YouSaid · the spoken record

Wigny

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS WIGNY

lines on the record: 91
first: 1958-09-24
most recent: 1960-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“One does not relish shooting at those whose language one has heard, to whose ideas one has listened, and whose home one has visited. Should we not increase this mutual understanding? Have we not together drafted the Universal Declaration of Human Eights in which freedom of thought and the right to information are enshrined? The time seems to me to be particularly ripe for a new effort to be made, now that Mr. Khrushchev is in the United States and will later be host to Mr. Eisenhower in Moscow, now that two exhibitions have aroused burning curiosity and tourists are passing in increasing numbers under a half-lifted iron curtain. 53. Belgium proposed on a previous occasion that the world’s peoples should receive more information about the horrors of an atomic war. The proposal still stands.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Total disarmament implies total control and I wonder whether the two parties will ever agree to inspection sufficiently close to permit not only a detection and cessation of the manufacture of atomic bombs but also the detection and destruction of existing stocks of bombs. If we really wish to succeed, we must state clearly both the extent of the problem and the limits within which solutions are possible. 51. Peace can be consolidated not only in a negative way, through disarmament measures, but also by positive steps. I should like to mention two in the second part of my statement, 52. One is a better exchange of information. In earlier days the foreigner was looked upon as an odd, savage and dangerous creature. Today’s tourist usually returns home with love for his own country but with a better understanding of other lands.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“I have one final observation to make on this subject. Is it right to set as the final objective a total disarmament which would leave States with only a police force? We know, of course, that man did not wait for the bomb before he began to fight. Men have fought with spears, with clubs and with their fists. The larger States may constitute a threat by the Sheer weight of their population and economy. Moreover, we live in a turbulent world. We cannot be certain that everyone will be wise and peaceful. Within a country all the citizens are disarmed except the police and in a world that is disarmed but in a constant state of unrest because of conflicting interests provision must he made for at least an international United Nations police force. 50.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“This difficulty is that each side, convinced of its own peaceful intentions, acts like the peaceful owner of the house and considers the other side a potential aggressor. 48. The conclusion is that confidence and control go hand in hand. That is why disarmament can only be achieved in stages. At a time when the two great Powers are discussing the question, when a Ten-Power Committee has just been set up in liaison with the United Nations, it would, of course, be premature to offer suggestions. However, the smaller nations must state emphatically that they are anxiously following these negotiations, will endorse even a proposal for partial, disarmament if it is likely to reduce tension and increase confidence, but will not give moral support to any propaganda manoeuvre or unwarranted obstruction. 49.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“The existence of dangerous stockpiles would be no cause for disquiet because everyone would know, for instance, that rockets are intended for trips to the moon and not for the annihilation of cities. But where there is no confidence at all, control by a potential aggressor is unacceptable. The first step must be conciliation. 47. It is a well-known adage, worth thinking about, that the first reaction of a man threatened by a thief is certainly not to hand over the key to his house. It may be added, however that if the thief claims to have thrown his weapon into the fitter the man will certainly not take his word for it but will want to go through his pockets. Hence, control is essential. But, of course, the owner of the house will not allow himself to be searched. That is why confidence is needed.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“If it was unilateral, the anxiety of the small nations would be increased by the removal of the precarious balance of power which at present constitutes their protection. That is why we must insist on control, which will assure us that disarmament is not merely a propaganda device or even an aggressive manoeuvre. 46. Much has been said about control and confidence. The West regards confidence as a consequence of control whereas the Soviet bloc consider rather that confidence is a prerequisite of control. Paradoxically, confidence alone, if achieved, would obviate the need for control and even for disarmament. The word given by either side would provide sufficient reassurance and would not need to be checked.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Complete and controlled disarmament is an ideal which enjoys unqualified acceptance and should be realized as soon as possible. We, the small nations, feel more than others the burden of armaments. While we are incapable of being aggressors we are afraid of being the victims of aggression and cannot forget the fact. If we are prosperous we know, without need for explanation, that we could have still more schools, hospitals, theatres and museums, that we could, without indulging in vain luxury, have a higher level of living. If we are insufficiently developed economically, we think regretfully of all the factories which could be built if we could obtain a loan equivalent to the cost of one armoured division or one naval squadron. 45. But this disarmament must be really general, that is to say, it must be extended to both camps.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“43. The speeches of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs who succeed each other on this platform would be monotonous if they did not become pitiful through sheer repetition. We are all harassed by the same anxiety and inspired by the same hope. We know that the same war would engulf us with our civilizations and that in time of peace the prosperity of a few privileged nations can only be firm and lasting if it is rapidly extended to the hosts of beings who are now the victims of hunger, poverty and ignorance. That is the common conviction which in different words is repeated until it becomes almost obsessive. 