YouSaid · the spoken record
Christopher Capozzola
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- 2022-09-14
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- 2022-09-14
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“I think this is where. There is often a handoff from the historian to the clergy. But in the end, it's less distance between the two than you think. That if you think about some of the kind of answers to that question, what is the meaning of life that are given from religious traditions? Often they have a fundamentally historical core, right? It's about unifying the past and the present in some other. Non earthly sort of dimension. And so I think there is that. I think even for people who don't have religious belief, there's a way in which history is about the shared human condition. I think historians aspire to telling all of that story, right? We drill down on the miseries of war and depressions and so forth. But the story is not complete without blueberries and butterflies and all the rest that go with it.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yeah, because human beings are deeply resilient and creative, even under far more difficult circumstances than we face right now.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Warm up. Before you write it, if I did, I think. I think I would advise students that history teaches that you should be more optimistic than your current surroundings suggest, right? And I think it would be very easy as a young person today to think there's nothing I can do about this politics. There's nothing I can say to this person on the other side of the aisle. There's nothing I can do about the planet, et cetera and just sort of give up. And I think history teaches that, you know, We don't know who the winners and losers are in the long run, but we know that the people who give up are always the losers.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“And I think that we can say that with some certainty. But I always like to point to President Harry Truman, who left office with some truly abysmal presidential ratings, was dismissed throughout his presidency, as unqualified, as not knowing what he was doing, et cetera. And then turns out with hindsight, we know that he was better at the job than anyone understood, better at getting elected, right? You remember that sign, do he defeats Truman? He showed them, and better at holding power and better at sort of building the kind of institutions that long after he was gone demonstrated that he won the long game.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Some ways better at the doing than at the getting elected, that he at the election of 1860 is just a hot mess that could have worked out many different ways. And even the election of 1864, when we have a presidential election in the middle of a civil war, it was not a foregone conclusion that Lincoln would be re-elected. So, you know, both times he sort of campaigner by any means, but he was a master politician as a governor.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Obviously, it helps that he's a remarkable speaker and able to convey those kinds of visions. But he is first and foremost a politician and probably the best one we have.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“He was willing to relinquish power. Lincoln has the combination of personal leadership, of fundamental moral character, and just the ability to kind of fight of politics, to play the game of it, to get where he's going, to play the short game and the long game, to kind of work with his enemies to block them when he had to. And he gets the United States through the Civil War. So you got to give him some credit for that.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“No, I think the lesson is maybe one that we talked about earlier there's this dynamic dance between leaders, whether totalitarian leaders or leaders of democratic movements and the people that they're leading. And sometimes it works and sometimes it doesn't.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“So there are global movements for democratization, for opening up throughout the world starting in the 1980s. And obviously they continue in Eastern Europe with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. I say it hits the wall in China with the protests in Tiananmen Square that are blocked and that are crushed. And I think represent a real sort of turning point in the history of democratic institutions on a global scale in the late 20th century.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“American policy throughout his administration. The Reagan administration, Ronald Reagan's president at the time, basically chooses not to support him. That's a personally wrenching decision for Reagan himself. But he's being shaped in many ways by the emerging voices of neoconservative political foreign policy voices, in particular Paul Wolfowitz and the State Department and others who see sort of movements for democracy and democratization that then kind of take fire in the late 20th century in Latin America, in South Korea, in Eastern Europe, and all around the world until it hits the wall in Tiennam and Square in June 1989.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“In 1986, the president of the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos, is overthrown by a popular revolution known as people power in the wake of a contested and probably almost certainly rigged election that sort of confirms his rule. When that is overturned through sort of mass movements in the Philippines, it's also sort of confirmed in many ways by the reluctance of the United States to intervene to prop up a Cold War ally for Denmark.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Well, that's the interesting part, right? Is that the book focuses in particular on Filipinos who fight with the Americans, who fought in the U.S. Army and Navy over the course of the 20th century? And they are in a fundamentally ironic position. They are from the Philippines and they're fighting for the United States, which is the colonial power occupying their country. And I think that irony persists, right? So if you look at sort of polling data where they ask people all around the world, do you think positively or negatively about the United States, that the highest responses are from the Philippines? Filipinos view the United States more favorably than people from any other country in the world, including America, right? They're think more favorably of Americans than Americans do. And so, you know, sort of unpacking that irony is part of what I'm trying to get at in the moment.