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Wei Tao-Ming

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS WEI TAO-MING

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1967-09-24

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1968-09-24

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un-general-debate

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1. “The masses of the people on the Chinese mainland have become increasingly aware that there is an alternative to communist tyranny. Their fervent aspiration is the restoration of freedom under constitutional rule. 31. The Chinese Communists are now in the throes of an unprecedented crisis. They have ceased to exercise effective control over the greater part of the mainland. The hopes of the Chinese people for regaining their lost freedom are brighter than ever before. I have no doubt that they will in the end succeed in overthrowing their oppressors. Let no one try to give the Chinese Communists a new lease on life through membership of the United Nations. Let no one pervert the vital principles of the Charter in order to serve the interests of the aggressors and warmakers.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

2. “It is clear that the events of the past two and a half years have eroded the three main props of the Chinese Communist régime: the cult of Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese Communist Party and the so-called “People’s Liberation Army”. The image of an omnipotent and omniscient Mao Tse-tung, which Peiping has made such frenzied efforts to inculcate for nineteen years, has been destroyed fur ever. The party apparatus is in the process of disintegration. The Army, which unquestionably holds the key to the régime’s future, is torn by factional strife. It is not surprising that a large number of armed organizations, which are anti-Mao or anticommunist or both, have sprung into being and are gaining strength in all parts of the country.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

3. “A generally accepted and effective system of authority now continues to elude Peiping, resulting in persistent instability, economic decline and recurring violence throughout the land. The official press in Wen Hui Pao of 24 July 1968 has blamed this sad state of affairs on “renegades, enemy agents, landlords and other counter-revolutionaries” who have been “disrupting railway traffic, looting State property, attacking military establishments and sowing discord between the Army and the people, thus pointing the spearhead at the great People’s Liberation Army”. What this really means is that the effort to construct a stable system has been thwarted by the intense hatred which the majority of the Chinese people have for the Communists and their oppressive deeds. 30.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

4. “At the twenty-second session of the General Assembly last year, I had occasion to report that the so-called “great proletarian cultural revolution”, designed to destroy all vestiges of Chinese culture and tradition, had thrown the mainland into a state of utter confusion, had smashed both the administrative and party machinery and had ruined the national economy. Permit me now to add a few observations about the upheaval which has continued to rock the Chinese mainland. Contrary to reports in the Western press, the situation has further deteriorated. 29. The establishment of the so-called “revolutionary committees” in place of the old administrative and party machinery has failed to restore law and order.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

5. “It follows no norms of civilized international behaviour. It is the greatest disruptive force in the world today. No accommodation, no appeasement, no gesture of goodwill can deflect it from its prescribed course of expansion and conquest. “The way to peace", as President Chiang Kai-shek has recently said in an interview, “lies through eradication of the source of evil that is to be found on the Chinese mainland.” 28. For all its aggressiveness, the Chinese Communist régime is not really as strong and powerful as it would have others believe.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

6. “In its promotion of insurgency, Peiping has not even spared Cambodia, which in recent years has been and still is one of its chief supporters in the United Nations. Prince Sihanouk himself admits that Communist nations, particularly the Peiping régime, have been supplying arms to Khmer Reds. Said the Prince on 13 March this year: “The other day, we seized a junk carrying a great amount of weapons of ail sorts from China.” 26. In Thailand, Peiping-supported subversive and terrorist activities have attained menacing proportions. Peiping’s designs against Laos and Indonesia are only too well known — and I do not have to remind the Assembly that these activities are not confined to Asia alone. 27. It is thus clear that the Chinese Communist régime recognizes no friends except those who submit unquestioningly to its leadership and domination.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

7. ““The road of Indian revolution to victory”, said the People’s Daily of 26 February 1968, “can only be the one pointed out by Mao Tse-tung, the one traversed by the Chinese revolution.” 24. The Chinese Communist régime has been supporting the Communist Party of Burma to carry out the revolutionary line of “winning the war and seizing political power” by “smashing the large-scale counter-revolutionary ‘encirclement and suppression campaigns’ of the reactionary Burmese Government, consolidating the revolutionary base and expanding the revolutionary armed forces”. “The revolutionary situation in Burma", commented Peiping’s official Peking Review of 30 August 1968, “is excellent.” 25.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