44. On this platform a few days ago Mr. Khrushchev proposed [799th meeting] complete and controlled disarmament within four years.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“But if misunderstandings are to be progressively dispelled, it should be continued. It is the necessary preliminary to any possible agreement. 42. This session is dominated by the meetings of the two men who personify the two greatest Powers of our time. We realize that nothing of importance can be done without their joint agreement. But-we ought also to realize that nothing great can be successfully achieved without the support of all nations and in particular of the small nations which constitute the majority of this Assembly. At the thirteenth session of the General Assembly I emphasized their influence and their responsibility. Is it not our duly to encourage the great Powers, to guide their efforts by telling them exactly what is expected, what will be supported and what the public opinion which we represent can render successful?”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Hitherto the iron curtain had been so thick that it was becoming impossible to hear the other party, still less to understand it. Whether it was a matter of democracy, freedom, security, coexistence, control or confidence, the words no longer had the same meaning. Even if the facts were known it was impossible to grasp the exact significance attributed to them on the other side. Even when a proposal was under consideration, it was studied in terms of the philosophy and from the point of view of one side and its exact implications were not understood. A dialogue, still more, an agreement, had become a psychological impossibility. That is the advantage of a direct exchange of views without intermediaries. It is not surprising that at the outset such contact should produce friction.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“The general debate held in this hall has not prevented us from devoting attention to the repercussions caused in the outside world by the meeting of the representatives of the two most powerful States in the world. 40. The Belgian Government from the beginning welcomed the exchange of visits between Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Khrushchev. We did not cherish the illusion that a mere meeting would be sufficient to dispel the all too real disputes which divide the two groups and which the Foreign Ministries have been unable to settle despite many years of effort. As we never hoped for as much as that, we could not be disappointed. But we do think that the chief object, which is that they should get to know each other better, has been achieved. 41.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“37. Although repetitions beget monotony and may end in tedium, I hope you will allow the Belgian delegation to join previous speakers in expressing its gratification that you have been elected to preside over our debates. For you combine an extensive knowledge of political questions and a wide experience of international assemblies with the charm of a mind interested in everything. 38. We should also like to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General for his unwearying efforts since the last session to increase the efficiency of our Organization and help it to achieve at least part of its essential purpose of settling disputes and maintaining world peace. 39. The present session opened at a historic moment.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Their relative weakness which causes them to cherish justice, their geographical distribution which guarantees their impartiality, their number which lends moral force to their views, all enable them, if they are worthy of such a role, to render the' United Nations truly effective.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Lastly, if international law itself is to be modified, there must be a further United Nations conference on the law of the sea. That is the threefold proposal which has the support of the Belgian delegation. 168. Peace is a continuous creation. It cannot be guaranteed by the automatic application of a few clear principles laid down in the Charter. In each separate case, in connexion with each conflict, a solution must be based on authority. 169. We realize how difficult it is for the great Powers, because of the very magnitude of their responsibilities, to reach understanding. The purpose of this statement has been to prove that that authority can be effectively exercised in our Organization by the small nations.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The Danish delegation has not contested the law in force but has suggested that it should be changed and has made definite proposals to that end. 167. The position taken by the United Kingdom appears, however, to the Belgian delegation to be the best. Without going into the substance of the matter, the United Kingdom proposes a peaceful procedure for the settlement of the dispute as called for in Article 1 of the Charter. If the law in force is to be discussed by referring, as Iceland has done, to long-past precedents, then the dispute should be submitted to the International Court of Justice. If the object is, in the name of fairness, to make special arrangements taking account of Iceland's particular economic situation, a formula of compromise should be found by way of negotiation.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The Icelandic Minister of Foreign Affairs has pleaded with great conviction [759th meeting] the cause of his courageous people, which possesses neither agricultural land, nor forests, nor mineral resources and whose entire livelihood depends on fish. These are strong arguments, but do they justify the decision that Iceland has taken? What is the use of the United Nation, if on the ground of necessity an arbitrary blow can be struck against liberties sanctioned by international custom as demonstrated by the practice of States? As was recognized by the International Court of Justice in its judgement of 18 December 1951: "The delimitation of sea areas has always an international aspect; it cannot be dependent merely upon the will of the coastal State as expressed in its municipal law. " 166.