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Julia Gillard

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2022-11-04
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2022-11-04
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  1. It's not my principal code Yeah, yeah, it's not my principal code, but my dad being Welsh, obviously, did love rugby. So whatever competition Australia's in, I'm obviously barracking for Australia.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  2. Yeah, I try and, you know, maybe I've breached some of it in this discussion just because you're drawing me out on it. But, you know, what I try and do is I do talk about politics. I'm happy to talk about politics. I mean, politics has been my lifeblood for so much of my adult life. But I try and pull back and look at the bigger trends that are shaping things. I most certainly never drop into Australian politics now to say Jim Chalmer's in his budget definitely should do this with tax rates. I never do any of that. I try and pull back to what are the big tidal movements underneath, not what's the froth and bubble on the surface.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  3. As strongly as he should when we were trying to come out of the pandemic. I think he did and some of his team did try and play some culture war issues into correct their political course. So I think they knew that they had that baggage gathering around them so they thought they'd try something a bit different but it didn't work.

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  4. I think actually Scott Morrison, I mean, he was a very sure-footed campaigner in 2019. He increasingly seemed to lose his footing and not show those campaign skills again. I think the various of the responses to COVID and particularly the emergence from COVID, the slow rollout of the vaccine, all of this came to cost him quite dearly. Early in his term in office, he'd said when we had the season of incredibly bad bushfires and he was on holiday in Hawaii, I don't hold a hosemate when challenged about why he hadn't come back to Australia more quickly. And I think that wording came back to haunt him because people saw him as not having his hands on the tiller.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  5. And numbers of people do take that choice, but overwhelmingly people vote. And so it means that, you know, your politics ultimately has to be about the mainstream. If Mr. Ms average walking up and down their high streets, to use a British term, we wouldn't use in Australia, but to paint the picture here, if Mr, Mrs. Miz Average in their high streets aren't voting for you, then you can't win. And it does mean that a lot of the so-called culture war issues, which particularly end up with a lot of purchase in somewhere like the US, don't translate strongly into Australian politics because, you know, your average person is pretty sensible. About those things and they don't get carried away to extremes.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  6. I'm a huge advocate of compulsory voting. So just to be clear with people what that means is you must be registered to vote and if you're not registered and you get an opportunity to correct if you're not registered but if you willfully not registered for a long period of time you can be fined and the Australian Electoral Commission does do recruitment campaigns with school children and university young people who are coming of age they're turning 18 they do do door knock in high rental districts where people change housing very frequently to make sure people are enrolled and then at election time you have to go get your ballot paper now if you want to put it in the ballot box blank that's up to you if you want to put a four letter word which best summarises your view of contemporary Australian politics that's up to you

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  7. And what will happen in Australia won't be a reflection of do people like Charles and Camilla? It won't be that. It will be, do people think the time has come and can there be a consensus on the model that would take us forward? So, you know, I would predict we'll, you know, I certainly think I will see this in my lifetime, but I'm also not predicting it tomorrow or the year after. And Prime Minister Albanese has been very clear that it's not the immediate priority or the work of the government in the short term.

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  8. I've always thought that the death of the Queen would lead to a period of reflection in Australia and it would ultimately, and I don't think that this will happen quickly, but it would ultimately lead through that period of reflection into a new energy around a Republican referendum, Australia becoming a republic. When I've said that in the past,

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  9. It is what it is. And, you know, you just move on and other things become important to you. You work with other people. So I really don't obsess about it from any dimension. I don't obsess on what could I have done differently and I don't obsess about the role of others in it.

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  10. How I feel about it now. I mean, honestly, for me, it's been very important to turn the page. And so I'm not a continuing commentator in Australia on Australian politics. I don't do that. Everybody knows I don't do that. The journals don't ring anymore to try and get me to comment on who's up and who's down in Australian politics. I've deliberately turned the page and gone on and done other things that fit with my values. Of course, the Global Institute for Women's Leadership is one of those. The other fantastic opportunity I have here in London is I chair the board of governors of the Wellcome Trust, which is making such a huge difference in our world for science. And part of turning that page means I don't obsess about who did what to who when. I think you've got to just, well,

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  11. No, I don't think when you look at that period in Labour politics, I don't think it's defined by different policy choices or different analysis of the needs of the country. It's really defined by leadership styles and the way people worked with colleagues, in particular the way I worked with colleagues. I think it was the team looking at leadership and governing styles rather than big policy questions and seeing differences. So different in many ways to very different, I think, from what you've seen here in recent days where you would say that Liz Truss offered quite a different policy vision of the future from the one that Rishi Sunak put forward. So it wasn't that kind of difference. I mean, on how...

