luniwyd yn 2023 ar gyfer penodi asiant cyflogaeth ar gyfer ffordd osgoi Llandeilo wedi ei gohirio am bum mis? OQ61873”
“It's using 240 artillery tubes a month, where it can only produce 20. It's losing 144 infantry vehicles a month; it can only produce 17 a month. It will run out during 2025. If we provide Ukraine, if we provide the Ukrainian people, with the support that they deserve as Europeans—because we cannot rely on the US administration—they can still win, but they do not have much time left, and, if they don't have much time left, and if they lose, then so will we.”
“In the last—what is it—24 hours, two cables have been cut—what is it—between Finland and Germany and between Sweden and Lithuania. Incendiary devices have been sent through the air and have exploded in DHL warehouses in the UK and in Germany as preparation for what's coming next. The Russian state is getting ready, and it sees its advantage now with, of course, the new Trump administration. This is the moment of our maximum danger, both in Ukraine, the front line of the coming European war. That is not dramatic language; that is actually a statement of what we are facing, and we must not make the same mistake that we made then. There is still an opportunity for the war to be won, but we have to now provide the maximum support that has not been given hitherto. Actually, Russia is burning through its weapons.”
“If the White House was to force it to sign a peace treaty that ceded some of its territory and forced neutrality on it, forced it to give up its hope of NATO membership, which is its only realistic prospect of avoiding being extinguished in the future, then what would happen is Russia would re-arm. Russia would use the time to re-arm and then it would invade again, or it would engineer the political circumstances on the ground where it could actually topple the political leadership class, and you're then in the sort of Georgian territory, effectively, of oligarchs coming into power and you having Ukraine as a kind of vassal state of Russia. And that's a very, very dangerous circumstance, not just for Ukraine—you know, we're next. The hybrid war has already begun.”
“And that's what happened at Czechoslovakia in 1938, when you had a combination of American isolation, through the neutrality Acts that were passed in the 1930s, and European appeasement, which meant that a country was basically dismembered, ostensibly through a peace treaty, and we can see that's the kind of emerging narrative, abetted, of course, by the disinformation machines of the Russian state. But this would not be a peace, of course. What happened to Czechoslovakia is that, yes, there was a peace agreement that lasted six months, before that country's existence was extinguished, and that's effectively what would happen to Ukraine.”
“It is a tragedy, isn't it, a double tragedy, not just the original tragedy of the Holodomor, but the fact that, as humanity, we haven't learnt the essential element, as Mick Antoniw described, of using hunger as a weapon of war. I mean, that's present today, isn't it? It's in the conflicts in Sudan, in Yemen, in Ethiopia. It's certainly a central element that has led many international authorities and observers to say that the actions of Israel has now met the threshold of genocide in Gaza. So, we haven't learnt, unfortunately. We haven't learnt from history. But I'd like to focus my comments tonight on the very perilous situation that Ukraine faces today and the very real danger that another shameful episode in twentieth-century European history is about to be repeated.”
“Gaf i droi jest yn gyflym iawn at thema cydlyniant cymunedol, community cohesion ? Sut oedd Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gweithio gyda Chyngor Bro Morgannwg, am fod hyn yn benodol wedi cael ei godi yn y Senedd, i ddatblygu tai ar gyfer Wcrainiaid ar hen safle’r ysgol gynradd yn Llanilltud Fawr? A sut oeddech chi wedi mynd i’r afael gydag unrhyw risgiau o ran cydlyniant cymunedol yn y cyd-destun hwnnw?”
“Mi oedd landlordiaid Rhentu Doeth Cymru, rhai ohonyn nhw—. Mi oedd hyfforddiant ar gyfer landlordiaid o dan Rhentu Doeth Cymru wedi’i sgorio'n goch yn yr adroddiad cynnydd o ran y polisi cenedl noddfa. Beth oedd effaith yr oedi wrth gyflwyno'r hyfforddiant yma?”
“Beth yw'r sefyllfa gyfredol o ran y cynllun teithio a pham oedd yna saib rhwng dod â'r cynllun i ben a rhoi rhywbeth newydd yn ei le?”
“Oherwydd amser, efallai os gallwn ni gael atebion mor gryno ag sy'n bosib. Dwi'n gwybod bod hwn yn faes eang. Yng nghyd-destun yr adolygiad yma o'r genedl noddfa, sut mae gwersi o'r ymateb i'r sefyllfa yn Wcráin wedi llywio'r adolygiad?”
“Diolch, Gadeirydd. Dwi eisiau troi at y polisi ehangach o genedl noddfa rydych chi wedi cyfeirio ato yn barod. Dwi jest eisiau gofyn sut mae'r Llywodraeth wedi adeiladu ar y diweddariad cynnydd a gyhoeddwyd yn gynnar eleni. Hynny yw, sut, o ystyried y diweddariad cynnydd hwnnw, y byddwch chi'n asesu'r cynnydd cyffredinol wrth weithredu'r cynllun cenedl noddfa?”
