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1961-09-24
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1964-09-24
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  1. The reason for this crisis is that too often the principles of the Charter are compromised by yielding to force, by disregard of justice, or by contempt of human rights. If we are really interested in strengthening the United Nations, we must rededicate ourselves to the fundamental principles upon which it was founded twenty years ago at San Francisco, and we must return to the task of building a new world as originally envisaged by the framers of the Charter — a world of peace based on justice and law. Let us imbue the United Nations with a new courage and a new vigour to abide by those fundamental principles, and let us endow it with that spiritual and moral strength which alone can meet the grave challenges of our time and accomplish the noble ends of our resolve.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  2. From a juridical point of view, the language of Article 19 is quite clear and should not give rise to any dispute on its applicability. But, owing to the refusal of one intransigent big Power to observe the Charter, we are left to cast about for a compromise as an expediency. If Article 19 can be allowed to be ignored, so can other provisions of the Charter. If a powerful Member of the United Nations has done violence to the Charter and can get away with it, what is there to be said for law and justice under the aegis of the United Nations? 111. The Republic of China is a founding Member of the United Nations and has faithfully and consistently carried out all its obligations under the Charter. Let us admit that there is a grave crisis facing the United Nations.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  3. Again, while the Charter enjoins us to respect the right of freedom and independence, it is deplorable that Indonesia should openly vow to destroy the existence of a neighbouring country, Malaysia, which was created by the free will of its people, and should send armed contingents to invade the territory of that neighbouring country. We regret that the United Nations was prevented from taking just action in this matter by the Soviet veto in the Security Council. 110. This session of the Assembly has been, in the past few weeks, in a state of virtual paralysis with regard to all its activities except the general debate. This has been brought about by the dispute arising out of the question of the application of Article 19 of the Charter.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  4. It must have a consistent body of moral and legal principles which are applicable at all times and in all circumstances. It must have a definite and definable standard of right and wrong which cannot be compromised. Yet we cannot help feeling disappointed at the existence of certain situations in the Organization. 108. For instance, the Republic of Korea was established under the auspices of the United Nations; but because of the consistent refusal of the Communist aggressors to allow the Korean people to express their free will, the resolutions for the unification of Korea passed by the United Nations year after year have become an empty gesture. 109.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  5. I wish to reiterate here, as we have stressed before, that, in carrying out this historic mission, the Government and the people of the Republic of China do not seek any assistance from the United Nations. What we do ask of the United Nations is that it not go out of its way to recognize the fruits of aggression by the Chinese Communists and admit them into this Organization as the representatives of the Chinese people. 107. At this point, I cannot refrain from bringing up a fundamental problem: that is, if we need the United Nations, if we want it to carry out its purposes and principles, then we must preserve and protect the dignity and integrity of the Charter. The United Nations was created to maintain international peace and security.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  6. The cost of freedom is always high, and no sacrifice is too great. We are confident that the Chinese people on the mainland are with us as we are with them. They look forward to the day when they will be free again, free to think, free to speak and act, free to till their land and reap the harvest of their labour, free from fear, from coercion and regimentation. In the history of China, the people rose many times to overthrow the tyrants who had destroyed their freedom. They will no doubt rise again. 105. In fighting for the freedom of the Chinese people, we are fighting also for the freedom of all Asia and, indeed, of the whole world. If we succeed— and succeed we must—we will have made a great contribution to the cause of world peace. 106.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  7. The fanatic attempt of the Chinese Communists to develop nuclear weapons, in contemptuous disregard of world opinion and with callous indifference to the suffering of the Chinese people, can only be explained by one motivation: the realization of the dream of Communist neo-imperialism. This is a crime against the people of China and a challenge to the peace-loving peoples of the world. It calls for the strongest condemnation by the United Nations. 