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  12. Yet there hasn't been a gathering of all of us, I don't think, since I was actually Prime Minister, actually many of them would have been at Bob Hawke's funeral, but I wasn't able to be there, so I did a video message. So there hasn't been, you know, we don't have as much protocol around changes of government and changes of Prime Minister and stuff like that as you do. So I suspect there aren't as many times in Australia that the call would go out to all of us as the call goes out here. So no, I mean, I just really don't see either Kevin or Tony. I mean, I've joked when I've been asked about this in the past, you know, we don't all go and live in a cubby house together. We go and get on. With our lives.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  13. Yes, I did know. And Alistair, I think we just need to clarify for listeners. Your appearance in Canberra was an unrelated event. There is not a causal chain here. We'll have people running stories about how you change the course of Australian politics. So yes, you know, look, I knew it was coming. I mean, you know, the sort of sort of Damocles had been over my head for a while. I mean, I think I outran it for a long time, but I knew that it would likely fall at some point. And all you could do in those circumstances is keep the faith that you could with your political colleagues. And I was always as inclusive as possible of the team. But, you know, it's the old Paul Keating line, my Labour predecessor, not a day to waste. And so you just had to make everyday count.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  14. Yeah I understand, but I am also prepared to challenge a little bit. I wrote a book on women and leadership with a great friend of mine, Gozia Conjury Wheeler, who now, of course, is the head of the World Trade Organization, which is a job not for the faint-hearted. And when we would speak about our book and young women would raise their sense of trepidation, Ngozi would say when she was finance minister of Nigeria, she got to put in place a policy which lifted two million subsistence farmers, all women, out of poverty. And she'd say, Who wouldn't want to do that? Like, who wouldn't want to lift two million women out of

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  15. Environment and the great merits of going into politics. I mean, I'm often asked, you know, given how gendered it was, would you do it all again? And my answer is yes, in a heartbeat, absolutely, because the things it enables you to do which make a difference for your community, your country, the world you live in, politics is not the only pathway to be a changemaker, but it's an incredibly empowered pathway. So I'm always, you know, if you've got the passion, you've got the sense of purpose, please get in there.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  16. People saying we know where you are, and I do think that that weighs very heavily on people's shoulders. Amnesty International does global data sets about all of this. And it's undeniable that of the truly hideous social media posts, they are disproportionately directed at women and they are disproportionately directed at women of colour. And I just think we'd be kidding ourselves if we said to each other, oh, that would have no effect. I mean, it has to have an impact on people and on their families and on their preparedness to continue. And it has to send a message to young women. And so I think we've got to be in some ways counteracting that message, not by shielding that truth. I think we have to face that truth. But we've also got to be talking to young women about how we're working to make this a less gendered.

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  17. Yes, I certainly think it is. And if we look at the time of the last election here in the UK, you would recall that there were a number of women who pretty unexpectedly, you know, in the sense that it wasn't the natural time in their political career to say, I'm done, I'm out, I'm not recontesting this election. And when you drilled into that, I mean, you know, everybody's reasons for leaving our individual, but a thread that ran through it was the vile nature of social media, but also the fact that these things don't just stay online. I mean, there are plenty of women politicians with stories about seeing a, you know, hideous tweet threatening rape and murder, and it's come associated with a photograph of their front door.

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  18. College London, and we have a sister institute at the Australian National University in Canberra. And we're trying to do the deep analytical work about what needs to change to equalise women's chances of coming through for leadership in all walks of life and to equalise the reception of their leadership. So it's not viewed through the prism of gender.

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  19. I think that's right. I mean, I don't think I could give that speech if back in those days you'd said to me, you know, a week and a half from now, let's give a rip-snorting speech on misogyny. I don't think I could have given that speech. It could only be given in the moment, in the flow, the way it was. And, you know, I've dedicated a lot of my time since politics to issues around women's leadership. I mean, I went into politics, committed feminist. I've come out of politics, a committed feminist. I've come out of politics with a few bumps and bruises, a few scars around these issues. And I've wanted to devote some of my life's time now to how can we make it easier for the women who are to come. And that's led me to founding the Global Institute for Women's Leadership here at King's