“A'r perygl mor belled ag y mae cyfrifoldebau’r pwyllgor yma yn y cwestiwn yw bod enw da y gwasanaeth sifil hefyd yn mynd i gael ei erydu oherwydd, wrth gwrs, eu bod nhw ynghlwm wrth weithredu y cod gweinidogol ar hyn o bryd, fel mae llythyr David Richards yn dangos, ac mae yna berygl nid yn unig, felly, fod ymddiriedaeth y cyhoedd yn y Llywodraeth, o ran y Gweinidogion, yn dioddef, ond hefyd bod eu ffydd ac ymddiriedaeth yn y gwasanaeth sifil a’i annibyniaeth a’i didueddrwydd— impartiality, hynny yw—yn dioddef hefyd, ac mae hynny â goblygiadau pellgyrhaeddol. Felly, dwi'n meddwl bod yn rhaid i ni gael proses o adolygu sut mae'r cod gweinidogol yma'n cael ei weithredu a chael awgrymiadau ynglŷn â system newydd.”
“Hoffwn i jest roi ar y record gyhoeddus, yn sgil yr ymateb gan David Richards, ei bod hi'n amlwg i fi nad yw'r cod gweinidogol presennol yn ffit i bwrpas a bod yn rhaid cael fframwaith newydd. Hyd yn oed o gymharu gyda'r un sy'n bodoli yn San Steffan, ac mae yna wendidau mawr gyda hynny—ac mae yna fwriad gyda'r Llywodraeth lawr fanna i’w gryfhau e—o ran tryloywder ac eglurder a gwrthrychedd, i raddau, hyd yn oed nawr mae'n gryfach na'r un sydd gennym ni yng Nghymru. Felly, mae yna broblem, dwi'n credu, o ran sut mae'r cod gweinidogol yn gweithio, neu ddim yn gweithio, yn hytrach, ar hyn o bryd. Os taw’r bwriad yw cynyddu ymddiriedaeth y cyhoedd, dwi ddim yn credu bod y cod gweinidogol yn cyflawni’r pwrpas hynny ar hyn o bryd.”
“Diolch am hwnna. Os caf fi ddod nôl, jest i ofyn a fyddai—yn edrych ymlaen, wrth gwrs, i ddarllen y gwaith roedd yr archwilydd wedi cyfeirio ato—modd edrych ar y gwaith roedd y National Audit Office wedi'i wneud amboutu 15 mlynedd yn ôl ar fformiwlâu ariannu gwasanaethau cyhoeddus lleol. Fe wnaethon nhw adolygiad tirweddol yn y maes yma nad oedd ddim ond yn edrych ar lywodraeth leol, ond hefyd yn edrych ar fformiwlâu cyfatebol o fewn y gwasanaeth iechyd, er enghraifft. Felly, mi oedden nhw wedi medru dygymod â'r cwestiwn ynglŷn â ble mae'r ffin rhwng cyfrifoldebau yr archwilwyr a'r penderfyniadau polisi. Ond efallai fod yr adroddiad hynny yn sail inni gael trafodaeth a oes yna le ar gyfer adolygiad tebyg gan y swyddfa archwilio yng Nghymru.”
“Dwi'n deall efallai y byddai rhai'n ei ddehongli fe fel yna, ond wrth gwrs mae e'n cael cymaint o effaith ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus yng nghyd-destun awdurdodau lleol, ond hefyd mewn cyd-destunau eraill. Hynny yw, a fyddai modd gweld a oes cyfle i gael rhywun yn annibynnol o'r Llywodraeth efallai i edrych ar y mater yma? Wrth gwrs, fel roedd Mike yn ei ddweud, efallai ei bod hi'n anodd disgwyl i Gymdeithas Llywodraeth Leol Cymru ddod i un farn achos mi fydd pob awdurdod â dehongliad gwahanol o'r angen am newid. Ond pe bai modd i'r swyddfa archwilio edrych i mewn i'r cwestiwn yma o sut mae'r fformiwla ariannu'n cael ei gweithredu, o leiaf, byddai hwnna hefyd yn gam i'r cyfeiriad iawn, dwi'n meddwl.”
