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1965-09-24
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1969-09-24
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  1. The great Powers must, for their part, respect our independent search for our own forms of economic and political organization, and not impose schemes and solutions irrelevant to our true situation. Only thus would international political, economic and financial institutions work with an understanding of our realities and interests. 94. I must now turn to certain specific problems. Mankind has recently been shaken by events in Czechoslovakia. Zealously defending the principle of self-determination, of every country’s right to seek its own form of political and economic organization—the golden rule of international life — Chile deeply deplores the tragic situation of another poor nation which has had its sovereignty infringed by force.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  2. The impact of our participation can be decisive since, although we belong to the West because of our common experience of fundamental values, our inadequate development gives us a definite feeling of brotherhood with the East and with Africa. 93. We feel that a dynamic and creative system of coexistence has two essential needs. The first is to recognize the diversity of internal political solutions, subject always to true respect for human rights. The second is to eliminate the mutual distrust that has largely sterilized our action. It is necessary to overcome these suspicions in a united movement not only against traditional handicaps but also against increasingly serious common problems.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  3. So also, to give only two examples, are the principles of non-intervention and the right of asylum. But Latin America must now broaden its aims. I refer to our need, drawing on our common cultural experience in which human and social values coincide with our common demands for freedom and social justice, to build up those elements of political action that will enable us not only to defend our people’s interests but also to manifest them effectively to the rest of the world. 92. These interests are essentially identical. Only thus shall we be able, using the power given us by our population, our resources and our positive will, to participate in the decisions now made behind our backs.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  4. The Latin-American countries have for a long time been constructing, together with and in regard to the great Power of the continent, a body of principles, rules and practices aimed at reconciling the hitherto divergent interests of the hemisphere’s two great blocs. To that end they have for some time been organizing a specific system of measures for defending and defining purely Latin American interests; and some of these measures have already become law. 91. In this regard the Latin-American countries have some fundamental postulates which they cannot forget or evade in any circumstances and which they must in fact reaffirm constantly, both to other regions and to their own. I am speaking of principles that are universal but have originated in Latin America, where they are particularly valid and timely.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  5. None of these measures, however, will have any meaning unless the international structure of political power is so changed that the developing peoples can really participate in decision-making and in the agencies. If the problem now facing all our countries is full community participation in decisions and in the fruits of progress, if our youth is rebelling because it demands participation in its own institutions, then international life, to be effective, must be based on majority participation. This calls for a political decision, a political foresight that the great Powers must urgently consider. 90. Chile’s international policy gives Latin America a fundamental priority.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  6. In the realm of thought, another idea is important to the Government of Chile. That is, to make the principle of tariff privileges general. The principle has already been accepted; but we must go even further: we must ensure that the international juridical order shall always prescribe two standards: one for developed and another, more favourable, for developing countries. We all know that, when two nations differ considerably in economic power, equality before the law is simply legalized injustice. The principle of protecting the weak has long been a part of the internal juridical structure of most, if not all, countries. We must now transfer it to the law of international relations. 89.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  7. In this regard, the recent decisions of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development are encouraging. 86. But we must insist that there is, above all, a problem of attitude. The repeated failure of the schemes and models that people of the industrialized nations try to impose on the developing world, either in the economic or in the human life of our countries, proves that their attitudes must not continue to dominate the international agencies. 87. In monetary matters, the Bretton Woods Agreements of 1947 must be amended to meet the needs of the developing countries. They were devised chiefly for the reconstruction of Europe; their draftsmen did not foresee the phenomenon of development. This is the same problem, but in its most critical aspect. 88.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  8. As a first step it would be necessary to channel towards the poorer countries part of the investment in research that the developed countries make in their own territory. This implies the creation in the developing world of a scientific infrastructure that could eventually help to create a technology in keeping with our own needs. 85. By the same token, the nature and function of international private capital must be redefined. As the development process advances, the contradiction between economic independence and foreign investment becomes more and more evident and acute. Machinery must be set up for internationalizing private capital so as to erase its political bias, name, nationality and influence, while at the same time preserving for the investor its essential quality — profitability.