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“When discussing the political organization of a country, it is idle to look to the past; the people themselves should decide what regime they prefer. For the United Nations, the only valid indication of a just solution would dome through free general elections. 164. Lastly, I should like to touch in a few words on the problem of Icelandic territorial waters which the Reykjavik Government, by a unilateral decision, ie attempting to extend from three to twelve miles. Belgium cannot recognize such forcible legal action; it is directly concerned, since its fishing fleet is the fourth in size of those which traditionally exploit these fish-laden waters. 165. Three views have been put forward.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“No one would lose face, since each party would maintain its position, its claims and its hopes, but, at least for the time being, the peace of the world would cease to be troubled by a cannonade which is capable of awakening dangerous echoes. 163. Yet another sensitive spot is in Europe, where Germany is divided by the Iron Curtain. It is strange that the States which advance historical and geographical arguments to support the unification of China under the authority of Peiping can at the same time reconcile themselves to the existence of two German Governments. Yet for the past hundred years the Reich has possessed apolitical, linguistic, cultural and racial unity that has not existed between continental China and Formosa.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Undoubtedly China is torn apart by civil war, but this must not develop into a world war. That would be unthinkable, especially as these small islands are not strategically necessary to either of the belligerents; their garrisons do not threaten the continent of China, nor would the withdrawal of these troops make the military defence of Formosa any more difficult. The solution which should have the moral support of the small Powers is clear enough; while reserving the political and legal claims of both parties to these minute islands, we should arrange for their demilitarization and protection against, forcible seizure under the aegis of the United Nations.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“That Government should remember that when dealing with the United Nations it should be careful to follow the rules if it wants some unfortunate precedents to be forgotten. 161. Certain details have, of course, been given to this Assembly. We have been told that rather less than four shells per inhabitant have landed on the islands and that the civilian victims were less numerous than was at first thought. Even if this information is accurate, is it capable of reassuring us? Should not a single shell, burst and a few dead be sufficient to arouse us? We have also been told that these attacks were merely a retaliation for the blockade of the ports and the raids on the mainland carried out by Nationalist troops. The logical conclusion of such an argument would be that we should blame both sides equally. 162.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“That would be the surest way for them to obtain the benefits of a prosperous economy and thus to Reinforce their political independence. 160. The crisis in the Middle East is not yet settled, and now in the Far East the voice of cannon is heard — and not only in diplomatic notes. We all know of the conflict between the two Governments which dispute the right to exercise sovereignty over China. We know that an ancient empire has undergone a civil war and is today divided. We are familiar with the geographical, historical, political and legal arguments advanced by either side in connexion with the islands of Quemoy and Matsu. But how does the Peiping Government confirm its claims by firing over a hundred thousand shells on to these islands, which are inhabited also by civilian populations?”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The second observation is that the Middle East, like many other regions, can achieve peace only through prosperity. This, however, implies immense investments. Where is the capital to be found? Gifts can be obtained in the name of world solidarity, but they can never be sufficient and must be supplemented by investments, Technical progress is now so rapid that the capital exporting countries are afraid to interrupt the continuous modernization of their basic equipment. They are not likely to be encouraged by the addition of political risk to economic speculation. The new countries, in their own interests, should respect the legitimate interests of those who have contributed and will contribute in future to their development.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The first observation is that Belgium, which is anxious to respect the wishes of every State to organize itself as it desires, will not confine itself to respecting the status quo. In view of the fact that the political organization of certain regions is unstable, if wishes to reaffirm the principle of non-intervention. Similar discretion should, be practised by all countries. Progress should be peaceful and should correspond to the true wishes of the peoples concerned. We denounce not only armed intervention and internal subversion, but also propaganda, which can be lethal. My Government noted with interest that part of the resolution of the Arab countries which calls upon all Member States to ensure that their conduct by word and deed conforms to the principles of non-aggression and noninterference. 159.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“In the Middle East the situation became so acute that we were obliged a few weeks ago to meet in emergency special session. We had at least the consolation of adopting unanimously a proposal drawn up by the Arab States themselves [resolution 1237 (ES-III)]. Can the general principles it embodied be translated into political reality? In this regard, we expect that the Secretary-General’s report [A/3934/Rev.1] will provide much valuable material. It has only just been distributed, and it should be studied with care. The Belgian delegation has the desire to render a delicate negotiation even more difficult by premature remarks. It will, however, make two observations which concern that part of the world, where Belgium has nothing but friends, but which have also a much more general scope, 158.