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  20. Trouble, and then you point to a sexist thing. People say, well, she would be saying that, wouldn't she? She's just trying to distract from the fact that she's in the political horrors. So, you know, it's really hard to know. I think, you know, I'm pleased I gave that speech in contemporary Australian politics. It did start a debate. It probably did cement the attitudes of some, the fashionable analysis of the Australian media was that it was pretty much a bad mistake. But, you know, here we are 10 years later still talking about it. So I'm proud that it's come to mean something for women around the world.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  21. Speech because it helps ease that frustration because it was a moment when a woman called it out. So I didn't know I was going to give that speech until I was giving it. Looking back now, I mean, you and I know that one of the fascinating things about politics is you never get to run the control test. So you can theorize about what could have been different, but you'll never quite know. Now I actually wonder whether I would have been better off to call out the sexism early in my time in office and tried to provoke a national debate on it and perhaps disarm it a bit when days for the government were easy. I didn't do that. I thought the sexism was a short-term phenomenon. It would fall away the longer I governed. But what actually happened is the longer we governed, the more controversial the policies we were dealing with, the more gendered the discourse became and the harder it was to call it out because if you're in political

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  22. if he wants to know what misogyny looks like in modern Australia, he doesn't need a motion in the House of Representatives. He needs a miracle. That's what he needs. Misogyny, sexism every day from this Leader of the Opposition, every day in every way across the time the Leader of the Opposition has sat in that chair and I've sat in this chair. That is all we have heard from him. What resonates in the speech now is mostly people aren't interested in that Australian parliamentary context that's sort of fallen away. I think it's come to be something that women in particular who still go out and navigate a sexist world when they've hit a gendered moment and they think, oh, I really should have said X. Why is the best retort in the world come to me at 3am the next morning? They sort of watch that.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  23. To get together Tony Abbott's top 10 sexist quotes I've subsequently joked. They did that in record time. It was not a hard job. I'd ask them to do much more difficult things over the years. And I walked in ready to go for that. But Tony Abbott jumped to his feet and moved emotion. So he voided basically question time and tried to push us onto a motion. And so the speech that's come to be known as the misogyny speech is my speech in reply to his opening speech. And I jotted down some handwritten notes and then jumped up and did it.

    2022-11-04 · The Rest Is Politics · 72. Julia Gillard on Rishi Sunak, compulsory voting and that misogyny speech · IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSCRIPT · source

  24. Work with you and your colleagues that do the sort of tactical management of the chamber to work out what are the things you most likely to get asked that day and then normally the big things running in the media. And the big thing running in the media that day was that the speaker that we had supported to be Speaker of the House of Representatives had been unmasked as having sent some very sexist text messages. And so it was sort of inevitable that he was going to have to go as Speaker and manage his resignation. But I knew as I got ready for question time that what the opposition would be trying to do was skewer me as somehow facilitating sexism because I'd supported this guy to be speaker even though I could not have known about the text messages when I did that but never let a time sequence get in the way of a good parliamentary tactic. So I was ready for question time. I asked my staff

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  25. I'm happy to talk about that. I think I just need to explain one thing about the Australian Parliament so it all makes sense, which is we don't have your very what we would refer to as part-time approach to question time where the Prime Minister only goes occasionally for prime ministerial questions. We have question time every day, the Australian Parliament sits between 2 and 3.30. The Prime Minister is in question time every day. You honestly have to be overseas at the world's most important meeting or in a hospital bed to get out of question time. You have to go and frequently it is the Prime Minister that takes the vast majority of the questions. So on this parliamentary day, I was doing what I did every parliamentary day. I was getting ready for question time and your staff of

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  26. Lynn's mum, Marlene Puloski, used to talk to me about ambitions in life at that stage. I was saying I wanted to be a teacher and she was, no, no, no, you've got to aim for law, you'd be a great lawyer, you're a good debater. And so all of that helped, I think, open my eyes to more possibilities about my life. You know, politics, I think, attracts natural extroverts, but it also attracts people like me who aren't natural extroverts, who I best refresh in my own company, pottering around by myself, but I can go out into the world and glad hand and speak and campaign and all the rest of it. I mean, these are skills that you can learn. But there are some politicians for whom the energy of the crowd is absolutely their oxygen. Bob Hawke was like.

