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1984-09-24
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  1. One such olive branch was the Commonwealth mission, composed of men and women of international standing and high repute. Their brief was "good will to all and malice to none" in the polyglot environment of South Africa. Many people in the world, including those who had misgivings about the prospects of the mission's success from the beginning, thought that South Africa would see the desperate need for peaceful change and seize the opportunity to show the world that it is capable of redeeming itself. That was not to be. The white minority regime, with incredible malice aforethought, scuttled the mission by attacking three Commonwealth neighbors while the Eminent Persons Group was in South Africa.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  2. Instead they have responded in the same old brutal fashion, with mass killings, including the killing of young children, mass arrests of trade union leaders and anti-apartheid activists, endless declarations of states of emergency in African townships, murderous attacks on neighboring countries for crimes they have not committed, and the spawning of bandit movements to destabilize the front-line States. Thousands have already died at the hands of the regime's security forces in a vain attempt to defy the verdict of history. More are likely to die before South Africa can accept that apartheid is an indefensible and evil system whose eradication is long overdue. The world has already declared apartheid to be a crime against humanity, yet it has continued to offer the authors of the crime one olive branch after another.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  3. The people of South Africa have reached the end of their tether and their endurance of the indignities and humiliations heaped upon them and their ancestors for over three centuries. They have taken to the streets of Soweto, Langa, Crossroads, Alexandra and Durban to demand the restoration of their birthright in their motherland. Sadly, the South African white minority rulers, the inventors of the evil ideology of apartheid, have chosen not to sit down at the negotiating table with their black compatriots to negotiate a new democratic and non-racial dispensation in South Africa.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  4. It is my delegation's fervent hope that the ongoing talks between the super-Powers will ultimately bear fruit. We also call upon those nations that have acquired nuclear technology to stay within the limits of agreed international safeguards and never to use it for the manufacture of more weapons of mass destruction, so that the billions of dollars now wasted on the accumulation of weapons of mass destruction may be well spent on the betterment of the human condition. At center stage in our deliberations are political problems whose intractability continues to threaten the peace and stability of our world. In my part of the world, the region of southern Africa, the political fuse has been lit, is hissing and could ignite a catastrophic conflagration at any time.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  5. The questions of general and complete disarmament, nuclear weapons, decolonization, the intractable Palestinian issue, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, the festering sore that is apartheid. Western Sahara, the war between Iraq and Iran, the large population of refugees in the world, human rights, international terrorism, Korea, drug trafficking, the delayed independence of the international Trust Territory of Namibia: all these are issues that deeply concern us in Botswana. On the question of disarmament and nuclear weapons, I need only say that those that bear the primary responsibility for the continuing arms race must continuously take into account the concerns of the millions of people around the world who are fearful of the prospect of a nuclear holocaust.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  6. Nevertheless, we hope that the Governments of developed countries will, in spite of sluggish growth in their own countries, shoulder their full responsibility to the less privileged of the world, I have spoken at some length on economic issues because they affect millions of lives every day, every hour and every minute across the globe. In a real sense their final solution, or the lack of it, will determine to a large extent whether the next century will usher in prosperity and peace or be another century of conflict and misery. The world cannot afford to be indifferent to the poverty of so many in the midst of so much plenty. Something ought to be done, and done now, to confront and push back the boundaries of man's real enemies: hunger, disease, ignorance and poverty. There are several other pressing issues on our agenda.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  7. We need additional resources urgently so that we can defend our independence and continue development with the momentum necessary to give our peoples a better life. Those with influence on South Africa must use that influence to dissuade it from destroying SADCC projects and destabilizing our countries. We are aware that prospects for the world economy are not very bright* According to World Bank projections, growth in the industrialized countries is likely to be around 3 per cent or less this year. That does not augur well for many developing countries whose economies are dependent on the generosity of the developed countries.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  8. Within SADCC we have adopted a program of action which gives high priority to the rehabilitation of transport systems. Since economic sanctions against South Africa have become inevitable and the threat of retaliation against us by the apartheid regime more menacing, we appeal to nations in a position to do so to assist us as a matter of urgency to achieve our objective of ensuring that the lifelines of SADCC - the Beira and Maputo corridors and the Tazara and Benguela railways - are rehabilitated and secured for our exports and imports. In addition, all our sectoral programs in agriculture, food security, energy, commerce and industry and many other areas need to be accelerated.