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Well-meaning people each time urge one, side or the other to abandon a disputed point in order to ensure lasting peace at a modest price. That is a simple and even credulous point of view. How can anyone believe that the mere shifting of .the line of demarcation will suffice to abolish the tension between two worlds which face each other in a spirit of active rivalry, at the mercy of a mistake or a misunderstanding? 156. Unfortunately, at least for the time being, we can hope for nothing more than to prevent these conflicts from spreading. In each case, however, the small nations, most of which, because of their number and their geographic dispersal, are not directly concerned, can and should support solutions which are dictated- neither by passion, nor by prejudice, nor even by reasons of prestige. 157.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“For all these reasons, between the threat of war and war itself there should be a period of grace which would enable calm to be restored and goodwill to be brought into play. The Belgian delegation does not know whether it is possible to distinguish between a sudden attack and an ordinary attack or, if so, whether the former could be effectively prevented by appropriate controls, but it is convinced that, quite apart from the substance of the question, there is an urgent need for placing the technical aspects of the question before the experts. 155. Until disarmament has become a reality, our planet will remain divided between two worlds separated by different ideologies and interests. There will continue to be a series of dramatic events all along the frontier.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“This proposal concerns the small Powers, since although with guided missiles the entire world would be in the combat zone from the outset, States having small territories in strategic areas could be occupied and even annihilated at a stroke; For them there would be no tomorrow, no possibility of retaliation. For the great Powers, too, armaments are heavier and more costly if they have to be available from the first moment and if too much reliance cannot be placed on conversion of the machinery of peaceful production. Sudden attacks likewise diminish the effectiveness of our Organization because it needs time to act and is practically powerless when faced with a fait accompli.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Launching sites for atomic missiles could doubtless be established at these bases, but the Soviet Government, which is justifiably proud of its sputniks and the inter-continental missiles which are their dangerous offspring, has stated officially and repeatedly that these terrible weapons could be launched from the USSR itself and could reach any town in any continent. This raises the whole problem of nuclear disarmament, the solution of which will take time. Why should the scientific examination of the use of cosmic space have to await that solution? 154. The third proposal deals with the prevention of surprise attacks.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It is high time to ask the experts whether and how it will be possible to prevent its utilization for military purposes. At one time a proposal to demilitarize the polar regions was put forward and scornfully rejected, but only a few months later the ocean depths beneath the ice-fields were found to have military importance. Let us not repeat the same mistakes and the same delays. 153. The Soviet delegation links the problem of cosmic space with that of foreign military bases, by a process of reasoning which is not quite clear to the Belgian delegation.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The Belgian delegation realizes full well that this would not even be partial disarmament as long as States remained free to manufacture and stockpile bombs, but at least it would have the effect of reassuring the peoples who fear for their health even in peacetime, and it would show that our Organization is capable of results. If certain nations felt that the discontinuance of such tests might be detrimental to them, either by imposing upon them a unilateral military disadvantage or by preventing them from obtaining information necessary for the peaceful use of atomic energy, they should give a clear account of their complaints and make their agreement subject to temporary reservations. 152. A further proposal concerns cosmic space.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“In this spirit the Belgian delegation supports a number of recent proposals. Although general disarmament programmes may at present be too ambitious, the more modest projects, which at least have the merit of accustoming the great Powers to negotiation and co-operation, should not be ignored. In the beginning, only limited risks would be involved, but if success was forthcoming, there would arise a feeling of trust, of that trust which is so sadly lacking, and bolder types of action could gradually be taken. 151. The first proposal relates to the cessation of nuclear tests. The events at the Geneva Conference have just shown that in the event of agreement unlawful explosions would be detected by a small-sized international organization.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Politicians undoubtedly have more responsibility than they have technical knowledge and therefore cannot be reproached for not understanding at once all the' implications of an invariably complicated disarmament plan. When in doubt, the obvious course is to abstain; but rather than hide behind inaction, might we not resort more widely to a procedure that has recently been tried and found to have merit? If politicians are reluctant to engage, even conditionally, in perilous negotiations of uncertain outcome, let them at least entrust to experts the technical aspects of the problem. In negotiations of this kind the judgement of scientists must be relied on, for these men are vouched for not only by their scientific reputation but also by their intellectual integrity. 150.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Might not partial disarmament disturb the balance of forces and might not mutual inspection conceal intentions of espionage and subversion? 148. It is here that we, as smaller Powers, could play a more active part. Every suggestion that is made by either side should be subjected by us to an initial judgement which, if unanimous or supported by a majority, should exert a great moral and even political influence. We would strongly reject any proposals obviously aimed at weakening the other camp and would make it clear that propaganda of that nature is not only ineffectual with regard to others but also detrimental to the prestige of those originating it. On the other hand, we should support constructive proposals and should recommend, and if necessary employ the weight of our numbers to insist, that they be studied objectively. 