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  27. Yes, it is true. I mean, it started off as a lark, really. Two great friends of mine in school were twin girls, Lynn and Kathy Polofsky. Lynn sadly is no longer with us, but Kathy actually lives here in the UK and is still a friend of mine. And it just started off as this lark that we were going to do high school debating in our government school, which did offer it. And then one of the first propositions we had to argue, this all-girl team, was in favour of the proposition that the man should lead, so that did kind of test us. And, you know, it gave me more of a sense that you could, you know, argue things out as much as the actual practice of debating, though, there was an immersion for me across all of these years and during the debating days into the Puloski family. And Kathy and

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  28. My father was very politically interested. He followed politics in Australia very, very closely. He was a strong Labour man, a strong trade unionist. When we migrated to Australia, he ultimately studied to become a psychiatric nurse, and he ended up with an elected, not one of the paid, but an elected position in the trade union that covered psychiatric nurses. He would work shifts, and when he was home during the daytime, he'd listen to question time on the radio. He'd be interjecting as if he was on the floor of the parliament.

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  29. Yes, absolutely. I mean, you know, tales of whales were told in our family home. I mean, my sister and I always knew where we came from. We always knew we'd migrated. You know, my family's stories, my mum's stories of growing up in Barry. I mean, both of them were children during World War II, so World War II stories. My dad grew up in a coal mining village. I mean, you know, all of this was the backdrop to our family life. You know, Dylan Thomas the whole nine yards. But our lived experience was always Australian.

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  30. Yes, that's right, to be eligible to run for Australian Parliament. You have to renounce the rights and entitlements of any other citizenship that you hold or could conceivably hold. So it's quite a complicated rule. And I certainly gave up my UK citizenship in the run-up to the first election that I stood for, which was when I stood for the Senate in 1996 and I wasn't elected. I should just say on behalf of Wales, because I get chided by the Welsh Tourism Board, it wasn't the only reason we migrated. My father rightly saw a better economic opportunities in Australia for us. And Wales is a wonderful place to visit. No one should be deterred based on the weather.

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  31. Look, from the point of view of the average person, I don't think it's changed that perception at all from the point of view of the political class. I mean, obviously, you know, you come to different trade arrangements because you're out of Europe, so there's been the trade agreement. We would watch the dynamics between the UK and the US, and there's the new and awkwardly named AUS alliance, Australia, the US and the UK. We'd look at all of that. But I don't think in a general sense that it's radically changed perceptions of the UK.

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  32. Know Britain figures large in our history, and so I think it still figures larger in the imagination of Australians than it would if it was just a miscellaneous country of this economic size.

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  33. I mean, as Australian Prime Minister, I mean, the two giants that you wake up worrying about every morning, you know, is the US and, of course, China living where we live. That's the strategic politics that we have to think about every day. And so we watch China very closely. We watch the US very closely. I think Australians have always had a sense of connection to the UK in its own right rather than mediated through the European Union because of history and the Queen, now king continuing to be our head of state, our understanding of our past, of colonization and what that has done to indigenous Australians, the dispossession, the intergenerational trauma and the things that need to be done to address that. I mean,

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  34. Brexit is a symptom of that split constituency underlying malaise for the Tories and Labour still trying to serve diverse constituencies too.

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  35. Teals, the teals, the colour of their banner was teal. So, you know, combining red and blue and getting teal and pro-climate action, they've sort of eaten out the heartland seats of the Conservative Party. And I think Johnson's victory and taking of the Red Wall for a while obscured here in the UK just how diverse the Tory constituency is and how difficult it is to hold it together. And if I was going to say anything about contemporary politics here in the UK, I actually think Brexit is a symptom of that. And it's, you know, I know it's fashionable in UK politics to say, oh, Brexit has caused X, Y, and Z. When I look at, and of course it's caused a whole series of ruptions in public policy and in political debate, but I actually.

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  36. Well, I mean, you know, most people in Australia obviously don't think about British politics. I mean, they hardly think about Australian politics. So they wouldn't be looking at British politics. I think Johnson, though, was the kind of figure that people were more likely to look at just because he was sort of interesting and different in the same way that obviously President Trump commanded such global attention and certainly commanded attention in Australia. On the rapid changes of Prime Minister, I think people would say, well, we've been through that ourselves, so they wouldn't necessarily be judging the UK down on that. I think once you get beyond that, though, when you're talking about the politically active class,

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  37. On the next contest, in some ways, if you were calling it now, looking at the polls, you'd say, well, Labour's got a very good chance of forming majority government. But as you and I know from our past lives, things can change and change quickly. And we don't know yet how the new prime minister is going to land with the British electorate. We don't know how he's going to perform. We don't know whether or not the Tories can do what they've said in the last 24 hours, which is unite and actually shrug off the divisions that have been so deep during this period. So I think we need to see all of that before we can make a really robust prediction about the next election.

