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1963-09-24
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  1. The Rhodesian affair, as the President has said, has revealed what our Western partners — or the majority of them at any rate — think about the Africans. The dismal subterfuges and delaying tactics of London have shown us the full extent of the knavery which besmirches the friendship between Europe and Africa, when we consider in another context the negative attitude of one of the partners towards the great controversies of subversion, apartheid in South Africa, and genocide practised against the populations of the Portuguese colonies. If this continues, future generations may well grow up inured to race hatred fanned by the stubbornness of a handful of hare-brained people in high places or a few wizards of high finance. 18.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  2. Vast territories of our continent are still under the colonial yoke. Indeed, in certain regions the forces of evil are forming alliances and consolidating their positions to achieve their Machiavellian plans for reconquest. 16. Thus the situation in the Territories under Portuguese domination remains disturbing. In Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) patriots are being killed daily by the bullets of reactionary colonialists supported by their NATO allies. We are firmly convinced that without the material and financial assistance provided by the monopolies, and without the collusion of certain great Powers, a pathetic little country like Portugal, which allows its population to languish in a perpetual state of under-development, would never be able to carry on a war of such proportions on three fronts by itself. 17.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  3. As far as the Congo is concerned, the explanation of this new attitude on the part of the young nations is that the peoples of the Third World are now more familiar with the problem of Viet-Nam and are beginning to understand that, in the final analysis, every country in the Third World is a Viet-Nam without knowing it. 14. This important stage in the struggle which we are facing, the heroic people of Viet-Nam are now passing through it with courage and determination, confident that the final victory will be theirs. 15. The final victory will likewise be won by other countries, fighting in other parts of the world, particularly in Africa. The process of national liberation of peoples, although it has been the major event of this second half of the twentieth century, has not been completed as yet.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  4. Secondly, this new attitude proves that the peoples of the Third World have realized that every one of their countries, without exception, could in its turn become a Viet-Nam, if the international situation pointed that way and the Americans considered that the security of the United States, or of its satellites, might be threatened from that quarter. In other words, once American vested interests begin to be affected, even if there is no question of acquiring others, the moment the policy of Washington comes up against the firm determination of the people of the country concerned to live in freedom and be the sole master of its destiny, each and every country of the Third World could in its turn become another Viet-Nam, and they have realized this. 13.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  5. In the first place, the policy of blackmail and camouflage by the United States Government with its bogus peace initiatives in Viet-Nam is laid bare. It will be recalled that the United States promised to stop the bombing of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam as soon as that country demonstrated its willingness to negotiate; and as we know, the Government of President Ho Chi Minh indicated such readiness as long ago as January of this year. In these circumstances, let the worthy representative of the United States not come up here again on to this rostrum, please, with the cynicism characteristic of dollar diplomacy, and ask us by what procedure a political solution can be brought about. 12.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  6. In doing so, our purpose was not merely to denounce an act as base as it was unjustifiable; we also hoped to bring this tragedy home more and more to the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of the famous "small nations" which have to come out of their shell, to shed their reprehensible apathy and see the problem as of direct concern to them and react accordingly. 10. Today we are happy to see that more and more countries, Members of the United Nations, are calling for an unconditional halt to the bombing of North Viet-Nam by the American aggressors. The new attitude of those countries, some of which have close relations with Washington, has for us a twofold and definite significance. 11.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  7. Unfortunately, peace is threatened not only in the Middle East, where to all outward appearances war has brought into conflict protagonists of one and the same region; it is even more seriously threatened in Viet-Nam where one of the strongest Powers in the world — the strongest of all, according to some — is intervening directly in the internal affairs of the heroic people of Viet-Nam and committing acts of barbarism unequalled in history except by the madness of Nazism referred to already. 9. Time and time again in the past, here and elsewhere, we have condemned the brutal and barbarous intrusion of the American imperialists in Viet-Nam.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  8. Such a solution, in which the presence of the Palestine refugees would be a predominant factor, cannot be conceived as having any chance of success unless a climate favourable to negotiations is created beforehand. Hence the United Nations must call on the State of Israel to comply with the resolutions adopted at the fifth emergency special session [2253 (ES-V) and 2254 (ES-V)] concerning the City of Jerusalem and must at the current session require that Member State, in the interests of world peace, to withdraw its forces to the positions it held prior to 5 June 1967. 8.