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  9. My Government feels that the final objective of the Second Decade should be to establish a new international economic structure, based on the principle of a fair specialization that will give every nation — large and small — an equal share of the fruits of progress in world economic development. 83. We feel that in technology it is necessary to destroy the myth that the developing countries are doomed by nature to promote only labour-intensive activities with a low rate of investment. A “technological leap” is possible, but we do not want a pure and simple transfer of technology; we want conditions under which we can assimilate technology which for us is an entirely different thing. 84.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  10. For example, between 1960 and 1967 the number of meetings held by the United Nations increased by nearly 100 per cent, from 2,769 to 5,388, equal in 1967 to about 20 meetings every working day. 81. In this tremendous proliferation no account at all is taken of the lack by the developing countries of enough qualified personnel and money to send representatives all over the world to attend each of these meetings. We feel that this cannot go on. It is therefore the General Assembly’s duty to define the goals, content and measures of the action to be taken in the Second United Nations Development Decade, and above all to correct the errors that led to the failure of the First Decade in the four areas I have mentioned. 82.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  11. The circumstantial unity achieved on certain occasions has quickly vanished, and so the vocal pressure exerted on the developed countries has not been convincing. It is therefore doubly necessary to seek and find the points of political contact among the developing countries, about which I have spoken earlier. 79. Fourthly, we feel that the international machinery has lost its speed and flexibility and hence much of its efficiency in dealing with development questions. 80. The technical complexity of the issues and political indecision have caused a bewildering increase in the number of meetings, and these meetings have confronted governments with a tremendous volume of documentation.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  12. The wealthy peoples remain deeply selfish, and New Delhi has given the latest and most painful proof of this fact. 77. The international institutions of economic, financial and cultural development must no longer be dominated by persons who apply standards quite incommensurable with the social conditions of the developing world. This is a subtler but no less harmful form of colonialism than the old one. 78. Thirdly, we must acknowledge that the developing countries have been singularly incapable of exerting any form of constant, intelligent or imaginative pressure on the developed countries. The reason is that the countries of the “third world” are shy of each other. The three continents treat each other with suspicion and mistrust.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  13. Only recently, in response to the demands of those of us who are determined to grow, has a complex institutional device been set up to deal with the whole problem of development. This led to the creation of UNCTAD, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), the Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology to Development, the UNCTAD/GATT International Trade Centre, and other agencies. 76. Secondly, the industrialized countries showed a deep incomprehension of the underlying causes determining development. The “affluent society” has never been able to grasp, or even witness, the drama of underdevelopment; and its leaders have faithfully reflected the led. There have been gestures, concessions acceptance of principles; but basic attitudes have not changed.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  14. My Government feels that this General Assembly should conduct a serious and responsible analysis of the causes of the present crisis in international co-operation, in order to determine realistically just what we can expect from the second and much-needed United Nations Development Decade. There are several reasons why the first failed. Basically, there was strong intellectual resistance to the proposed measures, a lack of understanding by the prosperous countries, a lack of unity among the developing nations and a progressively inefficient international machinery. 75. Thus in the first place the concepts of planning, assimilation of technology, preference and others met when they were first proposed with heated opposition. Now they have been accepted; but a good part of the Decade was consumed by the process of making them acceptable.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  15. We therefore seek the unity of those who love peace and do not wish to practice the politics of war or force. This quest demands the commitment not only of the governments but also of the world’s moral and intellectual forces and of the young, who express their discontent with the present but do not realize that the international scene is where their future is really at stake. 73. The background for our deliberations on economic matters is the failure of the United Nations Development Decade, the decade in which only the developed countries have prospered. 74.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  16. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was the great common forum that gave this situation legal sanction. In its context we could state that international problems multiplied precisely on that human frontier-gap between prosperity and poverty, between development and lack of science and technology. But the delusion that we should gain security through development has been rudely dispelled. Here we are, back at the Assembly, again involved in political problems and facing the stark fact that the most virulent political schemes, under the guise of possible war — the more cruel and unjust for being partial and limited to the stage chosen by the users of men — and under the guise of less probable peace dominate the interests of the great and the needs of the poor. 72.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  17. Two or three fundamental principles could emerge in strength and unite separate continents, start a practical dialogue with decision-making centres, and lay the foundations of a new era that could redeem the present deplorable situation. 