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Mondjo

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS MONDJO

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1968-09-24
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1981-09-24
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  1. Let us help it in' good faith through our devotion to the cause of peace—a peace which must become the decisive focal point of international life.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  2. But what leader, what statesman could remain deaf to that siren call of history to take part in an endeavor to build a more just, fraternal new world? 291. The time has come for my delegation to congratulate most sincerely the SecretaryGeneral, whose dedication to the cause of peace and the wellbeing of nations, both large and small, is praiseworthy. 292. The best way to exorcise old ghosts is to draw up as complete a list of them as possible so as to know what to expect. That is what we have attempted to do in the course of this statement. 293. At a time when great storms are rising on the horizon, we must, all of us together, once and for all, reexamine the causes of the dangers which threaten international peace. The Organization has urgent duties to discharge, crucial problems to solve and dangers to avoid.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  3. Recently, at the beginning of September, in Paris, France was host to a United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries. In October in Cancun, thanks to the joint initiative of Austria and Mexico, a limited summit meeting will take place, bringing together about 20 heads of State and Government from the center and periphery countries. Lastly, between now and the end of the year, a United Nations conference on development is to be held at United Nations Headquarters in New York. 290. All that activity is designed to attempt to get the NorthSouth global negotiations under way. No doubt that is a complex area, in which each camp must rise above its self-interests, and where there are at present no grounds for optimism.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  4. After a long period of confrontation and sterile invectives, the NorthSouth dialog seems today to be giving rise to some cautious optimism. This year, the schedule of meetings shows the awareness of the countries in both groups of the interdependency which closely governs the international economy and of the need to come forward, within a reasonable period of time, with a solution in the interests of the parties involved. In May 1981, at the High Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas, Venezuela, the developing countries drew up proposals for what has been called "SouthSouth economic cooperation". In July of the same year, it was the turn of Ottawa to host a conference of the major industrialized countries, which worked together on the serious problems of development.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  5. As can be noted, those measures contain nothing more than a proposal that the wealthy countries should further concern themselves more with the problems of hunger and poverty throughout the world instead, for example, of throwing themselves headlong into the unbridled arms race, which is now swallowing up almost $550 billion a year, and which is continually perfecting armaments for the apocalypse weapons of mass destruction which would destroy all of mankind, such as the neutron bomb, which has been condemned by the overwhelming majority of international public opinion. If only $20 billion annually were devoted to development, who could deny the impact that such a commitment might have on the economy of the countries of the periphery? 289.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  6. In the first place, the developing countries must be provided with an inflow of official capital and, above all, the developed countries must meet their commitment to devote at least 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to development assistance. Some developed countries have already understood that, as shown by the recent position taken in that respect by the new French Government. We commend that Government and urge other developed countries to exert some effort in that direction. In the second place, there must be a moratorium on the debts of the developing countries, which are being literally crushed by the servicing of those debts. Lastly, there must be a democratization of the international monetary system and the decision-making apparatus of certain international institutions. 288.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  7. First, the required improvement in international trade relations must include the necessary stability in the terms of trade, particularly those for primary commodities and a preferential access by the developing countries to the markets of the industrialized countries. 286. Secondly, we must regulate the flow of foreign private capital and increase the favorable consequences of that flow. Here we come to the question of restricting the activities of transnational corporations and the transfer of technology. 287. Moreover, it is absolutely necessary that the vicious circle of aid and indebtedness be broken in at least two concomitant ways.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  8. Since it did not meet that requirement in time, the world must now deal with a far-reaching economic crisis and grapple with ways and means to facilitate the establishment of a new international economic order. The elements of that new order have already been laid down for the developing countries, in particular in the Group of 77. 284. The developing countries, which have been fully exposed to the harmful consequences of a particularly unjust order, have for some years been calling for the democratization of international economic relations. Yet those demands are far from being unattainable. Perhaps we could recall a few aspects of the approach of the developing countries, which might be summed up in the following manner. 