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  9. We of the Congo understand therefore that the Jewish people, today brought together within a nation, should take all appropriate steps to ensure the defence of their country if it should be the object of aggression. It is what we all do. But the Congo cannot agree that the right of self defence, to which each and every one is entitled, may be exercised even before the suspected attack has been carried out; this reveals the existence of an ambition which has no currency in the twentieth century, the ambition to conquer territories by force of arms. 7. At the present time, more and more countries recognize that there must be a political solution to this conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbours.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  10. President, to say to you that your election is for us a source of great reassurance, for the above reasons, naturally, but also because your outstanding human qualities, combined with your qualities as a consummate diplomat, inspire confidence as to the way in which the debates at this session will be conducted. 5. Our work is beginning this year at a time when world peace is threatened more than ever. To the crises of the past which have still not been disposed of has been added one more of particular significance — the Middle East crisis. The peoples directly or indirectly engaged in the last World War, even those that did not take part in the fighting, still remember the atrocities that the vile human race was capable of committing against itself. We know that none suffered more from the madness of nazism than the Jewish people. 6.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  11. For us this event is an important step on the road back to universality as the goal of the United Nations, which had become an instrument in the service of imperialists and a jungle where the weaker countries, designated within these walls by the commonly accepted term of "small nations" were first brutally and savagely manhandled in the open, to be gobbled up diplomatically here in due course. 3. We trust that the representatives of the "small nations" have taken due note of the historic implications of this event, and we hope that they will also realize more fully that the Organization is faced with certain problems an equitable solution to which would effectively contribute towards restoring equilibrium in the United Nations. 4. Allow me then, Mr.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  12. 1. Mr. President, the Congolese Ambassador to the United Nations who spoke before I arrived [1583rd meeting] on the inclusion of an item in the agenda, expressed to you the sincere congratulations of our delegation on your overwhelming election to the Presidency of this session. 2. In so doing our representative was anxious not so much to comply with a mere diplomatic formality but to carry out a mission — that of conveying to you the profound satisfaction felt by the people of the Congo at seeing the representative of a socialist country accede to the highest office of the Assembly.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  13. We shall go further and make an appeal touched almost with desperation: we firmly hope that this appeal from the Congo will be heard by U Thant.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  14. We have also been officially informed of the Secretary-General's decision not to ask for another term. In this connexion, my delegation must first pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for the immense contribution that he has made during his period of office. Called to this high office at a tragic moment in history, U Thant has carried out his duties admirably, thanks to his exceptional qualities as a great diplomat and also as a great man, and has cleared up an international situation which was at the time extremely confused. 227. Faced with his refusal to accept a second term, a refusal which we can quite understand, we shall not content ourselves with merely voicing the hope that he will reconsider a decision whose fatal consequences to the United Nations we can already foresee.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  15. It is clear that despite the efforts that our countries make, it will be impossible to achieve any perceptible and satisfactory progress as long as the industrial Powers have not changed the selfish concept of their economic relations with us which they have maintained up to now. 224. Lastly, as we did already from this rostrum two years ago [1307th meeting], we should like to draw the General Assembly's attention to the fact that the internal problems which are constantly increasing within the United Nations itself must end by paralyzing it. 225. At this moment we note, for example, not without bitterness, that the place given to French as a working-language no longer corresponds fully to the real and effective importance of this precious vehicle of civilization. 226.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  16. This is a field which has been the subject of many speeches and many plans, all seeking to find a remedy. 222. Among the decisions adopted to this effect, I shall refer only to resolution 1710 (XVI) entitled "United Nations Development Decade", which recommended that by the end of the decade the rate of growth of the national income of the developing countries should be 5 per cent. 223. Now that we are entering the second half of this decade, we are forced to recognize that there is no indication that the hoped-for improvement can be achieved. On the contrary, the gap between rich and poor is growing ever wider, with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer, to use a time-honoured phrase.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  17. It will also have to decide to withdraw the aggressive troops of United States imperialism and all the foreign troops occupying South Korea under the United Nations flag. 221. The notorious United Nations Commission for the Rehabilitation and Unification of Korea, which the United States created by trampling the Charter itself underfoot, must be dissolved. My delegation believes that the unification of Korea is a Korean internal affair affecting only the Korean people and that no interference, even by the United Nations, can be tolerated. Having now informed you of my Government's position on the burning political issues of our time, I should like to add that the Congo is experiencing the same anxieties as the rest of the Third World over economic matters.