“Diolch, Gadeirydd. Dwi'n cytuno'n sylfaenol â'r pwynt roedd Mike Hedges yn ei wneud ynglŷn â'r angen am dryloywder. Dwi'n credu y byddai hynny'n ein helpu ni fel Aelodau o'r Senedd ac fel pwyllgorau i graffu, ond hefyd helpu â'r drafodaeth gyhoeddus ehangach, fel yr awgrymwyd. Felly, oes modd i'r clercod godi'r pwynt hwnnw wrth drafod gyda'r pwyllgorau eraill, i weld pwy ddylai wneud yr awgrym hwnnw, os ydy pawb yn cytuno bod hynny'n synhwyrol? Ond, yn fwy eang, hoffwn i ofyn pa waith sydd wedi cael ei wneud ynglŷn â'r cwestiwn yma o'r fformiwla ariannu. Mae'r Llywodraeth wrth gwrs wedi adolygu, fel unrhyw Lywodraeth o bryd i'w gilydd, ond ydy hwn yn faes cymwys ar gyfer Swyddfa Archwilio Cymru, neu ydy'r swyddfa archwilio'n credu ei fod e'n fater o bolisi yn hytrach nag yn faes gweithredol ariannol iddyn nhw ei ystyried?”
“Fel rŷch chi'n ymwybodol, Gadeirydd, fyddaf i ddim yn cymryd rhan yn y rhan honno o'n trafodaethau nes ymlaen ynglŷn â'r Comisiwn. Felly, jest eisiau rhoi hwnna ar y record, a bydd yn cael ei adlewyrchu yn y Cofnod.”
“Pa gymorth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gallu cynnig er mwyn hwyluso hyn a’i droi e'n gynllun efallai y gellir wedyn ei efelychu mewn cymunedau eraill ar draws Cymru?”
“Rwy’n ddiolchgar i’r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet am ei hateb. Mae yna angen dybryd o ran digartrefedd a thai cymdeithasol yn ardal Rhydaman a Dyffryn Aman. Er enghraifft, mae yna tua 400 o bobl ar restr aros tai'r cyngor yn Rhydaman yn unig, gyda’r rhan fwyaf ohonyn nhw ar y lefel uchaf o ran angen, felly band A. Mae llawer ohonyn nhw angen tai un person, sydd yn brin iawn, wrth gwrs. Wrth drafod gyda’r banc bwyd yn lleol a’r cyngor sut ŷn ni’n gallu bod yn ddyfeisgar wrth ymateb i’r angen yma, rŷn ni wedi bod yn trafod gyda Habitat for Humanity, yr elusen sydd ar hyn o bryd yn datblygu cynlluniau peilot yn Lloegr i droi adeiladau gwag yn dai cymdeithasol. Mae diddordeb gyda nhw i wneud rhywbeth yng Nghymru. Mae yna adeiladau gwag gyda ni yn Rhydaman, ac mae diddordeb gyda’r cyngor i fod yn rhan o gynllun peilot o’r fath.”
“Can I ask what specific changes are you going to be introducing now to make school communities safer for everyone? And can I suggest one specific one? In England, guidelines allow teachers to search pupils without their consent where necessary, where they have reasonable belief that they have prohibited items—weapons, knives, it could be alcohol, drugs et cetera. Teachers don't have that power currently in Wales. You could change the guidance now. That could potentially save lives. Why aren't you making that change?”
“I welcome the tacit admission in your statement of a situation where increasingly teachers are fearful for their physical safety and indeed their mental health, facing a torrent of abuse and violence in many situations. But what you're suggesting so far I don't think is sufficient in terms of urgency or seriousness. You say that you haven't ruled out holding a behaviour summit. Surely in a situation where many schools now have seen strikes because teachers are fearful for their safety, and we've had serious life-threatening incidents in schools throughout Wales, you should be holding that summit as an urgent priority, because a deep-dive and a behavioural toolkit, which we've been waiting for all year, simply is not sufficient.”
“So, yes, let’s get the ownership structure right, let’s get the legislative framework right, but we cannot ignore, when we’re talking of a public sector infrastructure, that unless we have the funding framework and the context, then we are not going to be able to maximise any benefits in legislative changes and we’re not going to be able to achieve our aspirations as a Senedd and the expectations of the people who send us here.”
“So, while recognising and acknowledging this important step in this Bill, we will not be able to achieve the full aspirations that we share in our party, and that indeed are shared more generally, until we have movement in terms of the funding context as well. So, we recognise and support this legislative change, but we reiterate that, while improvements in the ownership structure of public transport and in the legislative framework are a step in the right direction, we can only achieve our ultimate goal if we have the funding platform, no pun intended, that is absolutely vital.”
“However, reducing private sector control in the rail network alone, in that context, will not address the ongoing and historic underinvestment in Wales's railways, nor will it ensure that fair funding for Wales is secured. Therefore, we cannot fail to recognise the ongoing importance of the fight for funding justice for Wales in the context of our railways and the millions that have been denied to Wales as a result of the failure to recognise what is owed to us through the HS2 programme, and of course we’ll continue to miss out until that is rectified. Until rail infrastructure is devolved fully, this will remain a constant driver of underinvestment in our public transport infrastructure.”