285.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  9. We note that recently there has been a renewal of terror in South Korea against patriots who are in favor of the independence and peaceful reunification of that great country. There must be an end to any foreign interference in the affairs of Korea so that its people may embark upon the path of fraternal and constructive dialog. 282. Twenty years ago the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries met at Belgrade and proclaimed that active international cooperation in the fields of material and cultural exchanges among peoples is an essential means for the strengthening of confidence in the possibility of peaceful coexistence. 283.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  10. My country hopes that the peoples of SouthEast Asia who, throughout their long and glorious history, have given so many examples of wisdom and political courage to the world, will regain control of themselves and work henceforth in the quest for peaceful solutions to the disputes which are momentarily setting them one against the other. 281. As regards Korea, here also we fail to see the grounds for a policy of maintaining the division of this great people into two parts, North Korea and South Korea. Congo has always maintained that the United Nations should work towards the creation of conditions leading to a dialog, free from any foreign pressures, between the two parts of Korea.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  11. It is obvious to my delegation that the inappropriate representation of Kampuchea at the United Nations serves as nothing more than a pretext to facilitate an intolerable interference in the internal affairs of that country and to delay as much as possible the dawning of an era of fraternal peace and cooperation in SouthEast Asia. 280. The orchestrated campaign round the so-called rebel bands which are being armed in full view of the whole world to fight the legal Government of Kampuchea are contrary to all the rules of international law. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is not only exercising effective authority over the whole national territory, but has since the beginning of the new Republic begun to rebuild the country on the ashes of the genocide perpetrated by Pol Pot.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  12. The activities of the Israeli Government, with its serious and repeated acts in violation of international peace and security, are making bad worse, instead of helping to create a climate favorable to constructive negotiations in the quest for conditions for a lasting and final peace in that important part of the world. The bombing of Tamuz in Iraq, the bombing of civilian populations in Beirut in Lebanon, bear the marks of the determination of a Government wrongly bent on practicing a no-holds barred policy. 279. The case of Kampuchea is typical of the present crisis in international relations. In the face of all the facts, some Member States still want the world to believe that the people of Kampuchea never wished to rid itself, at all costs, of the Pol Pot dictatorship.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  13. We are convinced that the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte and that of the Glorieuses islands will soon be subject to positive and sincere negotiations between the French Government on the one hand and the Governments of Comoros and Madagascar respectively. 277. We cherish the idea of peace in the Middle East, where there still rages increasing violence because of the obdurate refusal of Israel to negotiate with the PLO. The position constantly maintained by my delegation is that the Palestinian issue is at the heart of the entire Middle East tragedy. Hence, any initiative of the "Camp David agreement" type becomes ineffective if it disregards the fundamental inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. 278.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  14. It is gratifying that a referendum on self-determination has been decided upon, to enable the Sahraoui people, after a free and clear choice, to become independent. Whatever happens, Congo joins with the QAU and the United Nations in supporting the common efforts of the two organizations directed towards a just and final settlement of that problem. 276. The Indian Ocean, although it has been declared by the United Nations to be a "zone of peace", is today the scene of intense military activity. We are witnessing in this area a strengthening of naval fleets and military troops on the part of the great Powers. My Government again supports the efforts of the Organization, which should lead to the holding of conferences so that the Indian Ocean might indeed become a genuine zone of peace.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  15. In any case, my Government challenges this blinkered press to show the least proof of its fabrications. This slanderous campaign on the part of Western media, directed now at one regime, and now at some other country in the third world, will in no way change the firm, commitment of African States in general and those of Central Africa in particular which stand shoulder to shoulder with our Chadian brothers so that that people can recover, with its independence, people and the pride of place which it occupies in our subregion. 275. In the northern part of the African continent, the problem of the decolonization of the Western Sahara has created a situation with an extreme degree of antagonism between the various protagonists in the Maghreb.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  16. Some of the Western press, accustomed to giving its readers spicy stories about the third world, has recently indulged, in referring to the detachment of Congolese soldiers which, at the urgent request of the QAU, my Government agreed to send to N'Djamena, in hate filled and defamatory articles which show the disdain with which these unworthy journalists regard the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, which they consider to be inferior. The Congolese People's National Army is the army of our militant people, and was formed in accordance with the strict precepts of the Congolese Workers' Party. Its mission in Chad was supervised by an outstanding member of our Party and by the Chad Transitional National Union Government during the three months when our troops were constantly confined to the barracks of the N'Djamena police force.