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  18. The United Nations has adopted the concept of peaceful co-existence as one of its fundamental principles, and hence the need for all peoples, regardless of their political, ideological or economic choice, to accept one another and co-operate. We should take as our text this thought of Saint-Exupery: "Let us profit from our differences". 220. This year once again the so-called "Korean question" is included in our agenda. The Congolese Government believes that to settle the Korean question with justice we must put an end to the illegal discussion of this matter by the United Nations. To do so, the United Nations must annul all the illegal resolutions which have been adopted so far in connexion with this question.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  19. Is not this a de facto recognition of the People's Republic of China as a determining factor not only in the equilibrium of Asia but of the world at large? How in these circumstances ’ can the Americans explain to their own consciences this equivocal attitude which leads them to negotiate with the real Power which they pretend to ignore and to recognize those traitors to the Chinese nation who represent nobody but themselves? 218. My country makes a solemn appeal to the General Assembly, this high international body, to recognize its responsibilities and to show the world that it has rediscovered its universality and that it is beginning, in this "finite world" of which Paul Valery spoke, to repair the injustice done to the People's Republic of China, one of the five permanent members of the Security Council. 219.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  20. The United States and the ardent supporters of what is wrongly called the non-admission of China to the United Nations do not wish the People's Republic of China to be restored to its rights in the Organization for a very obvious reason: such a restoration would undoubtedly damage certain interests and would call into question some positions that have been adopted. We live in an absurd world, and in this realm Kafka could have imagined nothing better. In point of fact, how is it conceivable that the very parties which deny all rights to the People's Republic of China should negotiate with that same country for the settlement of certain international disputes? 217. The United States knows very well that as General de Gaulle said "nothing that is done in Asia, in war or in peace, can be done without China".

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  21. Our delegation therefore requests the outright expulsion of the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the United Nations and all its organs, and the restoration to the Government of the People's Republic of China of the seat to which it is entitled. 215. We also wish to recall in this Assembly that Taiwan is a province of China and has been so since remote times. Its occupation by the Japanese at the end of the last century does not change in any way the fact that it constitutes a part of Chinese territory. The Declarations of Cairo and Potsdam specified that Taiwan was to be returned to China after the Second World War. Thus it was that, after the surrender of Japan, China took back Taiwan and made it into a Chinese province. This situation was publicly recognized by Harry Truman, the then President of the United States, 216.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  22. A Member State has a sacred right to change its political system, if it decides that at a certain stage in its evolution that system no longer corresponds to the legitimate aspirations of its people. The change which took place in China in 1949 was a transfer of power like any other. Since 1949, we have seen many revolutions and series of coups d'etat in many Member States, and the new regimes, regardless of their political tinge, have lawfully and immediately replaced the former representatives of their countries at the United Nations. No objection has been made to this. To make such an objection would not only run counter to the spirit and the letter of the San Francisco Charter, but would also constitute interference of the kind condemned in Article 2, paragraph 7. 214.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  23. It is for this reason that it became not only a founder Member of the United Nations but also one of those countries in which was to be vested, in the terms of Article 24, paragraph 1, of the Charter, primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. 212. Today, the United States and its lackeys are doing their best to persuade us that this is no longer the case, and that China has lost both its power and its influence. There seems to be some danger in practising the head-in-the-sand policy and refusing to look facts in the face, however unpleasing they may be, because there they remain. The People's Republic of China exists, becoming increasingly modernized and also more and more powerful. 213. It is not the United Nations business to evaluate the merits of a particular regime.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  24. Year after year, our Organization has seen its number grow, from fifty-one States at the time of the signing of the Charter to 119 at the present time, thus demonstrating the universal character of this institution. It is a curious fact, however, that this increase in the number of Member States does not correspond in reality to the principle of universality which the United Nations adopted for itself. Thus, we can but note the shortcomings, not to say the weakness, of our Organization, as long as the United States imperialists and their acolytes persist in keeping out the largest country in the world. 211. It is even being forgotten that when the Charter of the United Nations was drawn up. China was the subject of much concern, because it was regarded as an essential factor in world equilibrium.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  25. The delegation of the Congo (Brazzaville) believes that none of today's problems, whether it be disarmament, de-nuclearization, the Viet-Namese tragedy, or peace itself, can be settled without the participation of the People's Republic of China. We must realize here and now that it is useless to seek an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons without the effective participation of Peking; such an agreement would be without interest or significance. How then are we to explain the absurdity of systematically excluding from the international arena a country of 700 million inhabitants on which depends, as we have noted, the solution of many of the problems preoccupying the United Nations? 