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Alain Bertaud

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2019-09-25
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2019-09-25
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  1. And oh, expand the city further. The important thing is to establish we should not agonize on is it the right to have the right decision, but we should not agonize on this thing. The important thing is to have very clear property right long in advance. It cannot be manipulated by people who move straight as they pay politician or something or whoever urban planners in order to move street. This is the most detrimental thing which can happen to a city.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  2. When they established a grid and when they established central park later, they clearly established property right. And they separated what was public and what was private. And that allowed the market to work with a complete symmetry of information. Anybody, even when, say, 85th Street was just a field, everybody knew that it was 86th Street. And they knew whether so anybody buying a lot there will have a complete symmetry of information. And this symmetry of information in the market is much more important than agonizing whether an avenue should be 30 meters, 35 meter, 25. Eventually, we will adjust if the avenue are a little too narrow, we will adjust to it, we'll put congestion prices.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  3. No. It's just the right size because the important thing of Central Park. The same with, you could say the same as the avenue, have the avenue too wide or too narrow and the street too narrow? Or should the block be longer? It doesn't matter. What matters was that

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  4. Well Yes, definitely. Yes. No, we should not Unfortunately, yes, we should not consider that progress is a linear thing. Some of my colleagues even think that the Enlightenment might have been just a fluke in the history of the world, and that within 20 years we may all be under regime which are authoritarian. It's quite possible. And then, of course, yes, Robert Moses will have, you know, I mean, he was, I mean, let's say... After all, institutions reacted to Robert Moses and limited the damage he did, but he did some positive things too. So in fact, it's institution, yes, you're right. It's institution. And those institutions could deteriorate faster than we think, I'm afraid so. We see that now in some country of Europe. It could happen here.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  5. Created by Uber, you leave the curb for loading and unloading, and you still have two lanes for circulation, where in fact you have now only one lane, and usually you have loading and unloading, by the way, not only Uber, but Amazon and all thing. And so you are blocking. So again, if really the concern is about... Please use a variable space for traffic and not or pedestrian, by the way, or bicycle, whatever. But parking cars on street is a scandal.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  6. I don't think Hubert is doing anything wrong. I mean, maybe at the same time, if they don't pay their driver enough, they may run out of driver, but then the market will show us that very quickly. So I think that Uber has increased Increase again, probably even increase affordability in a certain way because it has made some area of New York which we are not again accessible to job in two or three hours suddenly much less. I see only now, some people say, well, they are clogging streets. So the traffic has slowed down a bit. Wait a minute here. If you look at the street of New York, I calculated it in my book. I say, I think something like 25% is used by cars which are parked full time, free of charge. In the street. So if you are serious about congestion and the congestion

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  7. I will remove all floor ratio restriction. I will remove the minimum floor space and I will make sure that No developer ever get a holiday on puppet attacks. I think this is too convenient for politicians. It never appears in the budget. It's just a decrease in the revenue. And I think that part of the problem we have in infrastructure is precisely that. So I think that that will be what I will recommend. Now, does that have a chance to be, you know, again, you ask me something magic here?

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  8. Deteriorates, she should take responsibility. And the only action they can have increase the speed of transport expand it and increase, you know, let the people decide where they want to leave, how much they want in terms of land and floor space. And this should not be regulated.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  9. Case in South Africa, in Johannesburg, where a woman was fully employed at a subsidized house so she was not poor by any standard and she had a regular job above the minimum wage, but she was commuting five hours a day. Her life is ruined. This is the new proletariat. There is no possibility of having a family life. All the advantage of a city disappear if you commute five hours a day. So I think that here urban planners or managers of cities, sometimes I use urban planners as scapegoat. I mean, in fact, anybody who is involved in managing cities, they have a responsibility for that. They should have indicators about this commuting time and standard of housing and affordability. And when this