104. The Republic of China, which I have the honour to represent, is irrevocably dedicated to the task of restoring freedom to the Chinese people on the mainland, and thereby safeguarding the peace of the world. We know that the task is not an easy one, and the road ahead is full of hazards. We know, also, that both our will and our capacity for sacrifices will be tested.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  8. The peoples of these two countries suffered grievous losses because they refused to cower before the aggressor and are determined to defend their freedom and independence. All who cherish freedom for themselves should extend their sympathy and support to the brave and innocent peoples of Viet-Nam and Laos, and must not allow them to lose their freedom and independence. To let them go down in defeat will pave the way for the communization of the whole of South-East Asia. 103. It is not surprising that a regime which believes that "only with guns can the whole world be transformed" is firmly opposed to disarmament.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  9. As early as November 1949, Liu Shao-chi, the chief theoretician of the Chinese Communist Party, told the Communist-sponsored Trade Union Conference of Asian and Australasian countries in Peiping that in furthering "liberation struggles" in that region, "armed struggles" should be carried out in the rural areas while "in the enemy-controlled cities and areas, either legal or illegal mass struggles should be conducted to co-ordinate with the guerrilla warfare in the rural districts". 102. This blueprint of strategy for the "liberation struggles" and for the Communist take-over of this area has, in fact, already been translated into action in Viet-Nam and Laos, both of which are victims of naked Communist aggression.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  10. When the latter are thus encircled, resulting in economic dislocation and stagnation, they will collapse of their own weight and can be take without a fight. This was the strategy used by the Chinese Communists in their armed rebellion, which resulted in their occupation of the mainland of China. In the eyes of the Chinese Communists, the less developed parts of Asia, Africa and elsewhere are the rural areas, while the highly industrialized areas in Western Europe and North America are the metropolis of the world. If the Chinese Communists can control and dominate the vast territories of the world's rural areas, they will be able to isolate the above-mentioned metropolis formed by the industrialized nations. 101. Behind all that is happening and will happen in Asia looms the spectre of the Chinese Communist regime on the mainland.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  11. Although the Chinese Communists are already pressing hard towards the under-developed areas, it is to be regretted that there are countries which continue to hold the view that the expansion of Communism in those areas has not yet posed a serious threat to their national security. This type of thinking, I am afraid, will redound to the advantage of the Communists, and impair the unity of the free world. 100. As a matter of fact, all free countries are regarded by the Chinese Communists as their enemies, and have been listed on their agenda of conquest. One of the basic strategic concepts expounded by Mao Tse-tung is that it is necessary, first, to capture the weakly defended rural areas in order to cut off their contact with the metropolitan areas.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  12. In order to consolidate and expand this united front, it is necessary that the proletarian party should maintain its ideological political and organizational independence, and insist on the leadership of the revolution." 98. Such is the political motivation of the economic foreign aid policy of the Chinese Communists. The Chinese Communists give economic aid only to spread the seeds of revolution in the free countries of Asia, Africa and other areas, using the Chinese mainland as the base of operations. The investment thus made is looked upon as the "seed money" of revolution. By making inroads into these countries, the Chinese Communists will be in a position to achieve their real purpose of conspiring with the local Communist parties for the overthrow of their respective legitimate governments. 99.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  13. The article says: "The various types of contradictions in the contemporary world are concentrated in the vast areas of Asia, Africa and Latin America; these are the most vulnerable areas under imperialist rule and the storm centres of world revolution dealing direct blows at imperialism." It further says: "The national democratic revolution in these areas is an important component of the contemporary proletarian world revolution." And again: "History has entrusted to the proletarian parties in these areas (Asia, Africa and Latin America) the glorious mission of holding high the banner of struggle against imperialism, against old and new colonialism, and for national independence and people's democracy, of standing in the forefront of the national democratic revolutionary movement and striving for a socialist future." It continues: "In the national liberation movement, the proletariat must seize the leadership and must at the same time establish a mass-based anti-imperialist united front.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  14. Let us ask: in such circumstances is the economic aid by the Chinese Communists given unselfishly and devoid of any ulterior motive? 