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  9. Recognizing that no country on its own can tackle the multifaceted problems of development, we in southern Africa created a little more than six years ago, in the spirit of the Lagos Plan of Action, the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), of which many representatives already know. We wanted to develop our economies collectively and reduce our dependence on external sources generally and South Africa in particular. Within a short time, SADCC, which is composed of the nine independent countries of southern Africa - Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe - has proved to be a serious tool of regional economic development, in spite of South Africa's evil machinations against it.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  10. Developing countries, including African countries, have repeatedly complained in many forums about the protectionist policies of certain developed countries, the low commodity prices that are paid by developed countries for their products, the high interest rates and the crushing debt-service burdens and low levels of external concessional assistance, which make recovery very difficult and hinder efforts towards development. As a remedy, they have collectively called for the establishment of a new set of relationships which would usher in a new international economic order. If the sorry economic plight which still faces many African countries is to be addressed effectively, urgent action is required now, before it is too late. The momentum gained at the special session must not be allowed to peter out.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  11. My Government wishes to record its gratitude to those nations and organizations that took the opportunity provided by the special session to write off some of the official debts they were owed by a member of African countries and that also announced some new programs of co-operation or a revitalization of those already in existence. My delegation hopes that those donor nations that did not appear to be enthusiastic about APPER have since had time for serious reflection. We understand some of the misgivings advanced by those nations that did not agree with certain assumptions contained in APPER. Yes, in some respects the economic problems facing African countries are a function of many other deep-seated realities traceable to many sources, some of which are demonstrably exogenous.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  12. We saw the special session as an opportunity to mobilize additional resources which would enable us to implement the economic priority programs adopted by our Heads of Government at Addis Ababa in July 1985. In many respects, the special session was a success. The international community was for the first time sensitized to the magnitude and urgency of the problems facing the African continent. African leaders themselves had put on paper their own admissions of past mistakes and failed policies and made firm commitments to the implementation of the African Priority program for Economic Recovery (APPER) , if the world would respond positively to their call for medium- and long-term programs of assistance.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  13. This past May the General Assembly met in a special session in this Hall to consider the economic crisis facing the African continent. Participation in that session was, in itself, a moving experience for me, for it was the culmination of perhaps the longest sustained international relief effort ever recorded in recent memory, one aimed at saving hundreds of thousands of lives in sub-Saharan Africa caught in a long spell of drought and other natural calamities. The momentous decision to convene the special session taken by the fortieth session of the General Assembly, raised the hopes of the African people. We all hoped that, at long last, the world's conscience was awakening to the noble imperative of helping Africa to help itself.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  14. My delegation would like to appeal to those who have done so not to withhold their contributions at a time when the United Nations needs more, not less, financial resources. The great importance we attach to the survival of the Organization impels us to caution against the erroneous thinking popular in certain quarters that the Organization has too much money to spend or waste, the corollary to that fallacy being that, if you deny it more money, then the problem will disappear. The fact is that the United Nations needs more money, not less, to finance the many humanitarian projects all of us expect it to carry out. The rest of our agenda is a full one, loaded as it is with familiar issues solutions to which are crucial to the survival of the world as we know it. I should now like to turn to some of these burning issues.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  15. With the candor that has become his trademark he has again highlighted a number of issues that need our Organization's urgent attention. At the top of those issues is the financial crisis that threatens to disrupt not only many activities of the Organization but even its very existence. The Secretariat itself has-already embarked upon several steps designed to curb waste and reduce costs as well as improve efficiency and effectiveness. Botswana will go along with any carefully designed corrective measures aimed at the optimum use of resources, whether they be financial, human or otherwise. We hope the work undertaken by the Group of 18 experts will assist our Organization finally to put its house in order.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  16. His skillful stewardship of the historic celebrations that marked the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations is recalled with enduring admiration and nostalgia. Our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has continued to serve our Organization with great skill and dedication. How grateful my delegation is to see him looking much recovered from his recent indisposition and back at the helm, we salute him and the international staff that work under him. They have come from all corners of the globe to serve their fellow men, wherever they may be, to the best of their abilities. We recognize their sacrifice; we thank them for their dedication and devotion to their noble calling. The Secretary-General's report, which my delegation has read with great interest, will, as in the past, enhance and guide our work.