210.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  26. The great Powers are not in favour of disarmament, for otherwise how is it to be explained that at a time when everyone is talking of disarmament, including themselves, they are expanding and continuing to expand to unimaginable proportions their stock of weapons? 208. Efforts to organize a world disarmament conference as the General Assembly requested [resolution 2030 (XX)] have not progressed. My Government believes it would be useful to convene such a conference, which would open the way to lasting solutions and the inauguration of true peace in the world. Nevertheless we must note that such a conference could only succeed if all the great Powers, including the People's Republic of China, were to take part in its work. 209.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  27. For the great Powers, the arms race has become a means of pursuing their policy of hegemony. Appeals have been made from this rostrum for an end to the policy of a balance of terror; but we are forced to admit that these appeals have gone unheard. 206. Although the peoples of the world put great hope in the results of the deliberations of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at Geneva, the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee— now numbering only seventeen — has been rather discouraging. Differences of opinion have come to light regarding the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the question of general and complete disarmament has not yet been fully examined. 207. We shall soon have to accept the evidence.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  28. Since South Africa is violating the Charter and threatening peace, as we have already said, only one type of energetic and coercive action can be envisaged against it. Since South Africa has not fulfilled its obligations as the Mandatory Power, the Organization must draw the appropriate conclusions, in order to safeguard world peace, that peace which, to be real and lasting, must inevitably be brought about by disarmament. Here we touch upon a problem which affects the whole world, great Powers and small alike. 205. In the space of one generation, two world wars sowed wretchedness and desolation everywhere. For the last twenty years, mankind has been dreaming of lasting peace and security, and hoping that such calamities will never occur again. This precarious peace is more than ever threatened.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  29. The same is obviously true of the serious problem caused by South Africa's mandate over South West Africa, on the subject of which my delegation has already expressed its point of view [1431st meeting]. The Congolese Government holds to its conviction that the mandate is still in force. It is well aware of the imperialist longings and designs of the white colonialists in Pretoria who wish to extend the vicious and ignoble policy of apartheid which they cynically apply in the usurped territory of South Africa to South West Africa, in flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter and contempt of the recommendations of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 203. Lesotho and Botswana, newly independent States, already stir the appetites of Vorster, fed by the presence in power of a few puppets in his pay. 204.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  30. How can anyone realize that four million Africans are enslaved by a tiny minority and still rely for a settlement of the problem on the goodwill of the British colonialists? This sad and serious problem has unfortunately divided Africa, not all of whose sons as yet understand the need for firmness in making decisions. In view of the seriousness of the situation my Government can only deplore the African countries' passivity, procrastination and failure to persevere, regardless of the arguments they put forward. We in the Congo believe that appropriate solutions to African problems can only come from the Africans themselves, with support from the United Nations. 202.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  31. The United Kingdom Government, for its part, which gave a solemn undertaking to quash the rebellion of the illegal Smith regime in Rhodesia in record time, was merely concealing - its collusion with a government which protects British interests and the white minority, when it refused to use force, which is the only way of settling the crisis. 200. Mr. Wilson may ask now for the application of selective sanctions compulsory for all, but this will not change the attitude of Salisbury, which knows it can count on the alliance with Pretoria, Lisbon, and the great Western Powers. The situation in Rhodesia is very serious, and we trust that the Members of the United Nations and more particularly the African Members will realize this. 201.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  32. The Salazar clique, which lets the humble people of Portugal lie sunk in poverty and under-development in order to buy expensive weapons and indulge in colonialist adventures, will rely in vain on its NATO allies, it is the one that will wear itself out trying to keep the African people in a state of slavery. There can be only one end in Guinea, Angola and Mozambique: the defeat of the Portuguese slave-owners and their loss of the immense profits drawn from the shameful exploitation of man by man. Ill treatment, imprisonment, massacres, will avail them nothing. On the contrary, they will serve to strengthen the patriots' will to fight. 199.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  33. All the recommendations and resolutions of the United Nations on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples and the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms advocated in the Charter have remained empty words for the fanatical believers in racial supremacy, who continue to behave like slave-owners and torturers, with the connivance, of course, of the Western Powers. 