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Right. So I start in 1898 with the US invasion of the Philippines, its conquest and annexation. And I think in many ways this is a defining conflict of the 20th century that's often completely overlooked or described, I think, incorrectly as merely a war with Spain, right? The war in the Philippines is our first extended overseas conflict, our first conflict in what would come to be called the developing world or third world. It's a form of counterinsurgency. You know, this is the US Army sort of learning lessons that are then repeated again in the Second World War in Korea, Vietnam, and even after 9-11.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yeah, I came to this book Bound by War from a sense that our stories were too lopsided toward Europe, right? That American history, when viewed from the Pacific, specifically in the 20th century, helps us understand American power in some new ways. Not only American projection of power into Asia, right, but also the ways in which American power affected people in Asia, either as in places like the Philippines where the United States had a colony for almost 50 years, or Asian Americans, people who had migrated or their descendants in the United States. And those linkages between the United States and Asia, particularly the US-Philippine connection, I think were something that needed to be traced across the 20th century because it's a way kind of A new way of seeing American power from a different angle. You see it in that way”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“And yeah, absolutely. After all of these things, right? And so on the one hand, they take partisanship and contentious elections for granted. They don't, I think, share some vision that things were, you know, things used to be different. They don't remember a world that had lots of moderate Democrats and liberal Republicans and sort of running around in it. So in some ways, it's a way of looking back into the past to find other ways of organizing our politics. It's also a way of reassuring students that we have been through contentious and even sort of violent elections before in our history. And that people have defended the right to vote, right? People have risked their lives to vote. I think they will understand that as well.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“I think It's worth remembering that the students who are typical American student who's in college right now has lived their entire life after the election of 2000 and Bush v. Gore, right? After 2000.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“We put all this money into the government, and then we should, as a people, there are more democratic ways of sort of how we spend it. And I think the most urgent in some level is a more democratic form of foreign policymaking, right? That foreign policymaking, decision-making about the military, about foreign policy is in various ways insulated from popular participation in modern American history. And I think technology is not going to solve this. It's a combination of technology and human creativity, but I think we can start heading that direction. We get there before we get to Mars. I don't know.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“I don't think we have to go to Mars to do it. I think. Answer is not to flip a switch and turn on something called pure democracy when people are not ready for it, when their incentive structures are not sort of structured for it, but you can experiment with more democratic forms of governance one after another, right? Whether it's sort of experimenting with technology to find new ways of getting greater rates of participation in democracy, I think that we see some experiments in sort of more complicated systems of voting that in fact might actually be more reflective of people's choices than simply picking one candidate, right? Sort of rank choice voting or runoffs, other kinds of things. I think that we can think more creatively about something like participatory budgeting. Right in which”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Well, I think it's both for journalists and historians, the challenge is not to be too close to your subject, right? And, you know, not to be overly influenced and used by them. When you're talking to a living subject, which historians do, it's a matter of making sure that you triangulate their story with the rest of the record, right? And that may paint a different picture of the person and will prevent you as a journalist or a historian from kind of just telling someone else's story. And so, and historians also have the benefit of going back 30, 40 years and finding all the other stories and figuring out playing two truths and a lie, you know, which parts are accurate. which are not. And journalists do that work in a day-to-day basis, but historians, you know, we get a little more time to think about what we're doing.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“I think, I mean, this is a difficult question for historians who want sort of want. To make sure that they know sort of what Americans are thinking and talking about for centuries later. So one of the things that When President Trump was banned from Twitter, his account was also deleted. And that is one of the most valuable sources that historians will use to understand the era. And parts of it were sort of archived and reconstructed. But in that sense, I think that that is also a real loss to the historical record. I mean, I think that your podcast shows you'll talk to anyone. I'm here, right? Right.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“You would, but the system sorts it out, right? You know, that the primary systems and the party candidate selection systems will favor sort of more partisan views, right? More conservative Republicans, more liberal Democrats as the kind of center candidates.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“We do know that President Trump doesn't like to start things he can't win. And if the polling data suggests that he's not a credible candidate, he might be reluctant to enter the race and might find more appealing the kind of sideline kind of Kingmaker role that he's been crafting since he left the White House. You know, I think there are plenty of people who are dreaming that there's some sort of centrist candidate, whether it's a conservative Democrat or a liberal Republican who will save us from all of this, either within a party or in a third party run. I don't think that's likely.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“I think I can historians don't like to predict the future, but I can predict this one that it will not be calm and stabilized election. I think as of the time that we're talking in 2022, there are too many open questions, particularly about whether Joe Biden will run for re-election. He says he will. But the jury, I think, is out on that. I can't predict whether Donald Trump will run for election or not. I think”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“A strong democracy can and should and will be. I mean, I think the other thing a historian will tell you about Twitter is that this too shall pass, right? But I do think the structures of the platform, of the algorithm of this and other major players are eligible for scrutiny by democratic institutions.