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  17. Botswana joins the chorus of congratulations that have been extended to Mr. Choudhury, upon his election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. My delegation has no doubt that in him we have an able and experienced helmsman who will steer the deliberations of the session to a fruitful conclusion. In offering his services to our Organization, Bangladesh has demonstrated its unwavering support for the purposes and principles of the United Nations. He is joining the alumni of sons and daughters of third-world countries who have served and continue to serve our Organization with honor and distinction. He will have my delegation's unflinching support in the performance of his onerous task. His predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, also deserves our commendation.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  18. A great deal more remains to be done to bring into reality the kind of world envisaged almost 40 years ago by the founding fathers of the United Nations—a world without colonialism and imperialism, without racism and intolerance, without hunger, disease and ignorance, a free, peaceful and safe world.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  19. I am convinced that, given the necessary support, Africa is capable, in the not-too-distant future, of moving from its current position of an economically crisis-ridden continent to that of an economically dynamic one. It is within the means of the international community to help African Governments to turn the current despair into hope and I have no doubt they will do so. 56. Let me conclude my statement by reaffirming my country's undiminished fidelity to the principles and purposes of this, our United Nations. A great deal has been achieved by the Organization in the past 39 years of its existence in its search for solutions to the many problems that face our troubled world. But that is obviously not enough.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  20. Transport and communication was selected as a priority among priorities. Anybody who has travelled in our part of the world will easily understand why. Energy and food security are among the top priorities. This, however, does not diminish the importance of other sectors. 54. For the African countries to be able to achieve their noble objective of collective self-reliance they will, more than ever before, need the full support of the member States of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the member States of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the other developing countries in a position to do so, as well as that of bilateral and multilateral institutions. 55.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  21. They were aware that their nine countries constituted a population approaching 60 million people, inhabiting a geographical area replete with rich natural resources—agricultural and mineral—which could be harnessed efficiently and equitably for the benefit of the masses of the local populations and, indeed, for mankind as a whole. 52. The member States of SADCC realized that pragmatic, realistic and attainable objectives were essential for the attainment of their noble goals. They picked on selected and specific tasks and functions to be undertaken by chosen members among themselves. SADCC recognized, to begin with, that one of the first economic objectives to be pursued by member States was the provision of basic infrastructure without which their economies could not function. 53.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  22. The objectives enunciated in the Declaration include: the reduction of economic dependence, particularly, but not only, on South Africa; the forcing of links to create genuine and equitable regional integration; the mobilization of resources to promote the attainment or implementation of national, inter-State and regional policies; and concerted action to secure international co-operation within the framework of a strategy for economic liberation. 51. The southern African leaders knew their strengths and weaknesses. They knew the power of collective self-reliance as well as the value of extra- regional co-operation.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  23. In this vein, at Lusaka on 1 April 1980, the Heads of State and Government of the nine independent countries of southern Africa adopted the Lusaka Declaration, entitled "Southern Africa: Toward Economic Liberation", which established the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference [SADCC] and set in motion a historic process of growth and change and a strategy for integrated regional development.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  24. 50. It is essential that the international community accept the fact that the economic crisis facing the African continent is a challenge not only to African Governments but to humanity as a whole. The international community must respond positively, magnanimously and speedily to the various proposals put forward by the various United Nations agencies in order to resolve the present economic and social crisis that is crippling the African continent. It is also important, and even more important, that the African Governments themselves should continue with their efforts to institute fundamental domestic policy reforms which enable them to accelerate the process of structural change for achieving the objectives set forth in the Lagos Plan of Action.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  25. The Special Memorandum on Africa's Economic and Social Crisis, adopted by the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa in May of this year, proposes some concrete measures, which include: first, an increased flow of concessionary resources to the African least developed countries, especially those most seriously affected by natural calamities; secondly, the increase of resources by the World Bank to Africa to enable it to cope with the current external debt crisis; to that end, we urge that structural- adjustment lending should be expanded to constitute a major lending programme and that it should be spread over a longer period; thirdly, the substantial increase in IDA resource flows to Africa for the implementation of the World Bank Special Programme for Sub-Saharan Africa; fourthly, the expeditious completion of negotiations for supplementary funding of at least $3 billion for the seventh IDA replenishment and the taking into account of the current crisis in Africa in allocating the existing and the new IDA resources; fifthly, the increase in Africa's share of special drawing rights to meet its current economic crises; sixthly, the full implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries,7 especially the transfer by 1985 of 0.15 per cent of the gross national product of the developed countries as official development assistance to least developed countries; seventhly, the early replenishment of IFAD and a substantial allocation therefrom to Africa; and eighthly, liberation of IMF conditionalities, including facilitation of access to other IMF windows, such as the cereal window; and the restructuring of lending programmes and policies as well as aid-disbursement procedures by the World Bank, regional development banks and other multilateral financial institutions with a view to a speedier and more flexible flow of resources to Africa.