70. The United Nations was born as a political instrument, to prevent a repetition of the intolerable events of the decade from 1935 to 1945, which inflicted all the suffering of which mankind is capable. 71. The absolute destructiveness of the nuclear deterrent compelled the great Powers by its mere existence to replace political and military confrontation throughout the world with seemingly more peaceful and positive means in which the political motive was “development”. Economic acts then became the only means of preserving peace, which seemed to be threatened only by underdevelopment.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  18. The use of flexible machinery and the absence of ideological intolerance would increase the effect of contacts between countries anxious to promote an international climate of peace and freedom from threat, so as to speed the development of their economies and societies. 69. If we became aware of those contacts and created simple and practical instruments, we could set up effective defences against the newer forms of imperialism and, what is more, create a political force capable of interpreting, representing and leading the great majority of mankind that no longer accepts the law of force but demands respect for justice and believes in the equality and dignity of man.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  19. But they also have an overriding positive meaning, in the growing capacity of those countries on the political outskirts to play, in their relations with the great Powers and each other, leading historic parts in which they can correct grandiose expressions and create facts along constructive lines. 68. We note with interest that, along with the present lawful groupings of States in all the organs of the United Nations, forces of political action are being generated by combination to defend vital principles of international coexistence and to press specific points of common interest.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  20. Until this is done, the countries affected by present and threatened by future events can and must, in our opinion, set aside ideology and search practically and actively for essential points of agreement. 67. We believe that some countries belonging to geographical regions and political zones have been drawn apart by recent historical events but nevertheless have points of contact of which we are not yet fully aware. These are to some extent negative, since they consist in the simultaneous “NO!” which those countries utter or feel in response to the acts of those who in fact make decisions for the community of nations.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  21. But the present realities of international life, and those which may be predicted from current events and from the attitudes of the privileged nations towards these, go far beyond the express understanding set forth in the Charter, in the resolutions and in the exercise by the United Nations organs of their powers. The events that are being precipitated with the participation or in the presence of the countries with the greatest privileges and the greatest responsibilities contradict these responsibilities and exceed these privileges. If the situation of the community of nations has changed so much over this period of time as to prevent them from properly fulfilling the obligations they have all undertaken in their several degrees, it is time to revise the Charter and the international legal and political system.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  22. Formulas such as “capitalism", “socialism", “free world", are either too ambiguous or are open to the interpretation imposed by certain leaders in particular circumstances in order to justify their own power situation. 65. An increasingly frustrated world realizes that this world Organization does not meet the fundamental needs of mankind. We believe in the legitimacy of the United Nations as a political organization. Chile feels absolute respect for all the legal, political and moral obligations that have been built into this system. We have proved this by our deeds. 66. We know very well that the Charier established for certain nations privileged positions which carry greater responsibilities.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  23. Since they involve us all, we must tackle them vigorously, because from both a moral and a political standpoint they are matters of common concern and fall within the legitimate sphere of action of every country, without exception. This critical situation calls for a reorientation of the motives which led to the establishment of this world forum. 64. Two years ago in this very same Assembly we said: “The history of mankind has been, to a considerable extent, the history of the irresponsible exercise of power, and high-sounding words were used in an attempt to justify the immoral and barbarous instinct for domination” [1424th meeting,para. 30]. The history of these high-sounding words is approaching its definitive crisis. At the present time no social, economic or ideological concept is capable of bringing about peace.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  24. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, whose absence from this supposedly universal Organization we once again deplore, rightly stated a few days ago: “He who has power, particularly atomic power, does not necessarily have either morality or wisdom on his side". 62. Here we, the smaller countries of the world, are face to face with the great actors and authors of history, or rather I should say, we are under them. Our fate is gambled with and perhaps lost, without our consent and in a dangerously unjust fashion. The example is pernicious and contagious, both internationally and nationally. 63. We know that both agreements and disagreements between the great Powers and fluctuations in the temperature of the war are facts which we, the small countries, are forced to recognize as inevitable.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  25. But we are in fact left out of all vital political discussions. 59. It is because of this same paradox, which borders on irony, that this worldwide democratic Assembly, whose essential purpose should be the prevention of war, all wars, will discuss neither the situation in Viet-Nam, nor the events in Czechoslovakia, nor the Middle East, nor the horrible tragedy of Biafra. 