8. “The Chinese Communist régime has not even hesitated to export Maoist revolution to countries which have for years been its most ardent supporters both inside and outside the United Nations. India’s championship of Peiping’s cause has, as we know, been repaid with implacable enmity and armed attacks. More recently, thousands of Naga tribesmen have been trained in the art of guerrilla warfare in the Chinese province of Yunnan. Of these it is estimated that almost a thousand have returned to Nagaiand to join the underground forces in their war against India. At the same time, Peiping has called upon the Indian Communist Party to start a “cataclysmic revolution” to overthrow the “landlord class, local tyrants and evil gentry” and “smash the feudal rule and emancipate the poverty-stricken peasants".”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

9. “If we are really determined to suppress aggression, the way to do it is not to conclude another world-wide convention but to revitalize the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. 22. The Chinese Communist régime has been, and continues to be, a threat to the peace and security of South-East Asia. I have already referred to the role it has played in Viet-Nam. In a message to the Central Committee of the Malayan Communist Party in June this year, Peiping declared: "The Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people staunchly support the revolutionary struggle being waged by the Malayan people under the leadership of the Malayan Communist Party to smash ‘Malaysia,’ overthrow the reactionary rule of British imperialism and its lackeys and win genuine independence and democracy for Malaya.” 23.”

   1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

10. “But its threat to international peace and security has continued to mount. The threat it poses lies not so much in its stockpile of nuclear weapons, which as yet hardly exists, as in its ability to exploit its limited nuclear capability to subject its non-nuclear-weapon neighbours to periodic blackmail or else to raise the morale and the militancy of the subversive forces throughout the world. 21. Aggression in the present-day world assumes many forms and masquerades under various guises. Not infrequently, it is concealed rather than open. The catastrophic destructiveness of nuclear weapons has made: them particularly unsuitable for purposes of aggression in which the victims are small and militarily weak countries. It is aggression with conventional arms rather than with nuclear weapons that should be our primary concern.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

11. “The non-proliferation Treaty, though primarily concerned with preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, is indeed intended to serve as an initial step towards the reduction and control of such weapons. 19. The Chinese Communists have attacked the non-proliferation Treaty in the People’s Daily of 12 June 1968 as a “big fraud and big plot of United States imperialists and Soviet revisionists in their counter-revolutionary global collusion”, and as “something imposed on the non-nuclear States to bind them hand and foot". 20. In defiance of world opinion and in disregard of the welfare of the Chinese people, the Peiping régime has since 1964 exploded six or seven atomic devices in the atmosphere in the desert of Sinkiang. Peiping’s nuclear weapons development is still in the early stages. It does not yet have an operational delivery system.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

12. “Recently at the Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States in Geneva, we had the opportunity to reiterate our support of the Treaty. While the credibility of the security guarantees offered by the major nuclear Powers may be open to question, we do not discount the political significance of such guarantees. 18. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons does not, of course, altogether obviate the danger of nuclear destruction. My delegation is convinced that so long as nuclear weapons are manufactured, tested and piled up in national arsenals, there is no guarantee that they will not be used. Nuclear destruction can be eliminated only through nuclear disarmament.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

13. “My delegation can find no justification for the General Assembly to include in its agenda item 25, under the general topic of the Korean question, two sub-items entitled “Dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea” and “Withdrawal of United States and all other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the Flag of the United Nations”. 17. Against this background of international crisis and tension, the conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] stands out as an achievement of no small magnitude. My delegation supported it both at the resumed session of the twenty-second General Assembly and in the Security Council.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

14. “None the less, the Republic of Korea has achieved political stability in freedom and democracy, economic prosperity and social justice. The achievements of the Government of the Republic of Korea have been commended in the report of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea year after year. 15. In recent months the North Korean authorities have stepped up their efforts to subvert, infiltrate and terrorize the Republic of Korea. Their declared intention is to impose Communist rule by force south of the 38th parallel, and their determination to keep the Korean peninsula in a high state of tension constitutes a serious threat to the peace. 16. The hostility and aggressiveness of the North Korean authorities toward the Republic of Korea have made the continuing presence of United Nations forces a necessity.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

