YouSaid · the spoken record

Yeh

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS YEH

lines on the record: 101
first: 1952-09-24
most recent: 1955-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Above all, the United Nations should refrain from giving material aid or moral comfort to their enslavers. A peace that legalizes injustices and wrongs is certainly not the type of peace we want. It is only a spurious peace. Such a peace would not be in conformity with-the principles and purposes of the Charter. It would be a moral surrender which would have consequences no less terrible than those of war, because the free world cannot long remain free and strong under such a peace.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“If mainland China is to be liberated from Communist tyranny, the work of liberation will be done mainly by the Chinese people themselves — I refer not only to the 10 million people on Taiwan and the 13 million people overseas, but also to the 500 million people on the Chinese mainland. 89. While dedicated to the objective of restoring freedom to its people on the mainland, my Government has never once appealed to the United Nations for assistance in achieving such an end. But if, as it is at present constituted, the United Nations cannot give a helping hand to the millions of captive peoples behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains, it can and should refrain from acts that would make their suffering even more unbearable, that would snuff out their hope for eventual liberation, or that would condemn them to perpetual slavery.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“So long as classes exist within the country and imperialism exists outside, the struggle against counter-revolutionaries is bound to exist.” Lo Jui-ching’s own words amount to a confession that the puppet Communist regime is far from being as stable as some superficial observers would have Us believe. 88. My Government, now based on Taiwan, has moral as well as legal obligations towards the suffering people on the mainland, whose desire to be restored to a free way of life has manifested itself with increasing clarity and force. The desire of a people to regain its lost freedom, as well as the desire of a people to see its own compatriots freed from the yoke of tyranny, cannot possibly be denied by any code of law.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Miss Shih Liang’s report is corroborated by another equally authentic Communist. Lo Jui-ching, Peiping’s Minister of Public Security, said, in a key speech before the so-called “National People’s Congress” on 27 July 1955, that the previous campaigns of suppression, such as the “3-anti” and “5-anti” campaigns were directed primarily at “open” counter-revolutionaries; strong measures, he urged, must now be taken against “hidden” counter-revolutionaries, who had camouflaged their activities in order to infiltrate the Communist party, the democratic parties, and the people’s organizations, Government organs and the People’s Liberation Army. “The struggle to suppress counter-revolution”, Lo Jui-ching declared, “is therefore a somewhat long-term one.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In my brief statement I quoted Miss Shih Liang, the so-called Minister of Justice of the Peiping regime, in showing the magnitude of the Communist persecution. It will be recalled that Miss Shih Liang boasted on 29 July 1955 that from January 1954 to May 1955, the “people’s courts” of all-levels had dealt with no fewer than 364,604 counter-revolutionary cases. That means that there were on the average some 22,000 such cases per month, 700 cases per day, or one case every two minutes. Now, there must be a compelling reason for resorting to such extreme measures. Obviously, these brutal measures were found to be necessary in order to keep the people in abject fear. They also demonstrate graphically the magnitude of the people’s resistance to communist tyranny. 87.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We must not allow North Viet-Nam to annex South Viet-Nam by a rigged and fraudulent “election” like that which happened in eastern Europe. 86. Let me now turn to my own country. The Communists, supported by the Soviet Union, were able to impose their tyrannical rule on the 500 million — according to Communist claims 600 million — unwilling people on the mainland in 1949. Six years have now passed. The Communists have spawned a gigantic system of repression and terrorism, the like of which has never been known in Chinese history. On the opening day of this session [516th meeting] I had the opportunity to call to the attention of this Assembly the fact that in the first three years of Communist domination over 20 million innocent people were slaughtered under one pretext or another. The mass slaughter of human beings still goes on.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“All students of Marxism-Leninism know that nationalism as such is only used by Communists as a means to foster anti-colonial sentiments. To them, nationalism is only a means to an end. 85. I have already touched upon the questions of Korea and Viet-Nam. The problem of Korean unity has been an item on the General Assembly agenda since 1947. It is still there. It is the duty and obligation of the United Nations to translate the agenda item into reality. We should not shirk our responsibility. We should not sit back and close our eyes to a situation which is still fraught with dangerous possibilities. In Viet-Nam there is no denying the fact that Communist strength and influence are growing. It is our duty to see to it that Viet-Nam is saved from Communist tyranny.