60. These threats to world peace emerge as inevitable cycles, and the spiral of fear tends to paralyse the leaders of small nations. In this context, they seem to have been assigned the sad role of victims. 61.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  26. If the Assembly has any value, it is because it allows the free expression of universal public opinion and enables the voice of a watchful world conscience to be heard, to which the big Powers and those who unlawfully use force must defer. 58. Today more than ever we need a strong and active United Nations. But recent experience shows that the proliferation of its activities, to which we have thoughtlessly contributed, has to a large extent served as a means for concealing non-compliance with the resolutions adopted and, above all, of concealing the vacuum left by the failure of those who have the power to change events to take political decisions. We thus get carried away by endless analyses and discussions on economic questions or problems such as outer space or the sea-bed, about which we can still talk and dream.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  27. Chile has pledged unlimited support to the United Nations in the task of building up international law and making it mandatory, because we consider it desirable that there should be an impartial authority able to enforce it. Chile believes that this is the forum of free men who, like us, are not backed up by power or by the will to dominate, but earnestly desire to live in a peaceful and co-operative world. Chile wishes to believe in this tribune in order to have the opportunity to put forward the claim to equal rights for all States, an objective which has not yet been achieved. But we are deeply concerned to note that instead of moving towards these goals, we are moving away from them; that the United Nations, which we could now call “our last hope", is becoming weaker. 57.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  28. If principles continue to be violated, if what was laid down at San Francisco is not applied, if a policy of force again prevails, trampling underfoot many oft-proclaimed rights, if there is no check to the arms race, if the United Nations Development Decade shows how wealth is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few, why continue meeting and talking? It is difficult to find an answer that will satisfy people and enable them to retain their faith, if the major decisions which are meant to determine the conditions under which future generations on and beyond the earth will live are adopted for reasons of prestige or in defence of national interests and not in the light of the effect they will have on mankind. It is difficult to answer those questions if respect for reason becomes the inheritance of the weak. 56.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  29. 54. Mr. President, your election constitutes a just recognition of your qualities as a statesman of strong personality, firm principles and great diplomatic ability, qualities we have had the good fortune to appreciate during your international career in the service of Latin American unity and of our common principles. We Chileans feel honoured to have you presiding over this Assembly and we wish you every success in your delicate duties. 55. When a Foreign Minister of a country like Chile makes a long journey to attend a General Assembly of the United Nations in the international situation prevailing today, there are many people in our countries who will ask themselves: Whose interests are served by these speeches and debates?

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  30. We are confident that our domestic programme will be successful, for we are attaining the goals that we set ourselves; we are collaborating in a historical process of unity in Latin America, where, too, we see substantial progress and where violence must not be tolerated, But we also feel that everything that happens in the world concerns us, for, as I have said, the principles that Chile would like to see applied in international coexistence have their roots, as far as we are concerned, in the free and voluntary determination of our people.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  31. It is no easy task to eliminate the causes of internal dissension in each country, as we are doing in ours. There are the international factors that I have mentioned to contend with, as also the extremists with opposing views, who, when they feel that their interests are harmed or their intention to use violence is frustrated, try in vain, by all internal and external means, to weaken the will of the people. 57. In Chile we have already, in three years, obtained great results in the fields of education, health and housing: we have changed social and economic structures that were hampering and halting the increase in production; we are carrying out agrarian reform; and, above all, we have made our people participate in this gigantic effort, as the subject and the chief practitioner of the development policy. 58.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  32. It is no longer possible, either at the world level or within each State or in smaller communities, for privileged groups to exist whose power and wealth are often based on the subjection and poverty of vast sectors of population. The demands of justice and solidarity should bring about the rapid and radical change that all social structures require. To bring about this change in freedom, with full respect for the entire human person, is the great common task before us all. Chile's domestic life is guided by those same principles of respect for human rights, plurality and economic and social development that it advocates for international coexistence. 56. The Chilean people have decided, by democratic processes, to carry out far-reaching social and economic reforms within the broadest political freedom.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  33. It also gives rise to tense situations into which the great Powers are dragged, thus endangering world peace. 54. My country was not acting out of expediency when it supported that statement condemning intervention, nor shall we agree to any weakening or alteration of its terms. Those principles serve to defend us from others, but they also serve to make us use control with regard to others. 55. Fortunately the contemporary world, on which science and technology are leaving their mark, has another characteristic, which is the understanding by the masses of their right to participate in the benefits of civilization.