97. The answer may be found in an article entitled "Apologists of Neo-colonialism", published in the nineteenth issue of Red Flag in October 1963, in which the blueprint for a Communist take-over in Asia, Africa and Latin America was spelled out clearly and in some detail.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  15. To some of them, the Chinese Communists have extended economic aid which is alleged to be without any political conditions attached. Nothing is further from the truth. As we know, the economy of the Chinese mainland is bordering on bankruptcy after the ravages wrought by the Chinese Communist triple policy of "the general line", "the great leap forward", and "the people's commune", and after several consecutive years of natural disasters. 96. For years, the people on mainland China have been languishing under Communist tyranny. They are struggling to survive on the brink of starvation. Yet in spite of the starvation and other privations of the people, the Chinese Communists have embarked upon a programme of foreign aid with reckless abandon.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  16. They will also have to refrain from interfering with Communist infiltration and subversive activities in their own lands, so as to demonstrate their goodwill and friendliness towards the Communists. Failure to do so will be branded by the Communists as having violated the spirit of "peaceful coexistence", and can be used as a pretext for initiating aggression by the Communists. Thus, "peaceful coexistence" as practised by the Chinese Communists is a policy to divide the enemy and a device for cheap conquests. The signing of the "five principles of peaceful coexistence" between India and the Chinese Communists did not prevent the latter from launching military attacks against India. 95. At present there are countries which still have the illusion that they can coexist with the Chinese Communists.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  17. Consequently, when they are pressing attacks on their immediate enemy, they use "peaceful coexistence" to deceive and neutralize their next enemy, so that the latter will not be united with the former against the Communists. When the time comes for the Communists to deal with the next enemy, the idea of . "peaceful coexistence" will have lost all relevance. 94. Moreover, the countries which accept the Chinese Communist version of "peaceful coexistence" will, in the first place, have to deny co-operation with those countries which are the Communists' targets of attack and, in the second place, to acquiesce in the. Communists' expansionist activities abroad.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  18. However, the true meaning of "peaceful coexistence" as advocated by the Chinese Communists is to be found in Mao Tse-tung's theory of "twin strategy", that is to say, the alternate use of the "strategy of peace" and the "strategy of war", as circumstances dictate. 93. According to this theory, war and peace are two sides of the same coin, and peace is only another form of warfare, a form of strategy, subordinate to the needs of war. The Chinese Communists know that they cannot eliminate their enemies all at once, and that war should be prosecuted in several stages and won by the tactic of defeating one enemy at a time.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  19. on the ruins of imperialism, the victorious peoples would create with tremendous speed a civilization a thousand times higher than that under the capitalist system, and build a truly beautiful future for themselves." Such is the extent of the war-like fanaticism of the Chinese Communists. 92. It may be argued that the Chinese Communists do not totally reject the idea of "peaceful coexistence", since they at one time adopted the propaganda line of "peaceful coexistence" vis-a-vis the neighbouring countries in Asia. It is said that in 1954 Chou En-lai even signed with India "the five principles of peaceful coexistence" which were subsequently adopted by the Bandung Conference.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  20. "If a half of humanity were destroyed, the other half would still remain, but imperialism would be destroyed entirely and there would be only socialism in all the world, and within half a century or a whole century the population would again increase by more than a half." 91. The substance of this pronouncement had appeared in April 1960 in an article entitled "Long Live Leninism" in Red Flag—a theoretical organ of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee—in which the Communist leadership declared that, in the event of nuclear war, the sacrifice of the people of the world would be rewarded, because "...

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  21. They are of the opinion that only after the victory of the proletarian revolution can there be any possibility or need of peaceful coexistence. It is their conviction that peaceful coexistence cannot take the place of the revolutionary struggle of the world's Communist parties. In their view, the policy of peaceful coexistence before the completion of world revolution is a policy of betrayal and surrender. 90. According to the Soviet Government organ Izvestia of 21 September 1963, Mao Tse-tung told the Moscow Conference of the world's Communist parties: "If we fight, atomic and hydrogen weapons will be used. Personally, I think that in the entire world there will be such suffering that a half of humanity, and perhaps even more than a half, will perish ...