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“There is no other alternative.” Mao continues to expound that an individual or a nation can be either for communism or against it, and all those who sit on the fence are enemies. 84. Although they regard neutrals as potential enemies, the Communists have no hesitation, as a tactical move, in utilizing them to sharpen conflicts between enemies. This is cynically expressed in the slogan, “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”. This most astute formula is applied to the Communist backing of nationalism, particularly in Asia. The real motive in this connexion is, of course, to capitalize on Asian nationalism for the purpose of accelerating the spread of communism in Asia. Nationalism and communism are in fact incompatible with each other.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In some Asian countries, such is the residue of hostility and suspicion left by European colonialism that even otherwise farsighted statesmen tend to regard colonialism as a primary issue and Communist expansionism as only a secondary one. This accounts for the growth and popularity of neutralism. In the Communist lexicon, neutralism is synonymous with hostility. Both Lenin and Stalin sneered at those who pretended that they could remain neutral in the world-wide struggle between capitalism and communism, Mao Tze-tung j himself has this to say about neutrality: “It wouldn’t do to sit on the fence. There is no such a thing as the third open road. We are therefore opposed to the illusions of the third open road. This applies not only to China but to the whole world as well. You either side with imperialism or with socialism.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We should not be mistaken about the Soviet Union’s ultimate aims, its potential for military aggression, and its tyrannical political system. 82. In Asia, a beginning has been made to counter Communist expansion by a system of regional collective security. The Manila Pact is a case in point. Unfortunately, this pact is still limited in scope and without adequate armed strength. In addition, there are in existence several bilateral mutual security treaties. In view, however, of the tremendous momentum of Communist expansionism in Asia, further strengthening of the military and economic positions of the free countries in that area is imperative, 83.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“My Government, in common with all other free Governments represented in this great Assembly, stands for peace. But the kind of peace the world needs, as I said at the beginning of my statement, is genuine peace. It is peace with justice and freedom. I submit that no peace built on the enslavement of nearly half of the world’s population can be called genuine and can long last. 81. If the international situation has shown any sign of hope it is the product, not of Soviet goodwill, "but of the policy of strength adopted by the free world. This policy has achieved a measure of success in Europe. The rising tide of communism, for the time being at least, has been checked. But millions of people still live under Communist tyranny.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“There will be electrifying overtones and unheard-of concessions. The capitalist countries, stupid and decadent, will rejoice to co-operate in their own destruction. They will leap at another chance to be friends. As soon as their guard is down we shall smash them with our clenched fists.” 79. Such, then, is the motive behind all the recent show of goodwill and seeming flexibility in negotiations. The peace tactic chimes in with the desperate hopes of a war-weary world so perfectly that the smallest concessions, such as the release of illegally-held prisoners of war and civilians, the admission of some foreign journalists, or the exchange of a few civil words between Soviet leaders and foreign diplomats are being eagerly seized upon as evidence of Soviet sincerity and a change of policy. 80.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Yet they too have made it perfectly clear that “co-existence” is a temporary tactic, an episode within an all-embracing, inescapable struggle between hostile and irreconcilable systems of power. Only the other day, on 17 September, Mr. Krushchev said that “those who wait for the Soviet Union to abandon communism wait until a shrimp learns to whistle”. He is sure that communism would eventually triumph over decadent capitalism. 78. Thus the Soviet peace drive is not in fact peaceful in intention. It is a form of war. Mr. Manuilsky, at the time of the Front populaire movement, said: “War to the hilt between communism and capitalism is inevitable. Today, of course, we are not strong enough to attack. The bourgeoisie will have to be put to sleep, so we will begin by launching the most spectacular peace movement on record.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Its extraordinary importance was confirmed by Pravda, which described Stalin’s article as “the greatest event in the ideological life of the Party and the Soviet people”. 76. What did Stalin want to get out of the peace drive? He wanted three things: to postpone any possible capitalist attack on the Soviet Union, to promote dissension among the bourgeois States, and to hasten the “imperialist war” among them. With a frankness characteristic of him, Stalin said that sooner or later “the fight for peace” would be transformed into “a fight for Socialism”. The Soviet Union, he added, could not and would not commit itself forever to peace. That would be “bourgeois pacifism”. 77. In their “fight for peace” the present Soviet rulers have been at pains to play down Stalin.