149.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The first is that disarmament, even partial disarmament, cannot be unilateral. It is pointless to ask your adversary to lay down his arms because he is frightening you and to keep your own because you know in your own mind that your intentions are peaceful. 146. The second is that disarmament must be controlled. It would be naive to imagine that the other party will be reassured by your mere declaration and that his concern will not be made worse by your refusal of any kind of inspection. 147. These principles have not been applied so far because of the complete lack of confidence among the great Powers. Each time a proposal is made by one of them, the other is less concerned with understanding what has been said than with looking for what might be hidden.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“However, being smaller nations well aware of their weakness, we also know and we realize more than the others that war, even if defensive, is only a decision taken in despair and that we must look for a peaceful solution without losing hope. It is in this spirit that the new Belgian Government in a recent official statement defining its traditional foreign policy stressed two points: firstly, its implicit faith in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization which, in this divided world, is a necessary factor of equilibrium and our greatest protection in the event of a catastrophe, and, secondly, its desire to consider without bias any reasonable proposal for peace, from whatever camp it may originate. 145. Let us speak first of disarmament. Belgium has always adhered to two principles that make good sense.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“We do not live on another planet, and we know that unless a miracle happens, the next war will affect the whole world. Even though Belgium has never had any territorial ambitions, nor been coveted by any country, it has been invaded twice in the first half of this century, and I, myself, have spent ten years of my life under foreign occupation. These are experiences which are not easily forgotten. We are convinced that there are moments when honour, attachment to a way of life and the mere concern for existence make it necessary to take up arms and that this distressing eventuality must be prepared for even in time of peace.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“This is the main theme that I would like to develop today. In this Assembly, the smaller nations are in the overwhelming majority, and their presence here can be said to constitute a democracy of States. They represent world public opinion in all its diversity. We have here a means of action which is worth more than entire armies, provided we know how to use it and how to discipline ourselves in order to do so. 143. Our opinions must not be based on emotion, prejudice or even on sentimental attachment. The sober, calm and reassuring voice of reason is sought for by all, and the smaller nations, if they speak in unison, can make this voice universally heard. 144. The smaller nations are not, of course, free from commitments and cannot claim the complete impartiality of a judge or an arbiter.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The founders of our Organization believed they were improving upon the Covenant of the League of Nations by giving the great Powers a decisive role in the Security Council. These hopes have been dashed because the great Powers have not been able to agree on even a small number of political principles. If some of the illusions had been cleared away, perhaps it could have been foreseen that States maintaining large armies with continually improved equipment would be more inclined to intransigence born of the conviction of being in the right and strengthened by the sureness of force, than to forms of compromise based on mutual concession. 142. In face of a record of failure, of which the immoderate use of the veto is symptomatic, the smaller nations must become more aware of their role and importance.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The United Nations has not even partially accomplished its mission, which, as set out in Article 1 of the Charter, is the maintenance of international peace and security. We can certainly be proud of the record of the specialized agencies which, as provided in the same Article, are achieving international cooperation of an economic, Social, intellectual and humanitarian character, but our satisfaction on this score should not be allowed to delude us. If we had ensured peace, the resources made available through disarmament would have been so great that even such secondary activities could have been developed in a manner that today is inconceivable. 141. What is the basic reason for this failure?”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“We would have seen the wonderful pavilions, representing the majority of nations gathered here, peacefully coexisting side by side, and we would have been able to imagine the fairyland — no longer the mere setting of a temporary exhibition, but an everyday reality — which we could create if the United Nations, successful in its vital task of maintaining peace and creating confidence, enabled this peaceful competition in the arts and sciences to exert its full beneficial effects. 139. This general debate, which is customarily an occasion for an examination of conscience, fills us with a feeling of remorse. Even if we go back further than the past year, so fraught with conflict, and survey the whole period of our existence, the general conclusion will still be disappointing. 140.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“138. I, too, would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on the highly deserved confidence which the General Assembly has placed in you. This compliment, which is no less sincere for having been paid you by many of the speakers who have preceded me, would have been still further enhanced if it had been addressed to you in the setting of the splendid Brussels International Exhibition.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)