198. The United Nations contents itself with repeating pious hopes to a world already grown sceptical, and is almost on the point of declaring itself officially powerless. In these circumstances, there can be no doubt that the only form of effective action for the oppressed indigenous peoples will be by armed force.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  34. The question of the Territories under Portuguese domination has been the subject of several debates in the Security Council, which has stated quite clearly that the situation resulting from this policy, both for the African population and for neighbouring States, constitutes a threat to international peace and security. It was because it recognized the seriousness of the situation that the Council asked for the immediate application of the principle of self-determination and called upon Member States to refrain from supplying military assistance to the Government of Portugal, if it was to be used to oppress the peoples placed under its administration. What has been the result? 197. Portugal continues in its backward-looking attitude and the Powers which are its accomplices continue to supply it with substantial military aid.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  35. My Government continues to believe that the departure of the United States interventionists would make it possible to restore peace in South-East Asia, that peace so dear to all of us, which is, as you know, also being threatened in Africa, where the principles of the Charter are violated every day and where decolonization is blocked by the ill-will of the proponents of white supremacy and apartheid. Whether in the Territories still under Portuguese domination such as Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea, or in the Republic of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, the problem takes on more agonizing dimensions every day. 196.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  36. Today more than ever the Viet-Namese problem is a human problem, a moral problem, and not simply a political problem, as the Government in Washington would have us believe. In our eyes, this is the significance of the visit of Pope Paul VT to our headquarters last year, and of the Holy Father's unceasing calls for peace. 194. We are glad, for our part, to note the failure of the attempts by the United States to use the United Nations once more as a cover to justify and continue its war of aggression against Viet-Nam, On the contrary, we believe that the United Nations should use every appropriate means to bring the racists and imperialists in Washington to their senses and to make them understand that Viet-Nam does not belong to them and that they should leave as they came. 195.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  37. It will say that it was, perhaps still is, a question of combating communist infiltration from the country of President Ho Chi Minh, of defending the freedom of South Viet-Nam, and who knows what else? As far as freedom is concerned, have the Viet-Namese really anything to learn from the United States imperialists who dare not even — as President Massamba-Debat said — grant their countrymen the elementary rights which they ought to enjoy, merely because they have skins of a different colour? And if a people Is firmly convinced that its way to happiness is through socialism or even communism, in the name of what sacred principle of anti-communism can the United States imperialists arrogate to themselves the right to prevent them from taking it? 193.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  38. The direct intervention of Washington in the domestic affairs of this country, perpetrated in defiance of the Charter of the United Nations and the Geneva Agreements on Indo-China, the dangerous "escalation" which has culminated just recently in the unjustifiable bombing of the suburbs of Hanoi and Haiphong, the use of poison gas against the civilian population of Viet-Nam — is there really any need to go on? — are such cruel, such savage, such barbarous acts that it is difficult to discern the slightest difference between the United States Administration and Hitler Germany. 192. Of course, the United States Government will have no lack of arguments to seek to justify its inhuman acts in South-East Asia.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  39. We sincerely believe that we shall have said all that there is to say on the matter if we repeat out loud before this General Assembly that there is aggression in Viet-Nam, that the aggressor is United States imperialism, and that the victim is the Viet-Namese people. 191. It is time for peace-loving peoples — and the people of the United States are among them — to denounce publicly and unequivocably the cowardly aggression of the imperialist Government of the United States against Viet-Nam.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  40. There is one such problem, however, which although it is not on the agenda is nevertheless a subject of grave concern to my country: I refer to the tragedy of Viet-Nam. We are, I believe, unanimous in recognizing that the conflict in Viet-Nam directly threatens the maintenance of peace which the Organization set as one of its main goals, in order, and I quote the Charter, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". 190. Who, among the representatives present at this session, has not expressed publicly or privately the anguish felt by his country at seeing the war in Viet-Nam expand every day? Every speaker here has recounted his version of the conflict in Viet-Nam. As far as we are concerned, we will make no claim to give you the history of the Viet-Namese question.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  41. We regard it first as the culmination of the sustained and impartial labours of a diplomat who, coming here to represent his country in the United Nations, lost no time in placing himself at the service of the whole international community. Secondly, the fact that our President is the representative of a small country is a comfort to those of us who must hope that the day will come when the Organization will once again regain its neutrality and universality, so necessary when the subject of our deliberation is peace. 189. My delegation is sure that the President will play his part effectively and that under his watchful guidance a start at least will be made on solving the problems on our agenda.