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“He declared: “We are living not only in a State, but in a system of States, and the existence of the Soviet Republic side by side with imperialist States for a long time is unthinkable. One or the other must triumph in the end. And before that end comes, a series of frightful clashes between the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois States is inevitable.” 75. The present peace drive, though launched after his death, was really conceived by Stalin himself. In November 1951 the late Soviet dictator expounded his ideas of a peace movement in a speech which was published a year later in the Soviet Communist Party monthly, Bolshevik. It is significant that the appearance of the Stalin article coincided with the nineteenth Party Congress in Moscow.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In a Communist State, it is struggle that gives it the breath of life. Struggle takes many forms: it may be military, it may be political, it may be warfare against bourgeois States, or it may be warfare against the civilian population. The peace overtures of the Communist world are a form of political struggle which, at the opportune time, can readily be transformed into a military one, for the two forms of struggle are interchangeable and complementary. We in China have, through painful and bitter experience, come to understand this. 74. Communist leaders have never concealed the fact that communism and capitalism cannot co-exist peacefully for any considerable length of time. Lenin’s pronouncement on this subject is well-known. It still bears quoting.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Today, the Soviet Union is strong and “peaceful co-existence” is offensive in character. In his speech before this Assembly last Friday [520th meeting], Mr. Molotov demonstrated that on all basic questions the Soviet policy has not changed. If there is such a thing as the spirit of Geneva in Mr. Molotov’s statement, it is to be found not in substance but in mannerism. 73. The leaders of the Communist world may now use softer words. But Germany is still divided and the satellite countries are still ruled by Soviet puppets. In Asia, the unification of Korea remains as remote as ever; Indo-China hangs in the balance; mainland China has been converted into a gigantic concentration camp; and Communist subversion is everywhere rampant. The fact is that international communism cannot afford to stand still; it must go forward, or stagnate.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“71. With the onset of the cold war, the wartime honeymoon came to an end. Meanwhile, mainland China fell into Communist hands. Not long afterwards the Republic of Korea was invaded. Thanks to the heroic stand of the Korean people and the instantaneous action of the United States and the collective measures taken by the United Nations, Communist aggression in Asia, for the first time, received a serious setback. 72. The death of Stalin in March 1953 brought about another shift in Soviet strategems. The old slogan of “peaceful co-existence” was dusted off and presented to the free world as a new commodity. There is, however, this difference. In the 1920’s and 1930’s, the Soviet- Union was weak and “peaceful co-existence” in these days was primarily a defensive tactic.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“This classification was quickly reversed in 1941 when Hitler invaded the USSR. During the “grand alliance” the Soviet Union was everywhere hailed as a democratic nation “dedicated to peace, freedom, and general wellbeing of all mankind”. Yet it was precisely during this period that eight independent nations fell under Communist tyranny, and Communist-directed disorders flared up in Italy, France, Greece, as well as in the Far East. Wherever the Soviet troops marched, there the Communists and their stooges were raised to power. In China, the Soviet Union prevented my Government at the end of the Second World War from sending troops and administrative personnel to Manchuria to take over the administration of that area. At, the same time it secretly admitted the Communists to Manchuria and equipped them with arms surrendered by the Japanese.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
““We are pursuing a policy of peace”, he declared, “and are prepared to come to sign a pact of non-aggression with bourgeois states. We are pursuing a policy of peace and we are prepared to come to an agreement concerning disarmament, including the abolition of standing armies.” This profession of “peaceful development” found expression in the United Front policy of the 1930’s and in the Soviet Union’s joining the League of Nations. It was during this period that communism enjoyed world-wide popularity and Communist influence began to expand in all countries. Then came Stalin's deal with Hitler in August 1939, thus precipitating the Second World War. The signing of the Soviet-Nazi non-aggression treaty automatically transformed Hitler into a “force of peace” and the Western Powers into “warmongers” and “cannibals”.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Let us be sure that it is not a manoeuvre to divert the peoples of the free world from necessary measures of defence and create a demand for peace at any price. Can we be sure that the seeming flicker of light on the international horizon is not a false dawn? 70. The recent apparent volte-face on the part of the Soviet Union is no new thing. Nor is the slogan “peaceful co-existence” a fresh one. We have witnessed in the past 38 years more than one such tactical manoeuvre, and some of these have been equally dramatic. In September 1927, for instance, Stalin, in an interview with the first United States labour delegation in Moscow, took great pains to explain that communism and capitalism could co-exist “in conditions of peaceful development”.