15. “The people in South Viet-Nam wish to live in peace, among themselves as well as with their neighbours. The peace to which they aspire is a genuine peace, a peace based on law and justice, not a peace that would deliver millions of free men to communist enslavement. They struggle for the right to determine their own destiny. They cannot be expected to accept proposals which would mortgage their future. What is at stake, moreover, is more than the fate of the Republic of Viet-Nam; it is the fate of all Asia. In the quest for peace let no one lose sight of the purposes for which the war in Viet-Nam has been fought. 14. The creation of a unified, independent and democratic Korea remains the objective of the United Nations. For two decades the realization of that objective has been blocked by the lawlessness of the Communist North.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

16. “As Hanoi is still trying to maintain an equilibrium in its relations with Moscow and Peiping, it is reasonable to assume that the outcome of the Paris talks may well hinge upon the ebb and flow of the influence exerted respectively by Moscow and Peiping. 12. My Government and people support the Republic of Viet-Nam in its valiant struggle for the maintenance of national independence and freedom. Our admiration goes out to the long-suffering Viet-Namese people for their courage, and our sympathy for their sacrifices. It is gratifying to note that even under conditions of a terrible war, they have made notable progress in the social, economic and political fields. Subversion from within and aggression from without have not prevented them from making progress towards democratic government. 13.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

17. “Peace negotiations would only be another form of warfare fought with political and psychological weapons rather than with military hardware. 11. The Chinese Communist régime, let it be remembered, was one of the prime movers of the Viet-Nam war. To that régime, Viet-Nam is the proving ground of Mao Tse-tung’s theory of “people’s war", and the conquest of the Republic of Viet-Nam would serve to enhance Peiping’s leadership in the world communist movement. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Chinese Communists are bitterly opposed to any negotiated settlement in Viet-Nam. On the other hand, Moscow seems to take a comparatively softer line in regard to peace negotiations.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

18. “The preliminary peace talks in Paris between the United States and North Viet-Nam have so far been no more than an exercise in futility. Hanoi has used the talks more as a sounding board for propaganda than as a means of bringing the agonizing war to a speedy conclusion. The partial bombing halt has not brought about a de-escalation of war on the part of Hanoi. It has merely enabled North Viet-Nam to infiltrate more troops and military supplies to the South. And what is more, any expression of a willingness for negotiation on its part does not necessarily signify a change in objectives. The doctrine of protracted conflict expounded by Mao Tse-tung blurs the traditional distinction between war and peace.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

19. “Although a permanent and just peace in the Middle East may not be brought about overnight, it is hoped that a beginning will be made soon to break the vicious circle of violence, retaliation and counter-retaliation, and that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General will be able to enter into serious dialogues with both sides on some of the substantive issues of the conflict. Some progress towards a peaceful settlement must be made in the near future. For any aggravation of the present situation will not only, bring in its train the danger of a renewal of Arab-Israeli hostilities, but may also precipitate a crisis of unpredictable dimensions. 10. The war in Viet-Nam continues to cause universal concern.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

20. “The principles underlying any peaceful settlement of the issues dividing Israel and the Arab States must be those embodied in Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, to which the parties concerned have unequivocally committed themselves. That resolution stresses “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security”. My delegation wishes to reaffirm its support of that Security Council resolution, as well as of resolution 237 (1967) of 15 June 1967 in regard to the safety, welfare and security of the inhabitants of the affected areas. 9.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

21. “Breaches of the cease-fire have beer frequent, tension has been on the rise and tempers seem to have been shortened by frustrations and impatience. The situation remains highly explosive. Admittedly, the differences between Israel and its Arab neighbours are complex and deep-rooted. No easy and short-cut resolution of these differences can be expected. My delegation believes, however, that neither Israel nor the Arab States wish to see a re-enactment of the tragedy of June 1967. One of the hopeful signs in the present situation is that both sides are interested in the continuance of the mission of the Secretary-General’s Special Representative in the Middle East, Ambassador Jarring, whose patience and diplomatic skill have been widely acclaimed. 8.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