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  22. They also explain why the Chinese Communists have encouraged and supported the Communist rebels in Viet-Nam and Laos, and why they have sent their guerrilla warfare experts to Africa and other areas to organize the local Communists for guerrilla war activities. Thus, in their plot of aggression and expansion in Asia, Africa and other areas, an important device of the Chinese Communists is to instigate the overthrow of the legally constituted governments by giving money and weapons to local armed Communists to help them intimidate the masses into joining their rebellion. 89. it is popular these days to chant the slogan of "peaceful coexistence". The Chinese Communists, however, are unalterably against peaceful coexistence. They believe in the inevitability of war.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  23. This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolution holds good universally, for China and for all other countries." Mao concludes: "It is only by the power of the gun that the working class and labouring masses can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords; ... only with guns can the whole world be transformed." Mao is firmly opposed to the idea of peaceful transition, which he regards as "betrayal of Marxist- Leninism" and "betrayal of the proletariat". 88. The above-mentioned statements by Mao Tse-tung will serve to explain why the Chinese Communists were engaged in protracted armed rebellion on the Chinese mainland and why, shortly after the creation of the Peiping regime, they mobilized a million troops to launch aggression against the Republic of Korea and fought the United Nations forces for three years.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  24. Thus, following the war, they were able to subvert the constituted government and to set up a Communist dictatorial regime under the guise of the so-called "democratic revolution". The Chinese Communists are now urging the same tactic upon the Communist parties in Asia and Africa in the prosecution of subversive activities in their respective countries. 87. The Chinese Communists worship force. Mao Tse-tung's slogan — "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" — has been adopted into the Communist scriptures. According to Mao Tse-tung: "Violent revolution is a universal law of [proletarian] revolution". Mao explains his theory in this way: "The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of issues by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  25. Because of the lack of appeal of Communism as an ideology in China, the Chinese Communists deemed it necessary to join some other political force which already enjoyed a large following. They found such a force in the Kuomintang, into which they infiltrated in the name of forging unity in resisting imperialism. During the various periods of its feigned co-operation with the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communist Party was all the time secretly developing its organization and expanding its own armed forces for the purpose of converting the national revolution into a Communist revolution. In the course of the Second World War, while the National Government of China was devoting its full attention to engaging the enemy, the Chinese Communists insidiously widened their areas of control. 86.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  26. Meanwhile, the Chinese Communist regime for its part is hoisting high the banner of open bellicosity and has embarked upon many acts of subversion and aggression in Asia, Africa and other areas. This poses the greatest threat to the new and independent States of the world. It therefore behooves me, as the representative of China, to expose before this Assembly the intrigues of the Chinese Communists and to offer the lessons of our struggle against Communism as a warning to all potential victims of such aggression. 85. For more than a century, China suffered many forms of unjustice and humiliation under the old-style imperialism. The struggle of the Chinese people for freedom and independence was led by the Kuomintang, founded by the late Father of the Republic, Dr. Sun Yat-sen.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  27. Their real objective is to replace the old colonialism of the Western Powers with the new colonialism of the Communist variety, and to convert the non-Communist world into a vast colony of Communist imperialism. 84. Although there is now a rift between Moscow and Peiping, it must be remembered that their quarrel is not over the basic aim of world conquest, on which both are in agreement, but rather over the question of who is to lead this drive and which method is to be used to accomplish it. By their struggle for leadership, Moscow and Peiping have confessed their identity of purpose and thus laid bare their insidious ambition for world domination, whether this is to be achieved by violence or by other means.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  28. The Communists, however, share none of these aspirations, and pursue a totally different objective. They subvert independence and freedom. They aim at the creation of totalitarian regimes wherever and whenever it is possible for them to do so. 83. To this end, every resource of their propaganda is put to use to whip up discontent, to incite to violence, and to undermine all existing institutions. They promise abundance to the suffering and impoverished masses, and conjure up a future in which liberty and democracy will flourish and every man and woman will have a glorious role to play. But once in the saddle of power, all promises are forgotten; all opposition, all contrary opinions are ruthlessly stamped out and a reign of terror is imposed.