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Peace, under certain conditions, could lead to a degradation of the human race and to subjecting human beings to a form of mental decay which obliterates the capacity for moral and intellectual judgment”. 69. It will be remembered that a failure to understand the real nature of nazism led to the tragic debacle in 1939, The same mistake can be made again today. In so far as our hopes today are based principally on the Soviet professions of peace, it is necessary that we examine objectively such professions in the light of Soviet history. Let us be sure that the Soviet motive is not a calculated effort to capitalize on the world’s longing for peace and its abhorrence of war as a means of further extending Communist rule over the world.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The Chinese delegation will support Spain’s admission as we did the other States, which have received the majority vote in the Security Council. 68. Let me now turn to the problem of world peace which is uppermost in our minds. The United Nations is an organization charged with the responsibility of maintaining world peace. When we discuss here any effort relating to peace, it is Incumbent upon all of us that the type of peace we aim at must be in accord with the spirit of the Charter. I am in full agreement with the Chairman of the United States delegation, Mr. John Foster Dulles, when he said on 11 April this year: “... craven purchase of peace at the expense of principle can result in destroying much of the human spirit on this planet.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Those that do not meet the Charter requirements must in the interest of the United Nations itself be excluded, for instance the so-called Mongolian People’s Republic. On the other hand, my delegation profoundly regrets that a number of applicant nations who were supported by a majority of votes in the Security Council had been kept out by the abusive use of the veto by the Soviet Union. My delegation will continue to support the application for membership of any sovereign State which, in its opinion, is peace-loving and which can and will carry out the obligations under the Charter. Only two days ago, another State, with its long history of cultural achievements, applied for membership in this Organization.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“While our search for a solution continues, my delegation wishes again to remind this Assembly that the Charter has clearly stated, in Article 4, the simple qualifications for membership in this international Organization: “Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving states which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations.” Any concept of universality must be based on these requirements. As to whether or not an applicant nation is peace-loving or whether it is able and willing to carry out these obligations, it is for the Member States here assembled to judge.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In the face of this overwhelming evidence of violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, it is the hope of my delegation that the United Nations will intensify its efforts to prevent further violations; to promote human rights by all practical means, including the early adoption of effective international instruments, such as the draft Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the draft Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; to expose, condemn and put the stamp of its moral judgment on the perpetrators of crimes on the human individual. 67. The question of the admission of new members remains on the agenda of this Assembly. Despite the work of the Committee of Good Offices, we are still unable to find a solution to the problem.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Forced labour, racial and social discrimination, religious intolerance, political persecution and purges, denial of free speech and movements, forced confessions* taking of life, imprisonment or punishment of an individual without a fair or public trial, denial to the individual of his right to choose his representative or governors — all these are still in existence in many States, including some Members of the United Nations. 66.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Ten years after the signing of the Charter, the United Nations and the specialized agencies concerned are still groping for effective means of implementing this provision of the Charter. Though as a result of studies made by the Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labour, proof of forced labour in the Soviet Union and its satellites and on the Chinese mainland was established, the United Nations is yet unable to see its way to condemn such practice. 65.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“It is the hope of my delegation that the peaceful uses of atomic energy will be made available as early as possible to the under-developed countries, where progress in the industrial, medical and agricultural fields may be greatly hastened by the introduction of this new technique. It is also to be hoped that in due course a programme of international assistance on the peaceful uses of atomic energy, similar to the technical assistance programme of the United Nations, can be put into effect. 64. Now I wish to turn to another item of importance. Under the Charter, we are all bound to respect fundamental human rights and to uphold the dignity and worth of the human person.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The “Atoms-for-Peace” proposal has the full support of my delegation. 