22. “This flagrant violation of both the spirit and the letter of the Charter cannot but be a matter of the gravest concern to Members of this Assembly. The use of naked force to intervene in the internal affairs of a sovereign State constitutes a serious challenge to the authority of the United Nations as guardian of international peace and security. The implications for small and militarily weak nations cannot be overemphasized. The apparent inability of both the Security Council and the General Assembly to respond positively to the challenge is not calculated to enhance the prestige of the Organization. Nor does it augur well for the future of world peace. 7. In the Middle East, there has been little progress towards settling the problems that have arisen as a result of the war last year.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

23. “Those are the obligations which Member States have pledged themselves to discharge. Indeed, one of the most important conditions for membership is the ability and willingness to carry out those obligations. I believe that had Members of the United Nations been faithful to the obligations they had solemnly assumed, many of the dangerous problems with which the world is faced today would not have arisen. 5. The invasion and occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact countries is a case in point. Here some of the basic and vital principles of the United Nations Charter are ruthlessly brushed aside — the sovereign equality of States, the self-determination of peoples, the peaceful settlement of international disputes, as well as the inadmissibility of the threat or use of force against other States. 6.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

24. “The unbridled rivalry of nations, the unrelenting conflict of ideologies, the readiness with which force is used to attain political objectives — these constitute the realities of contemporary international life. 4. The world in which we now find ourselves is far removed from the world envisaged by the Charter. Under that great instrument the United Nations is a community of free and independent States for the achievement of common objectives. The paramount purpose of the Organization is the maintenance of international peace and security. To that end the United Nations is required to take effective collective measures for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to achieve settlements of international disputes by peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

25. “1. On behalf of my Government, let me join in the expressions of tribute to Mr. Arenales as President of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session, not only for his great accomplishments as a diplomat and statesman, but also as the representative of a people to whom we are bound by ties of friendship. 2. The Chinese delegation, representing a peace-loving nation, has always been ready to support every effort directed towards the strengthening of international peace and security and to welcome every sign pointing to a relaxation of international tension. 3. As we survey the world scene of today we cannot but realize that disquiet and insecurity prevail in many parts of the globe.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

26. “It is the firm conviction of my Government that if we are indeed "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" the United Nations must be strengthened to meet the challenges of the nuclear age. Let us, therefore, rededicate ourselves to the lofty ideals embodied in the Charter, Let us frankly face up to the fact that had the obligations solemnly assumed by Member States been honoured, many of the situations and crises now threatening international peace and security would not have arisen.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

27. “measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace"? 29. My Government stands for a strong and effective United Nations. Both at Dumbarton Oaks and at the San Francisco Conference, we ranged ourselves unequivocally on the side of those who believed that the Organization must be one capable of maintaining international peace and suppressing aggression. This continues to be the policy of my Government. 30. I stress the importance of observing the principles and purposes of the Charter because I feel that, more than ever before, the United Nations has tended to become the battleground of particular interests.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

28. “We support the efforts of the United Nations to alleviate the misery and suffering of the refugees and other victims of the war who, through no fault of their own, have been plunged into the depths of despair. We hope that the problem of troop withdrawal can soon be solved to the satisfaction of all parties. We believe that the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its fifth emergency special session should be implemented. 28. In the last analysis, whether the United Nations can play an important role in the settlement of international problems depends on what its Members want it to play. Do they want it to be no more than a sounding board for propaganda, or do they want it to take, in the words of Article 1 of the Charter, "effective ...”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

29. “It seems to my delegation that it is on these principles of the Charter that an enduring peace in the Middle East must be based. 26. In dealing with the Middle East situation it is important, as a first step, to open up the channels of communication between the parties concerned. The United Nations is in a unique position to provide such channels of communication. While the main responsibility for a lasting peace must fall upon the parties themselves, every State Member of this Organization must contribute its share to the peace effort. 27. My delegation sincerely hopes that peace based on Justice will soon prevail in the Middle Eastern area.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

30. “There can be no total solution of all problems at any one time; but gradual, step by step progress in the solution of the outstanding problems should not be ruled out. More than ever before, enmity must give way to reconciliation and magnanimity, 25. As Members of the United Nations, both Israel and the Arab States have firmly committed themselves to the principles of the Charter, which in Article 2 calls upon all Member States to "settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered" and to "refrain in their International relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations".”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