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  29. While the United Nations has the bounden duty to help all peoples who aspire to independence and freedom in achieving their goal, it has, I submit, an even greater responsibility to preserve and protect the independence and freedom of those who have already won them. 81. At a time when we are witnessing the gradual disappearance of the old colonialism, it is ironic that the forces of international Communism should be seeking to exploit the difficulties of the new independent States for the purpose of turning these countries into colonies of Communist imperialism. 82. The United Nations has for its purpose the establishment of a community of free and independent States acting together in the interest of peace, security, social progress and a better standard of life for all mankind.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  30. Those old colonial Powers which are cognizant of the irresistible tides of the times have accepted the demands of the colonial peoples for self-rule and independence. The role played by the United Nations in encouraging and assisting the transformation of colonies from dependence to freedom is one of which we can all be proud, and the success it has achieved deserves our tribute. In general, it can be said that the liquidation of old-style colonialism has now reached its final phase, and that the remaining issues should be speedily and peacefully resolved in accordance with the principle of self-determination. 80.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  31. Another event of equal importance was the fall of the Chinese mainland, and with it the complete loss of freedom of one-fifth of the world's population, under the tyranny of the Chinese Communist regime. Thus, while some 600 million people in Asia and Africa have gained freedom and independence, an approximately equal number of people have fallen under slavery. The Chinese Communist regime, which was brought into being by the aggressive forces of international Communism, has for its ultimate aim the domination of the whole world. It has been ceaselessly pursuing, by various tactics, acts of overt or covert aggression throughout the world. 79. In the post-war years, colonialism in its traditional form has undergone an evolutionary process of dissolution which is still continuing.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  32. While there are those who are striving to build a saner, safer and happier world in which to live, there are also those who do not hesitate to work for the world's total destruction. It is up to us Members of the United Nations to make a wise choice, and to see to it that the forces of evil shall not prevail. 78. After the Second World War, there occurred a number of events of historic importance in the community of nations. One of these was the awakening of the peoples of Asia, Africa and other areas of the world. Hundreds of millions of people have emerged from colonial rule and freely formed themselves into new independent States which now exercise considerable influence in the United Nations.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  33. 75. Mr. President, it affords great satisfaction to my delegation that a distinguished son of Africa has been chosen to preside over the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly. Your election to the high office of President bespeaks the growing stature of Africa in the community of nations. I take this opportunity to extend to you, Mr. President, my delegation's congratulations and good wishes. 76. Also on behalf of my delegation, I wish to express to Mr. Sosa Rodriguez of Venezuela my deep appreciation of the great wisdom, impartiality and inspiring leadership with which he presided over the General Assembly at its eighteenth session. 77. We live in an age of momentous changes in the history of human affairs. Advance in science and technology has immeasurably enhanced man's capabilities for good or for evil.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  34. There are delegations in the Assembly which are bent on strengthening the forces of evil by adding to the United Nations membership those who are clearly disqualified by the spirit and the letter of the Charter. They base their case on "realism" and on the so-called principle of universality. If they are allowed to have their way, then the era of collective aggression, not of collective security, will be upon us. This is a grim state of affairs indeed. Unless the majority of the Member States accept the reality of the danger and unite their efforts to meet it, the United Nations is destined to go the way of the League of Nations.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  35. Its very existence implies the eventual restoration of freedom to the 600 million Chinese people now under the domination of the communist regime. 99. Before closing, I should like to say a final word about the United Nations. The United Nations, created to preserve the peace in conformity with law and justice, as well as to promote social progress and better standards of life, is now in danger of being perverted to serve the interest of powerful war makers and international bullies who have no respect for the principles and purposes enshrined in the Charter. Those who stand for law and justice, for moral values and human decency for resistance to force, are reviled for their courage and steadiness of purpose. Appeasement is very much in the air.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  36. For this and other more important reasons, the starving and suffering masses look to the Government of the Republic of China now based on Taiwan for deliverance. We shall not fail to respond to their call if the opportunity presents itself. 