62. My Government has already established an atomic energy council further to mobilize its scientists and engineers and co-ordinate its efforts with those of friendly Powers in the development of atomic energy. It has entered into bilateral agreements with the United States of America in this field of international cooperation. It is our belief that science has no national boundaries and that its achievements may be shared and enjoyed by all mankind in the interest of peace and progress. Since 1946, my Government has advocated the international co-operative development of atomic energy for peaceful purposes, and will urge that an international atomic agency be established at the earliest possible date. 63.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy, held in August this year at Geneva, may prove to be a landmark of human progress. A number of representatives have already dwelt on the prospects of the industrial, agricultural and medical uses of the atom. Not only can the atom be made a new and plentiful source of power, but it also holds the key to many secrets of nature and to a better and richer human living. After ten years of frustrating negotiations with the Soviet Union on the international control of atomic energy, the United Nations finally owes this new impact of the peaceful atom to President Eisenhower of the United States, who, in his historic address before this Assembly on 8 December 1953 [470th meeting], first lifted the atom from the realm of fear to that of hope.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“59. The tenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations has opened on a note of apparent optimism. In the statements already made from this rostrum the belief is voiced that, with the outward change of Soviet attitude, world peace is now within possible reach. My delegation, representing a people who are by tradition and history peace-loving, welcomes every move or opportunity to make this world a better and happier place in which to live. Nuclear developments have made war more terrible than ever before. To save mankind from total destruction every nation, large or small, should bend its efforts towards the promotion of peace. 60. Before I turn to examine the problem of world peace, I should like to state briefly the position of my Government with respect to a few important items on the agenda. 61.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“If we do not as yet have the adequate means to do so, it is imperative that we should not hesitate in rendering moral censure against any violation of the Charter. If the United Nations should compromise with force, or recognize the fruits of aggression, it would cease to be of political and moral value to the civilized world. It is for us here assembled to try to recapture that moral leadership which the freedom-loving peoples of the world entrusted to the United Nations.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In addition to the 10 million people on Taiwan and the adjacent islands, we are assured of the support of an overwhelming majority of 13 million overseas Chinese in our continued fight against communist aggression. I am confident that the people on the Chinese mainland, like the great majority of the Chinese ex-prisoners of war in Korea, are hostile to the communist regime imposed upon them by a foreign Power. And I am sure the day will come when they shall rise against the rule of communist tyranny. 67. I have sought to bring to the attention of this Assembly the bare facts which constitute a serious threat to the peace and security of the world. It is the fervent hope of my Government and my people that the United Nations will soon find the necessary means to counter this aggression.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The devious and treacherous ways by which the Soviet Union openly and secretly aided the Chinese Communists to extend their control over the mainland of China were fully presented to the General Assembly by my delegation during the fourth, fifth and sixth sessions. Only twenty-four days ago, on 3 September, the Chinese Communists began to subject the small island of Quemoy to a sustained artillery bombardment for hours. This attack and those that followed constitute a further step in the communist attempt to complete the conquest of China. It is, in fact, a continuation of Soviet aggression against China. 66. Today Taiwan serves as a rallying point for all the Chinese outside the Iron Curtain.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Seventeen million people have been rendered homeless. My Government has made a world-wide appeal for aid to the flood victims. Free Chinese all over the world are contributing towards the relief of their compatriots on the mainland. The communist Peiping regime has rejected every offer of international aid while it continues to export food supplies in exchange for arms and machinery and other strategic materials. This utter indifference to human misery is not surprising when one thinks of the millions of innocent victims in the slave labour camps and of the various forms of physical and mental tortures which have been inflicted upon the masses of China by the Communists. 65. China was the first victim of communist aggression in Asia.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“One Tito is enough for the Kremlin to be doubly vigilant of the possible emergence of another. Any Titoist designs on the part of the Chinese Communists would be effectively nipped in the bud. 63. The puppet regime in Peiping has fully demonstrated its utterly un-Chinese character. Like any other communist puppet State, it is oppressive at home and aggressive abroad. That it should be so should occasion no surprise, for no communist regime can exist without a strong police force at home. And no communist regime can find justification for the measures of control and regimentation enforced within its borders except by reason of the requirement of war abroad or the necessity of maintaining security at home. 64. Today, the Chinese mainland is suffering from the worst flood within living memory.