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  42. 187. I have pleasure in once again conveyed to the President, on behalf of my Government, the congratulations addressed to him by the Congolese delegation before my arrival in New York, on the occasion of his election to office. I should also like to repeat those addressed to his distinguished predecessor, Mr. Amintore Fanfani, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy, whose skill and wisdom all of us here appreciated so highly. 188. We are sincerely delighted that the Ambassador of Afghanistan has been elected unanimously to preside over our deliberations. In the eyes of the Congo (Brazzaville) delegation, this choice is highly significant.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  43. These are the few modest suggestions and ideas which the delegation of the Congo (Brazzaville) has wished to bring before this distinguished Assembly.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  44. As we all know, some countries have already wisely explained to their people that co-operation, of which the most familiar form is assistance to under-developed countries, is a new form of relations which benefits the assisting as much as the assisted countries. 25. Once this idea of co-operation is properly understood by all the peoples of the world, we shall be able to say that we are on the right road1, the road which, before it leads us to lasting world peace, will first have given every man, whoever he maybe, living conditions which are acceptable and worthy of his human dignity. If these objectives are to be reached, there is one thing that is absolutely essential: to restore the balance of the United Nations. 26.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  45. So long as the industrialized countries of the West continue to regard Asia, Latin America and Africa as mere reserves of raw materials and outlets for their manufactures, with all the operations involved contributing to the profit of themselves alone, it will be impossible to establish a new international order in economic relations; moreover, it seems likely that the consequence of this attitude will inevitably be a clash between the "have-nots" and the "haves". 24. However, we remain optimistic, and believe that the breaking point will never be reached. And there is evidence to suggest that we are not deluding ourselves.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  46. The present lack of balance in the United Nations distorts all political relations between Member States; but it is even more serious in the economic sphere. Many true or false conclusions have been drawn from the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development, but there is one conclusion at least of which we can be sure: the imperialist Powers are not in favour of the immediate dissolution of colonial bonds, and wish to perpetuate an economy of exploitation in the developing countries. 23.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  47. It is this lack of balance also which explains the hypocritical atmosphere which reigns within these walls and the impotence of the United Nations to deal with the obstinacy of Portugal and of the racialists of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia in their colonialist policy of apartheid. From this rostrum, the imperialist Powers condemn the Governments or so-called Governments of these three countries. But the massive means of destruction which these same Powers make available to the Governments in question are no longer a secret to anyone. 21. That is why it is more important than ever before that the African countries in particular, and all the non-aligned countries in general, should work energetically towards the establishment of a genuine balance within the United Nations. 22.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  48. Only the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China will allow the United Nations to achieve the balance which it so much needs to play its role fully and impartially. 17. Yes, we must have the courage to say that the United Nations lacks balance. And it may even be added that it is this lack of balance which is the cause of the many failures which the Organization experiences. 18. This lack of balance is the sole cause of the present financial crisis in the United Nations. 19. The Congolese delegation opposes the tendency of some great Powers, whichever they may be, to use their influence to create areas of tension in the world, secure the intervention of United Nations forces in those areas, install themselves there as neocolonialists and apply policies there which conform to their own selfish interests. 20.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  49. In the eyes of certain Members of the United Nations, that is sufficient reason for systematically opposing the restoration of the legitimate rights of this great peace-loving country, a founder Member of the Organization. For the Congolese people, the problem of the two Chinas does not exist. The so-called Republic of Taiwan is nothing more than a den of reactionaries, dedicated body and soul to the imperialist cause, representing neither the Chinese people nor their interests. 16. The Chinese policy of the United Nations is a sickening anachronism which must be ended immediately. This policy clearly reflects the lack of balance existing in the great international family, and shows the extent to which certain countries use the Organization as a "Trojan horse".

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)

  50. It is time responsible Africans awakened to the truth of what is taking place in the Congo and refused to be lulled by such slogans as the fight against communism or the fight against Chinese infiltration into Africa. It is this awakening that will largely decide the future of the Organization of African Unity, within which the detractors of Africa are trying to create trends by very clumsily insinuating such out-of-date notions as white, or, as it is sometimes called, Arab Africa, black Africa, the pro-West Monrovia group, the pro-communist, or "pro-Chinese" Casablanca group. 15. What crime has the People's Republic of China committed? Its only crime is that of having chosen for itself the regime which best serves the legitimate aspirations of its people.

    1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)