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  26. In this connection, the implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities, especially the entry into operation of the Common Fund for Commodities, as well as the early conclusion of new commodity agreements are an important element in the realization of this objective. Also important is the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers against African agricultural and mineral products. 49. To enable African countries to face the Herculean tasks of rehabilitating, reconstructing and revitalizing their disintegrated economies, massive external resources will be needed.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  27. It is heartening to note that a similar consensus has emerged among major donor agencies such as the World Bank, the European Economic Community, the Asian Development Bank and the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa on what needs to be done to pull the African continent out of the economic pit in which it finds itself. 47. In order to restore growth and to enable African countries to rely mainly on their own resources, it is essential to devise special short-term measures which will ensure that their export earnings are stabilized at remunerative levels. Export earnings of most African commodities have dropped by as much as 20 to 47 per cent since 1980. 48.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  28. The rehabilitation, reconstruction and revitalization measures for the African economies will have to focus on three major sectors: food and agriculture, industry, and the provision of essential infrastructure. Such measures must tackle not just the symptoms of the crisis but also its root causes if they are to be consistent with long-term policy objectives. In this connection, one cannot over-emphasize the crucial role of domestic policy reforms for accelerating the process of rehabilitating, reconstructing and revitalizing the African economies. 46. A consensus has long emerged among African countries as to what these measures should be. The Lagos Plan of Action4 and the Final Act of Lagos are clear testimony to the resolve by Africa to tackle its problems squarely.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  29. Without their assistance whole populations would have perished. However, there remains a lot to be done, and I hope we can continue to count on the generous support demonstrated so far. Because of the continued drought, poor harvests are expected for the 1984/85 period in eastern and southern Africa, resulting in a food deficit of about 2.6 million tons, of which 1.35 million tons are required as food aid. My country, Botswana, is among the most affected. 44. In most of the 24 food-aid dependent countries, deteriorating health conditions and severe malnutrition are reported. UNICEF and WHO, with the financial support of the donor community, especially the non-governmental organizations, have been very active in providing relief. We are most grateful to them. 45.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  30. Consequently, per capita income has been declining. Today, 26 of Africa's 50 independent countries are classified by the United Nations as least developed among developing countries. Because of the severe drought which has negatively affected agricultural production in a large number of countries in sub- Saharan Africa since 1982, food is the most critical aspect of the crisis. 43. The Special FAO/WFP Task Force, established in 1983, estimated food deficit for 1983/84 for the 24 food-aid dependent African countries at about 5.4 million tons. Despite reports of good rains in West Africa, the projections remain valid for the 1984/85 period. I wish at this juncture to thank the international community, especially the donor countries, for responding very generously and expeditiously to our appeals.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  31. As is well known, external trade normally constitutes a major stimulus to spur internal socio-economic progress even where this is affected by the narrowness of export commodities and dramatic price shifts over which Africa has no control. 42. The economic and social transformation of Africa, which started in the 1960s after the attainment of political independence by most African countries, is not only coming to a halt but also gradually reversing. Throughout the 1970s, Africa, particularly sub-Saharan Africa, experienced deterioration in all major economic and social indicators. While the gross domestic product grew at an average annual rate of 3 per cent between 1970 and 1980, this rate has persistently fallen and is at present negative. On the other hand, population has been rising consistently at an annual rate of 3 per cent.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  32. These emergency programmes should be envisaged to clear the ground and lay the necessary foundations for the successful implementation of the long-term strategies and programmes of action. 41. Underlying the current crisis is Africa's under-development and economic backwardness, its failure to achieve a clear break from its colonial, dependent economic inheritance, with a production structure heavily dominated by export-oriented agriculture, a small industrial base, fractured and only minimally linked with its natural resources base, with mining output being predominantly for export and with the most open and exposed economy in the world.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  33. Indeed, as long ago as April 1981, the Conference of Ministers of the Economic Commission for Africa, at its seventh meeting, held at Freetown, when considering a paper entitled "Africa's rapidly escalating crisis—proposals for a short-term immediate programme for survival", emphasized the linkage between emergency programmes and short-, medium- and long-term structural adjustment programmes. What was stated then remains as valid today as it was in 1981. Emergency programmes of action in the critical areas of food, drought, energy and balance-of-payments difficulties are not in any way meant to replace development strategies and plans of action adopted by the various United Nations agencies.