31. “Although a cease-fire has been maintained, no visible progress has been made to resolve the basic issues which have so long embittered the relations between Israel and its Arab neighbours. It is the hope of my delegation that at the current session of the General Assembly at least a beginning may be made in bringing peace and stability to the sensitive Middle Eastern area. 24. My delegation is, of course, aware of the complexity of the problems involved and the deep-seated emotions on the part of the parties concerned. It is too much to expect the fears, suspicions and mistrust between the Arabs and the Israelis to disappear overnight. But there is no reason why a climate conducive to peaceful settlement cannot be created in the Middle East.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

32. “In a recent speech on 25 September 1967, President Chiang said: "The Republic of China is under a special obligation to take up this moral burden. We can destroy Peiping's vicious rule and prevent a nuclear holocaust. There is not need to call for the service of a single soldier from other nations of the free world. The free world will from then on be saved from the exhausting necessity of rushing to extinguish the flames of war which the Peiping regime ignites here and there and anywhere at will." 22. Now let me say a brief word about the war in the Middle East, and I should like also to give a review of the international situation. 23. The war between Israel and the Arab States has added new tensions to an old conflict.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

33. “Both are bound to meet with utter defeat. There will follow a period of unprecedented chaos. 21. The Government of the Republic of China, now based on Taiwan, represents the only stabilizing force for the Chinese people. This Government is the only legally constituted Government of China, the only Government capable of articulating the wishes and aspirations of the Chinese people, the only Government that truly represents the rich cultural traditions of China. It cannot, therefore, watch with unconcern the momentous events taking place on the Chinese mainland. Under the inspiring leadership of President Chiang Kai-shek, the Government of the Republic of China is determined to restore freedom to the Chinese masses.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

34. “Last month he prohibited the people from taking guns and other weapons from arsenals on the pretext that they needed them to fight the "counter-revolutionaries", and ordered them to turn in the weapons that they had already appropriated. These orders have also been met with defiance. It is all too clear that Mao Tse-tung and his gang have manoeuvred themselves into a blind alley from which there is no way out. 20. The confusion and anarchy that have engulfed the Chinese mainland will worsen progressively as time goes on. The Peiping regime continues to exist. But it continues to threaten the world with its "people's war", its Red Guards, and its nascent nuclear capability. But it seems to us that it is already moribund. Neither Mao Tse-tung nor Liu Shao-chi can survive the present convulsive struggle.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

35. “Now that the people no longer support his regime, Mao and his gang are like fish out of water. It is ironical that the man who has developed the much publicized theory of the "people's war" and who has set so much store by the encirclement of the cities from the countryside, now finds that the same "people's war* and the same tactic of encircling the cities from the countryside are being used by the Chinese people for his own downfall. 19. From January this year Mao Tse-tung has repeatedly ordered the Red Guards to return to the provinces from which they came, has repeatedly tried to prevent the peasants from coming to the cities. But his orders have not been obeyed.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

36. “Over the length and breadth of the vast country, clashes between the Maoist and anti-Maoist forces take place almost everywhere and every minute of the day. Only a short while ago, only spears, knives, axes, sticks and other primitive weapons were used in these clashes. Now guns, cannon and even tanks are being used. It is thus clear that the situation is becoming more serious every day for the Maoist forces. 18. The Peiping regime used to threaten the rest of the world with its tremendous manpower—700 million strong. But the same 700 million people have now become a source of threat to Mao Tse-tung himself. Mao and his gang used to liken themselves to fish and the masses of the Chinese people to water. So long as there is water, the fish have nothing to worry about.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

37. “16. But the most serious threat to Mao Tse-tung and all that he represents is the revolt of the masses of the people, particularly workers and peasants, who have suffered the most under the Communist tyranny. This is a concrete demonstration of the incompatibility between traditional Chinese culture and communism. In the confusion that has followed the "cultural revolution", the cultural heritage of the Chinese people has begun to reassert its influence. 17. At this time last year, the confusion on the Chinese mainland was caused by the rampaging Red Guards. Now, a year later, the confusion on the Chinese mainland is the result of the people's counterattack against Mao Tse-tung and all that he stands for.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