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  10. Trick here. And at the same time, they do not, so they force people to consume more land and more floor space than they will want. At the same time, they reduce the supply of land by not developing enough infrastructure or transport. We have been talking about the deterioration of transport in New York City. That affect direct affordability. That means that our school teacher will have to leave at maybe an hour and a half for his school and so one way that means three hours the new proletariat now in cities are not the people who are starving or have no clothes like in the industrial revolution. The new proletariat are the people who are commuting back and forth three hours or four hours a day.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  11. Is a house, or large is a land it is using and its location. Users should be able to make trade-off between those three things. And they are able to make it visually. User cannot make trade off between good fire regulation and bad fire regulation. We don't know how to do that. So I'm not again, it could be that some fire regulation or maybe over design or something, but I have no opinion on that. But I don't see that there is any purpose in limiting artificially the amount of flaw space, the amount of land in a certain location. Most of our regulation, that means that they force people to consume more land than they would otherwise, if not, there will be no reason. At the same time, they put a minimum flow space for apartment in New York now, if I remember well, is something like 40 square meters or something like that.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  12. I will say 40 minutes commute from his school or air school, there's something wrong in your system. And it is not rent control and it is not inclusive zoning which will solve the problem because for each of these solutions they will have to be on their waiting list. For rent control, the school teacher will have to wait for somebody who is under hand control or die even maybe not because rent control is usually inherited from So you see we have to find a solution for this and the solution is usually increased supply now increasing supply means increasing supply by removing absurd regulation I'm not talking here by the way about fire regulation or sanitation regulation I'm talking about regulation that the consumer can see how large

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  13. At different location, if we have a system which tie the subsidy to where we live, we lose this mobility and it doesn't benefit anybody else. My criteria for affordability is that not to look at very poor people, which indeed if they have bad health or bad luck, the country should take care of them. I have no problem with that if they have subsidized housing. If you have, for instance, a school teacher, no job is more indispensable to the life of a

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  14. If you look for a house and you have to be on a waiting list on 10 years to go on public housing or to go on inclusive zoning, you know, the house is provided in Europe by inclusive zoning, or you have a lottery. Inclusive zoning, you have usually 120 units, and you have a lottery, you have 150,000 applicants. This is not serious. Waiting list is not serious. The market should be in and moving out. When you are in a subsidized house, if you are in rent control house, you will never move because your subsidy is entirely. So you have no market, so you have no mobility. The idea of housing is mobility at different time of our life. We want to move from one type of house to another.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  15. If it is more than 2 or 3 or 4 percent of the population, you'll have to adjust what is minimum acceptable, socially acceptable standard. For the rest of the population, housing should be provided by the market. What do I mean by that? I mean that

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  16. As soon as you try to find a solution to affordability and you look outside the market, how the market works, immediately you end up like somebody will say, I want to invent an airplane, but I'm going to not take into account gravity. You don't want to fly in this airplane. As soon as you When there is a problem of affordability, and many cities now have this problem, you have some people who are very poor and cannot afford Cannot afford a standard of housing which is above what is, let's say, the minimum socially acceptable in this city. So, you have to establish how many of those people are there, and usually...

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  17. Well, yes, rent control. Sometimes I compare market to gravity. And gravity is always there. Sometimes you want to counter gravity, the outcome of gravity is not always, you know, you want to break it. For instance, you invent airplane or you invent helicopter or balloon. That means that you understand gravity very well in order to solve a problem. If you look at, so you have some people who say, well, I don't believe in gravity and they invent flying carpet. A flying carpet has advantage on a helicopter or a plane that he doesn't pollute. It's more comfortable. It's land in your backyard. And rent control is a flying carpet. You see, it's