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  34. These facts, which we have recently denounced at the meeting of our regional body, violate the explicit terms of resolution 2131 (XX), which was unanimously adopted at the twentieth session of the General Assembly, and operative paragraph 2 of which states that "No State shall organize, assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate subversive, terrorist or armed activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the régime of another State, or interfere in civil strife in another State". 53. Any violation of this principle should be brought to the notice of the United Nations, because it corrupts international life, generates opposing attitudes that also tend to violate that same principle and creates dangers for the small nations which the International community should prevent.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  35. Our concept of ideological, political and economic plurality, and at the same time the process of integration, obliges us to keep this principle of non-intervention, which is a historic basis of our country's international policy, in full operation. 52. In recent times this principle has been systematically violated in Latin America, seriously affecting Latin American nations again and again.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  36. This must be recognized and respected. 50. Latin America was born under the sign of freedom for ideas and for races and of liberation from injustice. We should like the fundamental worth of the human person always to be protected in America, but we have not yet achieved that goal, mainly because the very conditions of its economic development have affected the realities of power and of law and have impeded free and healthy expression by the people. But although this is not yet possible despite the fact that the vigilant conscience of the people is working seriously in that direction, there is one principle that is essential: it is the principle of non-intervention. 51.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  37. We are under an obligation to change the structure of international trade and economy, because it is that structure that is today working most actively against peace. 49. We recognize the coexistence in the world of different types of ideologies and of political, economic and social systems as an incontrovertible fact. Such pluralism in the world, within the principles of the Charter, is not and cannot be an obstacle to peace; on the contrary, it is part of the process of man's maturing and, with the risks inherent in any creation, it enriches the process of construction of a varied human race which is forever improving. We see no reason why this plurality should not also prevail in Latin America, where there are different experiences and ideological forms that reflect various ways of conceiving coexistence within national communities.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  38. I wish to point out how important it is that the New Delhi Conference should draw up a global development strategy in which internal, regional, sub-regional and international efforts will all have their place and will be brought into harmony. Some preliminary meetings are to be held shortly, one in Paris and another at Algiers. We hope that the industrial countries will emphasize the spirit of understanding that began to appear at Geneva. We are also confident that the Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 at Algiers will reflect the same sense of realism and of positive construction that characterized the conduct of the Group on that occasion, and we are sure that the countries with a socialist economy will have fixed the broad lines of their position before the New Delhi Conference and are preparing to collaborate in the common task.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  39. It is therefore clear that the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which is to be held at New Delhi from 1 February to 25 March 1968, will have to take up that question in no uncertain fashion and establish the machinery and the methods for increasing the earnings in foreign currency of the developing countries, basically though their exports of primary commodities and manufactures and through financial assistance that will be able to help in the mobilization of domestic resources and in the better utilization of a labour force which at present is for the most part wasted. 48.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  40. Let us therefore not hesitate to say that it is of the utmost urgency that the process of transferring that technology should be speeded up, by the granting of patents on favourable terms or by the granting of facilities for the local improvement of applied, and in some cases also basic, research. 47. Next in order of importance is the transfer of financial resources to the developing world, which has manifestly weakened.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  41. It has also been possible to start laying down the broad lines of an International policy designed to change the present state of affairs. In the Trade and Development Board, which completed its session at Geneva a few days ago, there was a clear consensus on some of the central points of this policy, which might give rise to constructive and fruitful negotiation. 46. We feel that among those points none is so worthy of mention as that of the transfer of modern technology to the developing world. The technological revolution is leaving the developing world — which harbours two thirds of the human race — behind in the matter of scientific and technical progress, for the gap which is increasing daily between the economic power of the two sectors of the world is obviously the result of the technological imbalance.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  42. Within this context, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Venezuela, and recently Bolivia, have agreed to accelerate their integration in order to form a single economic region during the forthcoming decade. 44. These integration processes require financial and technical assistance from outside. That is what happened in the case of the European integration, which has been of great benefit to the people of that continent. We, for our part, are seeking integration as a way of establishing our own development on autonomous bases with regard to decisions and in order to obtain the benefits of progress. For this reason, external co-operation, which is necessary, can be neither exclusive nor excluding. 