38. “Yet Liu Shao-chi, though no longer capable of exercising his duties as President of the regime, continues to live in his official residence in the old imperial city. He is out but remains unliquidated. This is proof of the inherent weakness of Mao's position in the current struggle. 15. Nor is Mao in firm control of the few provinces and municipalities that still owe allegiance to him. He controls points within the areas but not the areas as a whole. The anti-Maoist forces are everywhere struggling to capture power. In the majority of the provinces those forces either openly unfurl the anti-Maoist banner or else maintain an attitude of ambiguity, waiting for the dust to settle. Even the loyalty of the armed forces is now in doubt. If they are not actively anti-Mao, they are more often than not inclined to drift into the anti-Maoist camp.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

39. “In the second place, they have sought, in the name of the "cultural revolution", to capture and perpetuate for themselves total control both of the Party and of the Government. 13. More than a year has elapsed since the launching of the "cultural revolution". What have Mao and his "close comrade-in-arms", Lin Piao, accomplished? 14. For one thing, they have done a good job of smashing up the Party and administrative machinery. The regime that had only a short while ago boasted of its "monolithic unity" and iron control now finds itself in the grip of a divisive power struggle. Chaos has prevailed in all except five provinces and two municipalities. The campaign to liquidate Liu Shao-chi, the regime's so-called "Chief of State", and other erstwhile high-echelon Party and Government leaders, goes on with frenzied intensity.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

40. “The developments on the Chinese mainland cannot fail to have important bearings on international peace and security. It is for this reason that I venture to give the General Assembly a brief review of the salient features of the present upheaval which goes by the name of "The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution". 12. As is well known, that so-called "cultural revolution" was launched by Mao Tse-tung and his heir apparent, Lin Piao, in April of last year for a twofold objective. In the first place, they have set out to eradicate the cultural heritage and traditions of the Chinese people and replace them with what is called the "Thought of Mao Tse-tung", and to get rid of all anti-Mao elements, including so-called revisionists.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

41. “This includes some of the countries which have gone to considerable lengths to cultivate the goodwill of Peiping. Burma, for example, has over the years done much to promote the Chinese Communist cause both inside and outside the United Nations. Yet Peiping now openly calls for the overthrow of the present Burmese Government. 11. The regime that has promoted subversive activities against established Governments and has sought to impose its own order upon mankind is now itself engulfed in an unprecedented upheaval. In the past year much has taken place on the Chinese mainland. The situation is so complex that it has caused considerable confusion on the part of the observers of the Chinese Communist scene. It may be that even Mao Tse-tung himself is somehow confused.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

42. “This brings me to the question of the Chinese Communist regime in Peiping. Some speakers before me — notably the distinguished Foreign Ministers of Japan and the Philippines — have spoken about the threat to international peace and security posed by the Chinese Communists. The Foreign Minister of the Philippines referred to Peiping's "new version of an old communist export commodity — revolution". In particular, he had in mind the export of "miniaturized cultural revolutions which the political upheaval" on the Chinese mainland "has triggered off in many lands of Asia and Africa" [1566th meeting, para. 98]. 10. In this connexion let me add that such a commodity has in recent months been exported to Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, India, Indonesia and Nepal in Asia, as well as to Kenya and other countries in Africa.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

43. “Although it does not appear that hostilities can be brought to an early conclusion, the outlook is by no means a dark one. Judging from the over-all situation, I am inclined to take an optimistic view. My optimism is based not merely on the fact that there are clear indications that Hanoi is close to the verge of complete exhaustion. More important still, Mao Tse-tung, the architect of communist expansionism in Asia and the prime mover of the aggression against South Viet-Nam, is himself confronted with such overwhelming difficulties and such mounting opposition at home that it is doubtful whether he can continue to assert any semblance of control very much longer. Ho Chi Minh cannot be expected to carry on the war against the Republic of Viet-Nam without the active support of Peiping. 9.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