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  18. Is done by people and they have a very, very good reason for doing it sometimes distorted by regulation or something like that. That's true, discrimination. But you have to understand why. Now, after Google Earth, then it's very different because now I look at an image of Google Earth and I select some neighborhoods in advance that I want to visit, which intrigued me. Why are they there? This seems particularly dense or not dense at all. So I will select, I will, rather than going at random, I will select places based on my interpretation of Google Earth.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  19. So before Google Earth, I will just walk randomly through the city and usually start from the center and to have a cross section toward the suburbs and I will just walk for hours. And just as my father recommended, look. And with the idea that nothing in a city is random, that if you see a barbershop at a corner, it's because the owner of the barbershop found that it was a best place for his business to be there. And if you see a tall building next to a short building, it has a reason to. And you have to try to understand why it is there. Do not think, you know, one word I hate that the World Bank use all the time is a report, is urbanization is haphazard. There is no such thing.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  20. I never comment on city where I've never been or never worked. So I have difficulties talking about Indianapolis in this case. I think that every city have a chance, but it's a chance. I mean, it's luck sometime. And they can develop or stagnate. Cities are very much like individuals. We all have the same physiology, but we have different culture. But we have also different luck, you know, like being born in 1939. And so I cannot really comment on Indianapolis again because I never comment on cities, I don't know.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  21. I don't know. I will have to, yeah, that's a good question, actually, when you think of it. I never thought of that. You know, it's difficult to imagine Paris not being the capital city. But on the other hand, Or is it that the capital city become a business city like, say, Washington, for instance, now expanded much more beyond, you know, if you compare, say, to Canberra or Basilia, it has expanded much more. I will think about it. Sorry, I cannot answer it.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  22. Was a paper math. There was no chief, yes. He said, You know, you enter this church there. What did you see on the left of the entrance? So I better remember the Tintoretto was there, you know, because my father always told me when you travel, you don't look enough. Every time he traveled a lot, they say, I've not looked enough. I've not looked enough. And this was ingrained in me all the time. And now another comparative advantage was to marry Marion, yes. You know, there are not many women when we had this nice job with a city planning commission in New York in 68. And I told her, well, this is happening for a job as urban planner in Sana'a Yemen. And she says, great, let's go. I don't know again, I don't know if any woman would have heard that with such enthusiasm. I didn't have to prodder or anything. She was as enthusiastic as I was.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  23. Not that many, not that many. And my parents were not thrilled, I tell you. I was born three months before the war, you know, so started. But yes, okay, then we go back. My father had a cult of travel. I traveled a lot himself. He will bring me when I was 13, 14 years old, he will go for his business to Italy, for instance, to Palma Bologna. I was 12 years old, I guess. He will give me a map of the city. He will say you have to go there, there, there, there. Here you probably could have a good lunch, and I meet you tonight at the restaurant with my clients there. And so I will spend the day with my map going around. And then in the evening my father will say, okay.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  24. Not that I wish him to be Inspector Liberalist, but at 25 years old. So, you know, this idea that you graduate from a Western university at the time of decolonization, this gives you an opportunity. When I arrive in Chandigarh, you know, I was 23, I had taken a year off from the ⁇ cole de Beaux-Asard, and I arrived at the office of Pierre Jan ⁇ r ⁇ Chandigarh, and I say, you know, I'm looking for a job. It gives me a job right away. Okay, it was 60 rupees a month, but it was a job. And now a Frenchman going to Hyderabad and say, I'm looking for a job. I'm 23 years old. You know, nobody will take him so. I mean, he will be kicked out of the office right away.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  25. Been born in 1939. I was brought up during the war, so comfort, you know, I could adjust, I knew that you could adjust your comfort to whatever is available and you don't die from it. Then the other advantage for my wife and I was that we graduated at the time of decolonization and the law of countries were absolutely desperate for people who were just at the minimum skill you have when you just get out of university. In my book I talk about even I was not graduated in Algeria two years after independence I was inspector de Urbanism you know I was 25 years old nobody now graduating from any school would be Inspector de Lebanese Matrade

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  26. The family now is suing the entire region because they thought that they didn't look for him fast enough. There were tens of helicopters, but they didn't look at him fast enough. I think that as soon as you have a liability like that, you destroy any initiative, personal initiative, like hitchhiking was a form of freedom, which was very interesting.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  27. Be, you know, all sorts of things that the guy is smoking and you have inhaled a smoke or something like that. Or that the guy drops you in the wrong place and you get mugged and so you can sue the driver. So as soon as you do that, you completely discourage this freeloading. I think it's, you know, again, we will see that not only, I think, for we'll see that for mountain climbing also, I think. There is a tendency before I have a lot of friends who died in avalanche. It will have never, never occurred to anybody to sue the village or the mountain where Avalanche took place. And now it's a common thing. I see recently in Italy there was a hiker, he was alone, he get lost.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  28. Yes. When I was in Shaiking, you know, when I was a student, I was chiking all over Europe. And obviously sometimes there would be an accident. A shiker would be hurt. It will never occur to anybody to sue the driver. And sometimes, you know, I had, you know, I took hike in cars where the driver was completely drunk. I mean, this happened. But it will have never occurred to my parents if I had died to sue the driver. And I think that came slowly, probably from the United States. And as soon as you are not, as soon as you are liable for your passenger and then first it can be the accident after it can be something else.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  29. We can control it to preserve our freedom is precisely the government using it and having extremely strict rules about how to use it so that we don't end up like in China to have your personal files fed by the