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Maybe in the sense and the ways in which a wave has the power to wash away sand, it's still the medium, right? It's not in itself an actor. It's how actors use the platform. Which requires us to scrutinize the structure of the platform and access to it.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, they need, uh. Need to do that. But I'm struck by some of the things that you said, ways in which Twitter has the power to shape the conversation. And I don't think in a democratic society democratic polities should cede that power to for-profit companies.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, I think, I mean, the simple fact of the matter is, you know, Twitter is a platform. It has rules of service. Twitter concluded that President Trump had violated the terms of service and blocked him, right? And if you have rules, you have to enforce them. Did it have consequences? It had direct and predictable consequences of creating Sense among millions of Americans that Twitter had taken aside in politics were confirming their belief that it had done so. Will it have unintended consequences? You know, this is where the historian can come in and say, yes, there's always unintended consequences. And we don't know sort of what it would mean for political figures to be excluded from various media platforms under sort of under these notions that they had violated terms of service, et cetera. So I guess we'll see where I would”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Has not changed what it means to be an American citizen. It may have changed the day-to-day sound of being and the experience of it. It got noisier, it got louder, and it got more decentered. I think Twitter's paradoxical. On the one hand, it is a fundamentally democratic platform, right? And in some ways it democratizes institutions that had gatekeepers and authority figures for a very long time. But on the other hand, it's not a democratic institution at all. It's a for-profit corporation. It operates under those principles. And so that said, it's an institution of American and global life. that the people of the United States have the authority to regulate or reshape as they see fit, both that and other major media players.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Diagnosing the incentive structure or depicting that with 100% accuracy. But I think history teaches that you might be giving the media too much sort of causal power that the American people are smarter than the media that they consume. And even today, we know that people who consume people who consume just Fox or just MSNBC know what they're consuming, right? And, you know, so I don't think that media will be the solution. And I certainly don't think that returning to a media structure of the mid-20th century with three news channels that all tell us one story is that's no golden age that we're trying to get back to. For sure.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, as of today. But I do think that those. That will require oversight by institutions, ideally ones that are insulated as much as possible from partisan politics, which is very difficult right now. And it will require the demands of the American people that they want these elections to be fair and secure. And that means being willing to lose them regardless of which party you're in favor of.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Try to sort of determine the outcome of an election. We see this in the Reconstruction period, right, when the Ku Klux Klan shows up to kind of block the doors for black voters in the South, that this history is not new. It's there. I think the reason why I think that the system is sound is not, or the reason when I say I believe that the election system is fundamentally sound. It's not, I'm not trying to be reassuring or encouraged complacency. I'm saying like, you know, this is something that we need to do and to work on.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“So, yes, there is interference in elections, and there has been in American history, right? And we can go all the way back into the 18th century. You don't have to go back to Texas in the 1960s, an LBJ, to find examples of direct interference in the outcome of elections. And there are incentives to do that. Those incentives will only feel more existential as hyperpartisanship makes people think that the outcome of the elections are a matter of black and white or life and death. You will see people sort of organizing every way they can to shape elections, right? We saw this in the 1850s when settlers, you know, pro and anti-slavery sort of flooded into Kansas.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Regardless of which side of the political spectrum they're coming from, they're looking for an answer. They're looking for that one answer, for what is in fact a complex system. So, you know, on the left, when they say rigged, they may be pointing to a wide range of ways in which they think that the system is tilted through gerrymandering, sort of misrepresentation through the electoral college. On the right, when people say rigged, they may be concerned about voter security, about ways in which the media mainstream media may control messages and in which in both cases. The feeling is my It's articulated as my vote didn't get counted right. But the deeper concern is my vote doesn't count. My voice isn't being heard. So no, I don't think the elections are rigged.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“I think the American election system is fundamentally sound and reliable. And I think that the evidence is clear for that, regardless of which election you're looking at in some ways, whether even you look at a presidential election or even a local county election for dog catcher or something, that the amount of sort of time and resources and precision that go into voter registration, vote counting, certification processes are crucial to democratic institutions. Think when someone says rigged.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Think we're figuring that out in real time, right? On the one hand, it's easy to say that it's a feature of a political system that has two parties, right? And the United States is in some ways unique in not being a parliamentary democracy. And so in some ways, you would think that would be the feature that is causing partisanship and to reach these heights. That said, we can even see in parliamentary systems all around the world that the same kinds of rhetorics of irreconcilable division, kind of politics of emotion are proliferating around the world. Some of that, as you say, I think is not as real as it appears on television, on social media, and other formats. So, you know, I don't know that other countries are that are experiencing sort of political conflict. I'm not sure that they're deeply divided either.