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  34. In the medium- and long-term, we must seriously address the need for developing institutional infrastructure which will enable these countries to deal more effectively with future emergencies. 39. In reviewing the African economic crisis, it is highly important to appreciate that the emergency, short-, medium- and long-term implications and ramifications are not only interrelated but are very closely intertwined. Any measures to be taken, be they at the national, regional or international level, must ensure internal consistency between the different requirements in the short-, medium- and long- term. 40.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  35. No region has had to face this stark reality more directly than Africa. The Secretary-General has clearly described the magnitude of the challenges facing most of sub-Saharan African countries. As is well documented by reports prepared by the Secretary- General, the African economic crisis calls for simultaneous action on several levels. In the most immediate time-frame, the international community must work closely with the affected countries to respond to the emergency needs. Among the requirements are adequate supplies of food and water and steps to counteract desertification, as well as others related to population displacement, unemployment and debt-servicing.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  36. Physical investment is also being severely constrained in a large number of countries, reflecting both a drying up of private investment in the face of economic recession or contraction and the falling of public investment following pressures to reduce public spending. The impact of the crisis on health, education and investment places future development in jeopardy. 37. The forces underlying this severe set-back to development have been gathering momentum for a number of years. Although the precise causes vary from region to region and from country to country, severe strains in external payments are a common factor. The debt crisis in Africa, Latin America and some parts of Asia has been characterized by a cutback in new private and public financial flows, which has led to a slow-down in economic activity. 38.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  37. Despite some evidence of economic recovery in the countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the developing world on the whole has yet to see improvement. Indeed, the shortfalls in resources for development have increased more rapidly, while the need for assistance has grown. 36. In large parts of the developing world, levels of per capita output fell for the third consecutive year and are below those recorded in 1979. The impact of this continuous economic erosion is increasingly being felt in the social and economic spheres. Unemployment, underemployment and poverty are on the rise in many of those countries. Social infrastructures and public services are frequently under severe pressure. There is growing evidence of difficulty in insulating health and education from the effects of the economic crisis.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  38. The endless bloodshed in El Salvador and the persistent unwarranted provocations to which Nicaragua has been subjected since the fall of the Somoza dictatorship have seriously compromised the peace and stability of the region. The southern African region desires for the people of Central America the very same peace, progress and prosperity it has wished for its own people for so long with very little success. That is why we fully support the Contadora Group's laudable exertions for peace and commend Nicaragua for promptly agreeing to sign the historic Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America prepared by the Group. We call on all others concerned to give the Contadora Act a chance. 35. The state of the world's economy today continues to place the developing countries in a position of extreme hardship.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  39. The North has recently proposed tripartite negotiations, in which the United States would be involved, while the South has continued to call for the resumption of "direct inter-Korean negotiations with a view to taking measures to remove the existing mistrust and antagonism". Both sides are thus agreed on the need to talk peace, and yet nothing beyond talking to each other across the forbidding tension of the demilitarized zone has been achieved. 33. Botswana continues to support the peaceful reunification of Korea, for we shudder to contemplate the alternative. We will support any plan, any proposal, regardless of its author, which is genuinely designed to achieve that end. 34. The situation in the Central American region has caused us a great deal of anxiety for some time now.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  40. Once again, we deem it our duty, in the name of peace and non- alignment, to call on the super-Powers to respect the independence and territorial integrity of small, peace-loving, non-aligned countries. We join in the call of the non-aligned for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan so that the efforts of the Secretary-General may bear fruit. 32. The Korean question remains troublesome. The two Koreas have long accepted the desirability of peaceful negotiations to attain the reunification of Korea, and yet every year they talk about negotiating without actually getting anywhere near the negotiating table.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  41. Kampuchea is yet to be relieved of the unwanted presence of foreign troops on its soil, the purpose of which is to maintain in power, a regime which derives its authority to govern from the will of a foreign Power. The General Assembly must once again insist on the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and must continue to call for the convening of an international conference on Kampuchea to enable the people of that tormented country to shape their political future at the conference table rather than on the battlefield. 31. The non-aligned country of Afghanistan continues to bleed, as the troops of a super-Power seek "to pacify" its people against their will.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  42. In other words, just as we shall never support the destruction of the State of Israel, the State of Israel must in turn understand that we shall never support its expansionist wars. 29. The war between Iran and Iraq has in the past several months shown that it still has the potential to set the world aflame, as it has increasingly involved third countries which have nothing to do with it. The sinking of innocent oil tankers owned by countries as far away from the Gulf as Japan and Panama can only fuel the flames and escalate the conflict. The war must be stopped before it goes too far. 30. South-East Asia also remains at war with itself.