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“This was reaffirmed only a few days ago when Chou En-lai, in a public speech on 23 September, stressed Peiping’s indestructible friendship with the Soviet Union. These are frank and factual statements of their relationship with the Soviet Union and with the satellite countries. 62. There are now on the Chinese mainland some 100,000 Russian experts and advisers, of which 70 per cent are planted in military organs. This iron-clad control of the Soviets over the Chinese Communist machinery cannot easily be unshackled. It is of special significance that practically all the heavy industries are situated in the northern provinces of China within easy reach and control of the Soviet Union. The fact that the Chinese mainland and the Soviet Union are contiguous to each other would make any Titoist movement virtually impossible.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Apart from the Soviet Union, by far the largest area now under Communist control is the Chinese mainland. That the Communist Peiping regime is in every way a Soviet-controlled puppet is now indisputable. Nevertheless, the idea persists in some quarters that by cultivating its friendship, Peiping could be wooed away from Moscow. Such hopes are mere products of wishful thinking. The Chinese Communists themselves have made it amply clear that it would not be possible for them to break away from their Soviet masters, nor do they so desire. On 11 August 1954, Chou En-lai, reporting his visit to East Germany, Poland, the Soviet Union and Outer Mongolia, told of his keen appreciation of the growing strength of all the brother countries headed by the Soviet Union and of their mighty solidarity.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In each of these cases neutralism encouraged aggression. 60. Another much practised communist tactic, which may precede or run parallel to the attack from within, is the so-called “liberation” movement created outside the country marked out for aggression. In January 1953, the Chinese Communists created a so-called free Thai State on the south-western border of China with the declared purpose of overthrowing the legitimate Thai Government. The movement was ostensibly organized by all the Thai tribes in that region of China for the “liberation” of all the Thai people not only in Thailand but also in Indo-China and Burma. This manoeuvre may be a preparatory step leading to an attack from within, or to an open armed aggression from without; whichever way it may turn out to be, it is aggression in the making. 61.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“With the world so closely integrated organically as it is today, it is not possible for any single nation to remain neutral. If the United Kingdom had made known to Germany its intention to intervene, the First World War would not perhaps have been fought. It was the appearance of British neutrality that fostered German aggression. If the United Kingdom and the United States had intervened in the so-called Manchurian incident, it would not have developed into the Sino-Japanese War. It was the neutral cash-and-carry policy which made it possible for Japan to obtain the war materials for its attack on Pearl Harbor and Singapore. If the League of Nations had applied effective sanction on the Axis Powers when they had first committed acts of aggression in China, in Africa, and in Europe, the Second World War might have been prevented.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“It is a matter on which the United Nations can no longer remain detached and unconcerned. It is imperative that the threat posed by this form of aggression to the peace and security of the world be recognized by Members of this Organization and that concerted efforts be made to counter it. 58. In the course of the past few years, there has arisen a tendency on the part of certain Members to take a neutral position in the struggle between democracy and totalitarianism. They believe that by taking a neutral position they will be contributing towards the work of peace. The idea, of course, is sheer fallacy, for the truth is that communism is not a national policy; it is imperialistic and international in character. Its aims constitute a direct challenge, as I have said, to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. 59.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The concept of co-existence suggests a mutual regard for each other’s boundaries and non-intervention on each other’s internal affairs. But the attack from within as I have described it, does not need, in its operation, to violate any physical boundary or to give the appearance of intervention. The so-called peaceful co-existence can well afford to co-exist with an attack from within. That being so, the conventional concept of non-interference in domestic affairs can in no way deter the Communists from indulging in the tactics of attack from within. On the contrary, the conventional concept of the term would lend it all the necessary legal support and give it an aura of respectability. We must therefore conclude that the communist tactics of attack from within are as much a form of aggression as an unprovoked attack on another country.