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  38. It is a huge swing that's required. I mean, I've never worried about the critique around Keir Starmer that he's boring. I mean, you know, at the end of the day, being Prime Minister isn't being a clown or an entertainer, it's a serious job. And maybe people after the recent experience in the UK will be thinking that to themselves very strongly, that what they want is someone who's not full of razzle dazzle, but full of method and purpose and slow deliberation. And I think Kier and the team, in the way that they're preparing now for the next election, are showing that. I mean, I don't know the inside story. I'm just looking at the media, but they seem to be taking a very methodical approach to getting ready to be a party of government again. So that's all to their credit.

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  39. That politics gets out of their face for a while. So I would try and not slow it down because he can't afford to go at a glacial pace because the dimensions of the challenges are big and he's only got so much time left in this parliamentary term. But I would step it out very methodically, very slowly or as slowly as he possibly can. I think there's a market right now for pretty boring in politics. Boring would seem safe, easy compared with what everybody's lived through.

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  40. Certainly, if I was a citizen of this country at the next election, I'd be voting Labour and I wish Keir Starmer and the team all the best wishes in the world. I hope that there's plenty of opportunity for them at the next election and that they get to form a majority Labour government. But for the incoming Prime Minister now, I don't know if he needs or wants my advice, but let's just venture my arm by saying the following. I think the natural instinct will be given the dimensions of the challenges to really come roaring out of the gate with many policies and announcements and all the rest of it. I'm not sure that's the right response because I think most people in the UK are exhausted at this point and their dearest wish would be

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  41. No, I never have. I think from seeing the title and the promos, I concluded it had missed the point and I'm happy to down into that.

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  42. We do have very, very short parliamentary term. There may be some people in the UK who in recent months have been thinking to themselves that five years might be a tad too long. So careful what you wish for in some ways. The constraint in Australia is really working through what you would do with the Senate just because our system is routinely half the Senate goes to election at each general election. And if you move to four-year terms, that would create eight-year terms for senators. And I think people would react adversely to that. Then you could say, well, why don't we have a full election for the Senate every time? The problem with that is it brings the quota to get elected down and helps minor political parties. I mean, really minor political parties, very niche political parties to

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  43. Think that is certainly a very strong element of it. So China lent in to the global financial crisis and worked particularly through the G20 to help alleviate pressures in the global economy. I mean, their analysis was bad global economy is bad for China and they reacted in that way. Now, of course, the dynamic is quite different. the changing geopolitics around China and Russia is a huge element of what we're discussing now. I actually think the ability of Western democracies to maneuver and to strengthen international bonds is less than it used to be. I think people have got more and more intolerant of globalization, internationalisation. They are much more wanting to see their... National leaders focus on the home front that is feeding into populist movements in many parts of the

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  44. A very difficult season for incumbents around the world, and we might have another data point on all of that very shortly once we see the mid-term results in the US.

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  45. Yet it is very hard to explain to the electorate just how global some of these phenomena are. I mean, we used to use terminology back then about, you know, we're not immune. Australia comes to this crisis with inherent strengths, but we're not immune. The tide of the global economy doesn't stop at our shoreline, things like that. But the truth is people don't experience their lives in comparison to how someone's doing in somewhere in Europe or in America people define their own life experience based on how they used to feel. And if they think the past was better than their contemporary reality, then I think there is the capacity for people to lash out against governments just because times are tough and they're feeling that the times are tough on their shoulders. So if that analysis is right, then I think this will be

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  46. Try and calibrate the short and longer term policy responses. And to give one example of that from Australia, I was Minister for Education and Deputy Prime Minister before I was Prime Minister. We knew we needed a very big stimulus response to deal with the global financial crisis, but we decided that a big component of that stimulus would be renovating and building new school buildings because one of our long-term policy objectives was better education for every child. So you can bring the short term and the long-term into alignment and try and look for those.

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  47. Think actually leaders today have got it tougher in many ways because one of the hallmarks of the global response to the financial crisis was coordination through the G20 in particular. There was coordination of fiscal and monetary policies, Gordon Brown was central to that response, as was my predecessor Kevin Rudd. And that meant because the geopolitics was enabling that degree of cooperation that things were a little bit easier then than they are now. But I think some of the lessons from that time would be to the extent you can skate through the geopolitics and still find ways of reaching out to leaders from other countries do so because coordination does matter. Second, don't get blinded by the immediate crisis to what you want to do in the longer term.

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  48. Well, it's great to be with you, but I just wanted to declare at the start I am no substitute for Rory. My idea of going for a walk is a gentle stroll by a river, not hiking across Afghanistan. So, no, I am no substitute.

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