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  43. The occupation and ransacking of southern Lebanon by the Israeli army during the past two years also can only have earned Israel the bitter enmity of the people of Lebanon. All these are the deeds of a country which seems bent on ensuring security for itself literally at all costs—not only at the cost of the very security it seeks but also to the detriment of the security of all its neighbours. 28. We support Israel's right to exist, but only within internationally recognized boundaries. Yes, like all the countries of the Middle East without exception, Israel deserves the right to exist in security and peace, but not at the expense of the security and peace of its neighbours.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  44. The Middle East will never know peace as long as one of its nations, the Palestinian nation, remains a nation of refugees. None of the countries of the region, including Israel, will enjoy peace and stability as long as the aspirations of millions of Palestinians remain frustrated. The building of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza will not enhance security for Israel; it will engender more violent bitterness among the Palestinians towards the Jewish State. 27. So will the occupation and annexation of the Golan Heights, which can never give Israel the security it so desperately needs; Syria is 'rightly embittered by the usurping of its territory and will employ every means to regain it.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  45. But perhaps even more intractable is the situation in the Middle East, to which I must now turn. 25. The Middle East situation remains volatile and tense, as no movement whatsoever was recorded in the past year in the search for a lasting solution to the Palestinian question. The Palestinian people remain homeless and stateless, and there does not seem to be any end in sight to their misery. The dehumanizing squalor of refugee camps and the hopelessness, precariousness and emptiness of life in the diaspora have become their persistent lot. Thousands of them have been brutally hounded out of their sanctuaries in Lebanon, while hundreds of others have lost their lives in a brutal cycle of violence perpetrated against a people whose only crime is to want to regain its freedom and its home in its ancestral homeland, Palestine. 26.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  46. There will not be any peace while our leaders are banned, gaoled and in exile. There will not be peace while apartheid rules our land. In the end Mr. P. W. Botha must make peace with the people of South Africa." 23. For the sake of the security and survival of our country, we are committed to continuing co-operation with South Africa to ensure that the spirit of good-neighbourliness which has, on the whole, characterized the relations between our two countries for so long is not disturbed. 24. If I have spoken at length on the situation in southern Africa it is because the situation causes a great deal of concern to us. The international community has to be sensitized to it and to the very serious ramifications of its persistence and intractability.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  47. This understanding would be impaired if we signed a treaty which would virtually force us to join the South African Government in its war against South African liberation movements. 21. Fourthly, if, unbeknown to us, freedom fighters pass through our country and perpetrate acts of sabotage in South Africa, we could not be any more to blame than South Africa, whose wider and finer net—sophistication, financial and manpower prowess—they continue to elude. 22. Change will come from within South Africa. In March 1984, The United Democratic Front News in the Western Cape aptly had this to say: "The apartheid Government can make as many peace agreements as it likes, it can talk to as many leaders of other countries as it wants to. We know that it is to us and our leaders that the apartheid Government must talk.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  48. Secondly, to sign a non-aggression pact or treaty of good-neighbourliness with South Africa would imply that we have been found seriously wanting in our enforcement of our policy of not allowing our country to be used as a stepping-stone for guerrilla attacks against South Africa—which is far from being the case. The record is there to attest to the strictness of our enforcement of the policy. 20. Thirdly, signing a non-aggression treaty with South Africa would compromise the peace and stability of our country, as we would be seen, wrongly or rightly, to be joining the ranks of the white minority in South Africa in its confrontation with the black majority. So far, our policy of not allowing guerrillas in our country is respected because the reasons for it are understood.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  49. We have often taken strong measures against those who violate it and have done so publicly, secure in the knowledge that the international community appreciates our geographical predicament. 17. This is why we cannot comprehend South Africa's insistence that we sign the so-called treaty of good-neighbourliness as if we have been a bad neighbour. In sum, we refuse to sign a non-aggression pact or a good-neighbourliness treaty for the following reasons. 18. First, we have never committed an act of aggression—not even one—against South Africa. We are incapable of committing acts of aggression against South Africa. 19.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  50. The harsh facts of history and geography which confronted us as we regained our independence 18 years ago have dictated that we coexist in peace with South Africa, for not only do we depend almost entirely on that country for our economic survival, but it would be sheer lunacy on our part even to dream of seeking confrontation with a country as lethally powerful as South Africa. That is why, like most of our sister countries of southern Africa, we decided at independence that we would not allow our country to be used as a military base for attacks against our neighbours. We have strictly enforced this policy, for we are in mortal fear of the alternative to it.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)