45. It can be asserted that the diagnosis of the economic and social situation of the developing world has been completed.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  43. In Latin America we have chosen this path of integration in order to make the utmost use of our countless natural resources and our great human potential, to produce massive quantities of capital goods and to introduce technologies and industries of high technology that can only survive with ample markets within a vast economic region. 43. The Meeting of American Chiefs of State, held at Punta del Este in April 1967, gave a political definition, at the highest level, to the need to create a common market grouping 240 million Latin Americans. This act is not only of great significance for the development of Latin America; it will very soon be of significance for the whole world, that cannot disregard the potentially richer continent, in which the population is increasing more rapidly.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  44. An example of how developing countries can co-operate with each other through political decisions Is provided by the agreement reached by four of the largest copper producers of the world, the Congo, Peru, Zambia and Chile, working out concerted action to increase their negotiating capacity in the trade and use of this basic metal and designed to make the interest of the producing countries coincide with those of the consumers. 42. In our opinion, however, the most complete demonstration of this policy of increase and of economic and trade complementarity among developing countries lies in economic integration of regions or sub-regions.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  45. In the interdependent world of today, international collaboration has become a necessity, because the sphere of action of each country is becoming more and more limited. The structure of world trade is, however, making the efforts of the developing countries fruitless. With all the means at our disposal, and particularly through UNCTAD, we are seeking a drastic change in that structure. Until that comes about, and as a means of arriving at a system of equitable world trade and reciprocal benefits, we think that the developing world should increase its economic and commercial relations within its own frontiers, whether within each region or among the various regions. 41.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  46. What, then, is strange in the fact that it is precisely in this periphery that wars, conflicts, violence and tension originate that imperil international peace? We cannot think about preserving peace and security if we are not able boldly to transform the problem of under-development in order to ensure a decent life for every human being. 39. National efforts are, and must be, the basis; they cannot be replaced, but only supplemented, by International co-operation. Thus development will be achieved with the national characteristics and genius of each nation and for its own benefit, without, however, any disregard of the general interests of mankind which are consistent with it. 40.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  47. Four fifths of that period have already passed and none of the targets for economic growth set at that time have been reached; indeed, today, It is frankly admitted that this aspiration has been a failure. There is no appreciable improvement in the Indices of the levels of living of the developing nations and the transfer of technology and financial resources which was essential for the achievement of those targets has not come about. The terms on which international trade is developing are still conspiring against more rapid development and we are in the midst of a world food crisis which is due to the inability of the developing world to increase its agricultural production to keep pace with its population explosion.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  48. This violation of human rights on a world-wide scale is due to an underlying racism that is foreign to us Latin Americans. The historic importance of Latin America is that of constituting a human manifestation in which all races have had and still have equal opportunities of integration in our national communities. We do not, however, claim to be a symbol, but we do believe that we are a synthesis. 38.The International community, aware of the dangers and the injustice that the horizontal division of the world between satisfied peoples, on the one hand, and deprived peoples on the other, entailed, proclaimed the decade of the 1960s as the Development Decade.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  49. I am not trying to condemn some nations in order to extol others, but simply to show the existence of a concealed racism that operates in increasingly manifold and complex imperialist forms. 35. Among the developed countries that tend to unite their efforts in defence of their interests, ideologies and nationalism lose their virulence. It is the peoples that are farther beyond the frontier of well-being that are a prey to extremism, nationalism and even international political terrorism, 36. Wars — at present local wars — break out in this periphery. Terrorism is let loose among the peoples which have been colonized and which suffer social injustice. It is here that we find the great perils and problems that the United Nations will have to tackle if we wish to fulfil its purposes. 37.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  50. In this way Chile shows that its essentially pacifist policy, based on absolute non-intervention, does not in any way call for armaments that affect the security of other countries of the region, and far less for the acquisition of arms or military devices that impede the harmonious economic and integrated development of the region. 33. Unless a certain measure of peace prevails among the great countries, the perils of war increase in this human frontier zone, where the break occurs between well-being and poverty, between development and the lack of science and technology, a frontier which coincides with the periphery where the historically white man meets men of another colour. It is here, in this frontier, that tensions build up. 34.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)