44. “It is gratifying to note that in the midst of war and aggression, the Republic of Viet-Nam has continued to make notable progress in the social, economic and political fields. It has Just successfully held its first general election in accordance with the schedule set by the National Constituent Assembly. Bitter fighting at the front and mounting terrorism in the rear failed to keep the voters from the polls. The success of the general election goes to prove that, despite the difficulties confronting them, the people of the Republic of Viet-Nam have not lost sight of their true objective, namely, the establishment of a democratic form of government. 8. From the military point of view, the situation in the Republic of Viet-Nam has taken a definite turn for the better.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

45. “My Government supports the Republic of Viet-Nam in its valiant struggle to safeguard its freedom and independence against subversion from within and aggression from without. Our sympathy goes out to the long-suffering Vietnamese people whose spirit of endurance and perseverance has won universal respect and admiration. I also wish to take this opportunity of expressing our appreciation to the allies of the Republic of Viet-Nam — the United States of America, Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, the Republic of Korea and the Philippines. They have made tremendous sacrifices both of men and of treasure in the cause of world peace and security. And these sacrifices have not been made in vain. The return is the security of South-East Asia and, indirectly, of the whole world. 7.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

46. “It is the belief of my delegation that Mao Tse-tung and Ho Chi Minh have underestimated the will and resolve of the United States to make good its commitment to the defence of Asia. They seem to be under the illusion that by refusing to budge from their predetermined positions they can successfully carry out the master plan for community expansion. What is at stake is thus more than the independence and freedom of the Republic of Viet-Nam, more than the security of South-East Asia, important as these undoubtedly are. What is really at stake is whether communist aggression and expansionism are to be allowed to succeed, thus opening the way for further aggression and expansion. 6.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

47. “In these circumstances, the movement for peace in the free world is not calculated to bring about the desired result. It can only reinforce Peiping's and Hanoi's conviction that they have everything to gain and nothing to lose by rejecting all proposals for a negotiated settlement. The pressures that have been exerted on the United States Government for the cessation of bombing and for the unconditional withdrawal of troops can only encourage the belief that the United States will sooner or later be forced by world opinion to quit Viet-Nam. Such pressures do not, therefore, have the effect of bringing the war in Viet-Nam to a speedy conclusion; on the contrary, they can only prolong the conflict and delay a peaceful settlement. 5.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

48. “My delegation is appreciative of the initiative taken by various Governments and individual statesmen in an effort to bring the Viet-Nam issue from the battleground to the conference table. But it seems to us that the door to peace, as far as the Republic of Viet-Nam and its allies are concerned, has always been wide open. The trouble is that Mao Tse-tung and Ho Chi Minh are not interested in peace. Conflict to the bitter end is the stuff from which they draw their very sustenance. Peace, therefore, will not come to Viet- Nam until the aggressors are convinced that they cannot win by force and violence and that aggression does not pay. At present they are not so convinced. On the contrary, they believe they are already on the way to victory.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

49. “This is Mao's way of asserting his leadership in the international communist movement. 3. Inasmuch as Mao Tse-tung and his cohorts are the prime movers of the war in Viet-Nam, they are naturally in a position to determine the course of the conflict. This being so, it is difficult to Imagine that any attempt to settle the Viet-Nam war merely through appeals to Hanoi can achieve any result. It is not without reason that Ho Chi Minh has rejected all proposals for a peaceful settlement. It is not without reason that he has made use of every bombing pause to step up the infiltration of troops into South Viet-Nam and to augment military supplies. 4. There has been much talk about a political solution of the Viet-Nam problem.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

50. “1. The General Assembly is once again convened in an atmosphere of crisis and tension. The war in Viet-Nam has been progressively intensified during the past months. The hostilities that broke out last June in the Middle East have added new tension to an old conflict. The rampaging of the so-called "Red Guards" has plunged the entire mainland of China into a state of turmoil that cannot fail to have significant bearing on world developments. 2. The war in Viet-Nam is not merely a war between the two Viet-Nams. It is in reality the unfolding of a master plan formulated by Mao Tse-tung and Ho Chi Minh, not only for the subjugation of the Republic of Viet-Nam, but also for the conquest of the whole of the Asian and Pacific region, with world domination as the final objective.”

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)