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  30. It reminds me of the Japanese in the 16th, 17th century, they ban firearms because they thought that it was unfair for somebody who was a good swordsmanship to be killed by somebody with an archebus who had no skills. They managed because they were in Ireland very well controlled to keep the technology out for some years. And then Commodore Perry came. I don't think you can disinvent technology. I don't think, you know, you could say you could have a law which prevent the government from having cameras run by government, but then you will have cameras run by the department store and you will see that the police have access to it. Eventually, so you cannot disseminate it. The only way...

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  31. I hope it depends if we keep tab on our own government. I think it's our control of the government. We cannot. We cannot avoid when technology is invented, you cannot disinvent it.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  32. Love gadget. You know, they call it smart. I call that gadgets. Some are interesting. Some are probably very interesting. But it is at a stage where it's only if it's replicated at a city scale that we will know if these gadgets are really interesting or not. So I think they oversold it. And it's going to probably blow in their face. That's my

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  33. Well, you know, I have nothing against a real estate operation done by Google in Toronto. I have a problem when they say that on a piece of land which is basically the size of Washington Square, they are going to solve a housing problem, poverty, transport, pollution. I have a problem with that. I think that the salesmanship, again, a bit like the Amazon thing, the salesmanship was terrible. You know, if they were saying, look, we are going to do a real estate operation, we are going to monitor what is a real cost of, for instance, building five-story building in woods, whether it makes sense or not, that's fine. I visited it, Marion SI visited it a few months ago, and I see

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  34. Not because of density, because of deficient infrastructure, yes, and because of the monopoly of the Delhi Development Authority on land development.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  35. Economy in city is working based on people not having Huko. If all the people having Huko were kicked out and pushed back where they belong in the countryside, the Chinese economy will collapse.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  36. It's a terrible idea the way you sit in the ecosystem is clear. It's just a tax on poverty because people come to the city to work and they will pay whatever tax. So you are just paying for being poor. It doesn't restrict people. It has also, instead of bringing their children, very often they leave their children in the countryside because in the countryside the school will be free. And then that means, again, that young people who could be integrated in the city much faster if they came as children will come much later. So it's a terrible system as all point of view. I don't think it's the equivalent of a congestion tax because it doesn't prevent people from coming to cities. And actually, the Chinese...

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  37. In a private parking, you don't pay anymore, you pay for really the use of the road. I always don't think I put it in my book, but I always say that roads, urban roads should be priced like a cheap motel, you know, by every 10 minutes. You are just price depending on the demand and the thing. And the location and the day of the week.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  38. What bothered me about the approach is that they are saying congestion pricing as a new tax on people. You know, it's not a tax, it's a way of efficiently using road. If you look at it as a cash car, it doesn't work. It doesn't make sense at all. You have to maximize the use of road and so you have to price it differently depending on the hours. I will even go to the system of Singapore when you look at the discussion of pricing in Manhattan. We are far from it. Singapore which now is going to price car not only different parts of the city, different price at different times, but also how long you use a road. That means if you park your car.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  39. Yes, of course, we will have contradictions. The road is infinite within the city. In a way to control the demand rather than supply, you cannot expand supply. You can expand the supply of housing as much as you want. You cannot expand the supply of existing road. So pricing, yes, is the only way to do it, yes, probably. So that's why your food, if you ask, if you order your food every 10 minutes, your food is going to be very expensive.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  40. Positive aspect of self-driving car is that they will consume much less real estate. Because if you go on Fifth Avenue at 25 miles an hour, which is the speed limit, you need about, if I remember well, 85 square meters of road because of the distance between two cars because you need a two second reaction time. If you have a self-driving car, you could have a self-driving car within a meter of each other. So you save on real estate. Urban transport is a real estate problem.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  41. I was extremely optimistic about self-driving car. I remember being invited with Marioness. We were invited at Google twice to discuss precisely what would be the impact on cities of self-driving cars. And at the time, what Eric Colsom, I think, was the head of the self-driving division at Google's. And when we ask him, when do you think this self-driving car would be operational, we found them in cities? He said, well, I have a daughter who is 10 years old. And I think by the time she's in the age of having a driving license, I hope that the Google car will be operational in the city. That was about 10 years ago. And so I think that eventually it will come. One of the most