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Nothing is farther from the truth. There is only one Communist Party in the world and that party is Russian. For instance, the official designation of the American Communist Party is the Communist Party in the United States of America. Its members are obliged to speak, vote and act as agents of the Kremlin for the sole purpose of bringing the United States behind the Iron Curtain and condemning the American people to slavery. This is true of Communist Parties in general. 57. All local Communist Parties, then, are virtual Soviet soldiers detailed for fifth-column attacks from within. To provide a favourable milieu for this form of aggression, the Communists have now invented a new slogan — the slogan of peaceful co-existence.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In the face of this form of indirect aggression, a defensive alliance based upon the condition of an attack from without would offer no security to the parties concerned. Similarly, any regional security system which does not take into consideration this communist form of attack from within would be of little practical value in guarding against communist aggression. 56. Not only do the nations which are economically backward or under colonial rule stand in need of protection from attack from within; even powerful democracies are being subjected to infiltration. There is a common misunderstanding of the nature of a Communist Party in a democratic State. We speak of the Chinese or the Indian, or the British, or the American Communist Party as if it were Chinese, Indian, British or American, as the case may be.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“We must not treat it as a mere passing phase in international politics, but as a well-established institution which has operated and will continue to operate effectively against the purposes and principles of the United Nations. 54. It has been a time-honoured code that all peace-loving countries should refrain from interfering with the internal affairs of other countries. Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter specifically provides that the United Nations should not “intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State”. But it is precisely here that the communist aggressor has viciously taken every advantage of the principle of non-interference in furthering its aggressive designs. 55.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In the resolution of the Final Act of that meeting, it was particularly stressed that acts of aggression of a non-military character, including systematic espionage, sabotage and subversive propaganda were being committed on the American continent, inspired by and under the direction of the States of the Tripartite Pact and States subservient to them, and that the fate of some members of the formerly free nations of Europe had shown them to be both preliminary to and an integral part of the programme of military aggression. 53. While this form of aggression is not new, no aggressor in the past has used it to such an extent and with such devastating effect as the Communists. The threat posed by this form of communist aggression is now world-wide.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Genuine self-determination is, as the name implies, a self-inspired, indigenous movement which serves the interests of the people concerned and not those of a foreign master ruling from the Kremlin, whose only interest is to exploit their natural resources and man-power to further his plans of world conquest. 52. This form of aggression is not, of course, new. Subversion and infiltration have, in fact, been resorted to with varying degrees of success by all aggressors in history as a prelude to armed attack. Hitler, we recall, made extensive use of his fifth columnists in the late 30’s and early 40’s. Hitler’s fifth column operated not only in Europe, but also on the American continent. At the third meeting of Foreign Ministers of the American Republics held in Rio de Janeiro in 1942, attention was drawn to this form of aggression.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“All that is needed would be for them to supply military training and equipment to their local fellow-Communists. The whole process would take on the appearance of an internal revolution, and that is why this method of attack from within is even deadlier in effect than an open attack from without. 51. If one were to adhere to the conventional concept of aggression as an unprovoked attack from without, it would be difficult from the juridical point of view to establish this attack from within as aggression. The Communists have in fact given it another name. They call it self-determination, a term which carries an emotional appeal to the peoples of many lands to whom colonialism is anathema.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“It is a well-known fact that communist infiltration is particularly effective in regions under colonial rule or in countries staggering under the after-effects of war or revolution or in countries where the concept of freedom is such as to preclude the possibility of a quick and easy legislation against subversive activities. The Communists prefer infiltration to armed invasion as a technique of aggression. The reason is not far to seek. They are past masters in a form of indirect aggression which, for the lack of a better term, may be described as an attack from within. By directing the local subversive elements to operate as members of revolutionary groups in their own countries, the Soviet and Chinese Communists were able to “pull” one “inside job” after another without being physically present in the countries marked out for conquest.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)