97. In Taiwan we have, under the leadership of President Chiang Kai-shek, carried out successfully a land reform. programme in three stages. About 80 per cent of the farmers now own the land they till. The economic aid extended to us by the United States has enabled us to place our agriculture and industry on a sound basis of development. We now enjoy a standard of living which is one of the highest in all Asia. 98. The Republic of China is more than the province of Taiwan. It is a symbol of free Chinese nationalism everywhere. It represents the spirit of the Chinese nation.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  37. By this diabolical system, Chinese society has been transformed beyond all recognition, completely tearing it away from its ancient moorings of family loyalty and solidarity. Husbands and wives and their children are forcibly torn apart by having to work and live in separate localities. They work, eat and retire at the sound of the bugle. The vast country has become one gigantic slave camp. The horrors of the communes surpass anything ever conceived by George Orwell. 96. As a result of the communal system, agricultural production has declined. A continuing famine of unprecedented proportions stalks the land. Yet the Communists have never ceased to export grain to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in payment of loans and imports.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  38. Thus equipped the Communists were ready to fight a civil war against the National Government. In 1949 they took over the Chinese mainland. 94. This is the story of "peaceful coexistence" between the Communists and my Government in China. The lesson of this tragedy should not be lost on those who today still think that they can co-operate with the Soviet Union and international Communism, 95. Twelve years have passed since the establishment of the Chinese Communist regime on mainland China. Under the tyrannical rule of the Communists, the like of which China has never, never known, the people have been plunged into the depths of despair. In 1958 the so-called "people's communes" were introduced.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  39. Events soon proved that, instead of fighting the Japanese the Communists took the opportunity to expand their own influence. At the close of the war in 1945, they openly defied my Government and set up a rival regime in North China. Thus ended the second experiment in coexistence. 93. Toward the end of 1945, President Truman sent General George C. Marshall to China to mediate between the National Government and the Communists in the hope that a coalition government might be established. This was the third well-intentioned attempt at coexistence. The Communists again used the opportunity to expand their armed forces. Meanwhile, the Soviet troops in Manchuria delayed their withdrawal until the Chinese Communists could move into the north-eastern provinces to receive from the Russians the arms captured from the Japanese.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  40. Sun Yat-sen's programme of national revolution, that is, the overthrow of imperialist domination in China, At the request of Moscow, the Chinese Communists joined Dr, Sun's Kuomintang or Nationalist Party as members, on the promise that they would henceforth give up their own ideology and serve the Kuomintang with loyalty after Dr. Sun's death in 1925, however, the Communists lost no time in trying to wrest the leadership of the national revolution from the Kuomintang, and turn it into a communist revolution. In 1927 this experiment in coexistence ended in disaster. The Communists then resorted to armed insurrection. 92. In 1937 the Communists proposed to co-operate with the National Government in fighting against Japanese aggression. They promised to incorporate their forces into the National Army.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  41. The declaration of eighty-one communist parties, issued in Moscow in November 1960, is forthright in its rejection of any genuine and lasting compromise. Let me quote: "Peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems does not mean conciliation of the socialist and bourgeois ideologies. On the contrary, it implies intensification of the struggle of the working class, of all Communist Parties, for the triumph of socialist ideas." 91. We in China know from bitter experience what coexistence means. We tried to coexist with the Communists not once, but three times. The first was in 1923 when we accepted Soviet military and economic aid to complete Dr.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  42. Marxist-Leninists, we are told, regard nationalism in oppressed countries as expressing "the ideology and interests of the reactionary exploiting top stratum"; if they support it, it is only because it is historically "justified at a given stage" of development. In other words, all present-day nationalist leaders are members of the "reactionary exploiting top stratum", and nationalism is useful only as a preparation for eventual Communist take-over. 90. Viewed in this light, the doctrine of "peaceful coexistence" is neither "peace" nor "coexistence". How can Khruschev, who has since 1956 made some 140 threats to annihilate more than twenty different countries, be regarded as a man of peace? It is obvious that to Khruschev coexistence is only a passing phase in historical development.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  43. Soviet leaders have never concealed what they intend to do. They believe that with tremendous growth of Soviet strength, the day of the final triumph of international Communism is near at hand. This has been made clear by the draft Programme of the Soviet Communist Party published in July 1961. This important document tells us that the world capitalist system is ripe for the socialist revolution of the proletariat; that socialism can be achieved only through revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat; and that the high road to socialism has already been paved for the peoples of the world to travel.