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  42. I think that institutions like the World Bank are like people. They age and they deteriorate. And at a certain time, you have to bury them and then build a new one. I'm not saying, by the way, that the job that the World Bank is doing, still doing is not useful. I think there are a lot of useful things. But I think that creating a new one, it's a bit like Charter City. It's shorter a while back.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  43. Pollution still is much more productive. The productivity of people working in Jakarta is much, much higher than a city like Bandung, for instance, which is rather pleasant to live in. So there is something about this agglomeration of people used to work together with different talents, different things, which make it efficient. I don't think you can translate, you can move this efficiency in a new Brasilia, in the middle of Calimanta.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  44. The hills to Abogoa, for instance, are completely viable. So it's possible you could have a translation, some maybe 5 million people moving slightly south from the sea toward Bogor. But I think that Bangkok had the same problem some years ago because for the same reason people were pumping water, the water table, so the city was sinking. And eventually they managed to stop that. And so Bangkok is still flooded from time to time. It's not quite on the seaside the way Jakarta is. But I think that technology should be the solution for Jakarta. I think that it would be a terrible mistake. Don't forget that Jakarta traffic jam, enormous traffic jam.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  45. No, yeah, right. In Jakarta, if we take Jabota Bay area, the metropolitan area of Jakarta, now it's about 30 million people, those 30 million people live together, have developed relationships together, you cannot move them. I think it will be much more efficient to look at maybe some part of Jakarta, the part which is closer to the sea, the old Jakarta, maybe have to be sacrificed, but certainly moving Jakarta, I think, is impossible. And it's not feasible. What I fear with the new city is that a lot of resources will be taken away from Jakarta and put in the middle of Kalimantan instead of involving. Again, it's possible that Jakarta needs some kind of operation, you know, cutting a limb or something, but there are still many areas which are completely viable.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  46. Wall Street, of course. Well, certainly not Saudi Arabia, but probably Jordan seems to me, or maybe even part of Syria, if I don't know if there was some change of government.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  47. Because they will have to deal with their refugee problem, and it's not going to vanish, and probably shorter city will be the only way to solve it. Also because the Middle East has a lot of desert. And it will be difficult to establish a shorter city, let's say, in Bangladesh, for instance, where every land is cultivated. But if you have a large piece of desert which has no alternative use, I think it will be a good way of starting a shorter city. And the demand is really the refugees. Especially in the Middle East, you have a mix of refugees with all sorts of skills, you know, some in skill, but some highly skilled. And that will be perfect for shortless city.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  48. I don't know. I have noticed that. I know it because I live in El Salvador. But, you know, why there is such violence for us in a country like Brazil? I don't know. Is it a history that the long shadow of history? I don't know. Yes, I have no idea. But it's puzzled me a lot. Because violence in cities really decrease the enjoyment, the efficiency of city, obviously.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  49. remove without compensation but I don't make necessarily a very strong boundary between formal and informal. I think there can be a lot of property right which are just there and as effective you know you want property right for transaction and I think those informal property rights could guarantee very fair transaction the same way as formal one.

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  50. And finance it because Indonesia was such a big client and the World Bank is still a bank. You need to lend money at the end of the day. So eventually what we found is that when people are then fast structure, they had the water meter, they had water, and they had a water bill and they would pay the bill. And the bill itself was an address. In order to have a bill, you have an address. The bill was a proxy for a property title when some people made study about that. They found that a property guaranteed by a water bill was discounted maybe about 10% compared to a formal thing. So you see I don't necessarily make a, you know, I think poppy are very important, but it's a guarantee that you will not be

    2019-09-25 · Conversations with Tyler · Alain Bertaud on Cities, Markets, and People · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source