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Has we are, it hasn't, it hasn't. I mean, I do think right now is different. And there it's worth distinguishing are there deep social or economic divisions, which I don't actually think that there are versus partisanship in particular, sort of the rivalry between the two parties. And it's very clear that we are in an era of what political scientists call hyperpartisanship, right? And that the two parties have taken sort of fundamentally different positions and moved further apart from one another. And that is what I think people talk about when they say our country is divided. So the country may not be divided even if our politics are highly partisan. That is a divergence from other time periods in our history.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, obviously, we are a divided country in our rhetoric, in our day-to-day politics. We are nowhere near as divided as we have been in other periods in our history, right? The most obvious, of course, being the American Civil War, right, 150 years ago. And the distinction is not just that we haven't come to blows, but that we are fundamentally one society, one economy, and sort of deeply integrated as a nation, both domestically and on the world stage in ways that look nothing like the United States in 1861. Will there be, will political rhetoric continue to be extreme? Of course, but we're not as divided as people think we are.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“And I think World War II, Britain is a good example of that. It is clearly a dynamic leader who has his pulse on what the people want and demand and are willing to do. And it's a dynamic art of leading that and shaping those wants at the same time as knowing that you're bound by them.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“They do that it was mass movements by people in the United States for the nuclear freeze, in Russia pushing for openness that brought, for example, Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev to Reykjavik to sort of debate and eventually sort of put caps on nuclear weapons. Those two people made choices in the room that made that possible. But they were both being pushed and knew they were being pushed by their people.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, leaders can stop war if they get into the room when they understand from the masses in their countries that war is something that they want to stop.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, it's again, it's the idea of using military force to solve political problems. And I think there's a squandering of goodwill that people have around the world towards the United States. That's a respect for its economy, for its consumer products and so forth. And I think that's been lost, a lot of that.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“They did, and people who had been told that their lives were cheap remembered that. And it sort of reshapes mass politics for the rest of the 20th century, both in Europe and around the world.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“I think The lesson Would want everyone to take from the story of the First World War is that Human life is not cheap. That all of the warring powers thought that just by throwing more men and more material at the front, they would solve their political problems with military force. And at the end of the day, in 1918, one side did win that, but it didn't actually solve any of those political problems.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yes, or figuring out how to turn enemies into rivals and competitors. There's a real difference. You know, you can compete with competitors. You fight with enemies.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yeah, and I mean, I don't want to paint too rosy a picture. And certainly, you know, the United States as a nation has often found it easier to define ourselves against something than to clarify exactly what we're for.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“The other, right? Fearing the other, saying, yeah, you're part of this nation against all others. And I think there's a long tradition in America of a very inclusive nationalism that is open, inclusive, welcoming, and new people to this shared project. That's something to be defended. Exclusionary nationalisms based on ethnic hatreds and others that we see throughout the world, those are things to be afraid of.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“To me, I think nationalism is crucial in a world organized around nation states. And you have to sort of believe that you are engaged in a common project together, right? And so, you know, in the contemporary United States, in some ways, that question is actually on the table in ways that it hasn't been in the past. But you have to believe that you're engaged in a common project, that you have something in common with the person with whom you share this nation. And that you would sacrifice for them, whether it's by paying taxes for them or, you know, or going to war to defend them. That's a vision of what we might call civic nationalism. That's the good version. The question is whether you can have that without having exclusionary nationalism, you know, hating.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“They're different, right? Patriotism. Patriotism is in some ways best thought of as an emotion and a feeling of love of country, right? You know, literally. And in some ways, that's a necessary condition to participate in nationalism.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yeah, absolutely. And you get also a sense of possibility. There's this famous line, right? That those who do not learn history are condemned to repeat it. But I think the other half is true as well, which is those who do not learn history don't get the chance to repeat it. We're not the first people on this planet to face any certain kinds of problems. Other people have lived through worlds like this one before.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source
“Yeah, I mean, I think we need historical imagination. And I think historical imagination teaches something very valuable, which is humility to realize that There are other people who've lived on this planet and they organize their lives differently. And they made it through just fine too. And I think that that kind of meeting other people from the past can be actually a very useful skill for meeting people unlike you in the present.”
2022-09-14 · Lex Fridman Podcast · #320 – Christopher Capozzola: World War I, Ideology, Propaganda, and Politics · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source