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  44. A number of Asian and African peoples have already exercised this right in accordance with the spirit of the Charter. It is an act of great injustice that the peoples now under Soviet domination are denied the right. The German problem, which threatens to touch o££ a global conflagration, is essentially a question of self-determination. But it suits the Soviet purpose to keep the country divided against the true wishes of the German people. The dividing of a single and homogeneous country in two is a favourite Soviet device for expansion. So, in addition to the spectacle of a divided Viet-Nam and a divided Korea, there is now the danger of a partitioned Germany.' 89. The Soviet challenge to human freedom is formidable indeed. The goal is no less than the eventual conquest of the whole world.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  45. Later it struck a bargain with Hitler and partitioned that country. 86. The Soviet Union once promised, in a last minute declaration of war on Japan, that it had "no thought territorial expansion at the expense of that country". What, it actually did was to annex by the force Southern Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands. 87. Colonialism is colonialism no matter where it happens, no matter who is the perpetrator, and no matter what the colour of the skin of the oppressed may be. In struggling against colonial domination we cannot close our eyes to Soviet imperialism, the worst type of imperialism the world has ever seen. We cannot allow the Soviet Union to strike a cynical pose of superior rectitude and look noble. 88. Intimately connected with the liquidation of colonialism is the question of self-determination of peoples.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  46. That is why my delegation has consistently supported the applications for membership in the United Nations of all new African States, and we will continue to do so. It is both astonishing and amusing to observe that the Soviet Union, the greatest colonial Power in the twentieth century, should thump its chest and pose as the world's greatest champion of the oppressed peoples. Let us refresh our memories with a few historical facts. 84. The Soviet Union once promised to "recognize without reservation" the independence of Lithuania, Latvia, and' Estonia and "for all time abandon all sovereign rights over them". Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia have now been gabbled up and incorporated into the Soviet State. 85. The Soviet Union once promised "to respect in every way the political sovereignty" of Poland.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  47. But I am convinced that it is but a matter of time before they too will become free. The rising tide of nationalism will soon sweep away the last vestiges of colonialism the world over. 83. Memories of past wrongs do not die easily. Nor can the tremendous residue of suspicion and hostility left behind by European colonialism disappear overnight. It is natural that leaders of Asian and African nationalism should be impatient about the isolated pockets of colonial domination that still remain. We fully support their aspirations. For we have ourselves but recently emerged from semi-colonialism. In fact, we were among the earliest peoples in Asia to denounce and fight against colonialism.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  48. He has, as I understand it, accepted the idea of "general and complete disarmament" in principle. But, unlike Khrushchev, he has outlined the steps by which the programme is to be carried out. My delegation subscribes to President Kennedy's initiative and businesslike approach. We regret, however, that the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, in his statement before the Assembly [1016th meeting] on 26 September, saw fit to reject offhand President Kennedy's plan. 82. Another problem facing the General Assembly is the question of colonialism. It is heartening to observe that European colonialism is on the way out. Since the last war more than forty formerly dependent peoples have achieved political freedom and are now respected members of the world community. To be sure, there are still peoples which are struggling for freedom.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  49. It is saddening to>* reflect that after fifteen years of negotiations there is nothing more inspiring to show than volumes upon volumes of tendentious speeches made by negotiators.' It is not difficult to find where the responsibility lies. The Soviet Union, it should have become dear by this time, is not really interested in disarmament; it is interested only in scoring propaganda points. Khrushchev's grandiose proposal of "general and complete disarmament", unaccompanied as it is by any adequate system of controls or any workable plan by which it is to be carried out, cannot be regarded as anything but a propaganda device. 81. In his address to the Assembly [1013th meeting) on 25 September 1961, President Kennedy, in a spirit of conciliation, unfolded a disarmament programme of far-reaching importance.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  50. In the communist propaganda of today the neutralist States have become "the peace blood of nations" as distinguished from the "aggressive imperialist blood" headed by the United States. Neutralism is being used to soften up the free world's resistance to communism. I trust that leaders of the majority of the neutralist States are far too intelligent and sophisticated to play into the hands of international communism. 79. So much for neutralism. Let me now turn to some of the important problems on our agenda. 80. All the world agrees that the most urgent problem of our time is disarmament. The United Nations has been preoccupied with the problem ever since its founding.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)