“Plaid Cymru welcomes the principles behind the Passenger Railway Services (Public Ownership) Bill, which seeks to transition franchised passenger railway services, as we've heard, from private to public ownership, which is a long-standing policy goal for us. Our public transport system, we believe, should serve the interests of the public and not the profit motive of private companies. This Bill, therefore, represents an important step in that direction. We recognise the benefits this transition will bring as we work towards more generally an integrated public transport system, of course, including the proposals for reregulating bus services, which are also a long-standing policy goal that we share.”
“Os ydy'r gwelliant hwnnw yn cael ei basio, ydy'r Llywodraeth yn fodlon gwneud ymrwymiad fan hyn y byddwch chi yn ymgynghori gyda'r Senedd cyn gwneud unrhyw benderfyniad ynglŷn â'r comisiynydd hwnnw?”
“Y cwestiwn yw, wrth gwrs: beth bynnag yw’r broses, ymgynghori neu beidio, ydyn nhw wedi cael eu rhyddhau o’r cyfrifoldeb i dalu trethi Cymreig o ran eu daliadau nhw a’u heiddo nhw yng Nghymru? Os nad ydych chi’n gwybod nawr, efallai y gallwch chi ysgrifennu ataf i a’i rannu gyda’r Senedd. I droi at Ystad y Goron, a dwi’n gofyn hyn yn rhinwedd eich cyfrifoldeb i gadw gorolwg ar ddeddfwriaeth Brydeinig, mae Mesur Ystad y Goron yn cael ei drafod yn Nhŷ’r Arglwyddi y prynhawn yma. Mae yna un gwelliant i lawr i ddatganoli Ystad y Goron i Gymru. Mae yna welliant arall sydd o leiaf yn creu comisiynydd ar gyfer Cymru a hefyd yn dweud y bydd y person hwnnw ond yn cael ei apwyntio ar ôl ymgynghori gyda Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru.”
“Felly, gaf i ofyn i chi, Gwnsler Cyffredinol, gadarnhau a ydy cydsyniad y Brenin wedi’i roi o ran unrhyw un o’r daliadau yma, sy’n golygu nad ydyn nhw â chyfrifoldeb i dalu trethi wedi’u datganoli yng Nghymru?”
“Mae Llywodraeth Cymru ar hyn o bryd yn talu rhent i Ystad y Goron, felly a gaf i ymbil arnoch chi i gymryd yr un safiad moesol ac y mae Gwynedd a sir Gaerfyrddin, gobeithio, ar fin gwneud? O ran yr adroddiad gan The Sunday Times a Dispatches , mi oedden nhw’n dangos bod dugiaethau Cernyw a Chaerhirfryn â nifer fawr o ddaliadau yng Nghymru. Hynny yw—doeddwn i ddim yn gwybod hyn—maen nhw’n berchen ar gastell Ogwr a 4,000 o erwau o’i gwmpas a nifer fawr o hawliadau mwyngloddio yng Nghymru. Mi oedd eich rhagflaenydd chi fel Cwnsler Cyffredinol wedi bod yn dryloyw ynglŷn â’r broses o orfod cael cydsyniad y Brenin i ddeddfwriaeth oedd yn cyffwrdd â buddiannau y Brenin. Mi oedd Channel 4 a The Sunday Times wedi dangos bod llawer iawn o’r daliadau yma yn ddi-dreth.”
“Oes yna unrhyw reswm cyfreithiol pam na all Llywodraeth Cymru efelychu’r hyn mae’r awdurdodau lleol yng Nghymru wedi gwneud a gofyn i Ystad y Goron ryddhau ein hunain o’r gofyniad i dalu rhent er mwyn cael mynediad at ein tir a’n gwlad ein hunain?”
“Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Mi fyddwch chi, Gwnsler Cyffredinol, yn ymwybodol o'r adroddiadau yn ystod y dyddiau diwethaf sy'n dangos yr arian sylweddol sy'n cael ei wneud gan y teulu brenhinol trwy ddugiaethau Cernyw a Chaerhirfryn o'r sector cyhoeddus, a hefyd, wrth gwrs, yr arian sylweddol sy'n cael ei wneud yng Nghymru drwy Ystad y Goron ond sydd yn mynd i'r Trysorlys, gwaetha'r modd, ar hyn o bryd. Oherwydd hynny, mae nifer o awdurdodau yng Nghymru un ai wedi, neu yn y broses o benderfynu—Gwynedd, er enghraifft, sir Gaerfyrddin—i agor trafodaethau gydag Ystad y Goron i ryddhau eu hunain o’r cyfrifoldebau i dalu treth er mwyn i bobl Cymru gael mynediad at ein tir ni ein hunain. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn talu rhent trwy Cadw at Ystad y Goron ar hyn o bryd.”