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  17. Today, imperialism and its accomplices are crisscrossing Angola with their plots. Their efforts are to no avail because the Angolan people, faithful to the heritage of Aghostino Neto, will take up the challenge and will victoriously defend the gains of its revolution. 274. My delegation is very pleased to welcome the progress which, after so much suffering and anguish, has just crowned the efforts of the OAU to end the tragedy experienced by the fraternal people of Chad. The Congolese Government supports the praiseworthy efforts of this fraternal country towards reconciliation and national reconstruction.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  18. In this case scandal and criminality reach the highest point when the international community does not even consider doing anything to dissuade the aggressor. 272. It might even be concluded from this, as was stated quite rightly by our Minister for Foreign Affairs at the eighth emergency special session [5th meeting], that it seems that Angola is being accused simply because it is implementing the relevant decisions of the Organization by what is its special contribution to the cause of the liberation of colonial countries and peoples. 273. The Organization has the political and moral duty to act before it is too late to defuse the tension persisting in that part of Africa. The Congolese Government, for its part, supports unreservedly the struggle of the fraternal people of Angola to defend its independence and its territorial integrity.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  19. However, South Africa, which claims to be a besieged fortress, is opposing the advent of a climate of peace and cooperation in the region, increasing in a disgraceful and criminal manner its aggressive acts against those States which endeavor to implement courageously the relevant resolutions of the Organization with regard to the assistance that all Member States are duty-bound to provide to the Namibian people, whose territory has been transformed by the South African soldiery into a sweatshop, where men, women and children of the heroic Namibian people are suffering helplessly. The latest of these aggressive acts has been directed at the People's Republic of Angola and is continued today through the occupation by Pretoria's army of a part of the territory of a Member State of the United Nations. 271.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  20. The culmination of the process of decolonization in Namibia would have the initial effect of restoring peace in the southern part of the continent and of enabling the so called front-line African States to concentrate on the essential task of the economic and social development of their countries.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  21. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was drafted with that in mind. In the view of my delegation, that is the only pragmatic approach that might pave the way to a just and peaceful solution of the problem of Namibia, which, as every one of us knows, remains essentially a problem of decolonization. We should remember that it is South Africa which unilaterally took the initiative of breaking off the negotiations that were begun by the contact group of five Western countries. That was indeed a serious step, in, the face of which the silence of the international community seems strangely "deafening". My country, of course, encourages any initiative which might bring closer the exercise by the people of Namibia, under the aegis of SWAPO, its only authentic representative, of its right to freedom and independence. 270.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  22. As for the necessary prerequisites for the creation of confidence and the most favorable conditions for the establishment of peace in that part of the world, as yet we see no signs that might give cause for optimism. 268. As long as South Africa, which is racist and colonialist, does not regard itself as an African State with the same concepts of freedom and respect for human dignity as the other African peoples, there can be no doubt that international peace and security will constantly be breached in that area. Against whom, and why, is racist South Africa acquiring nuclear weapons? The unconditional protectors of the champions of apartheid could no doubt provide the international community with a clear response to that agonizing question. 269. To proceed methodically, we should at least begin by returning Namibia to its people.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  23. Hie increasingly aggressive policy of that racist regime is a matter of grave concern for the whole continent. The continuance of the hateful policy of apartheid and the over-armament of the Pretoria regime, which, in addition to using many other methods of intimidation, is considering resorting to the blackmail of nuclear weapons to defend its anachronistic and anti-human philosophy, constitute flagrant examples of injustice in the world today. 267. Finally, of all continents, Africa has the greatest number of refugees and the largest number of so-called least developed countries. Praiseworthy efforts have at times been projected, especially as regards the humanitarian aspects or, more generally, the economic and social aspects, to which we shall return later in our statement.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  24. The case of Africa is one of the most troubling; the threats to that continent take many forms, first of all, there is the persistence of an ecological crisis caused by the encroachment of the desert and the constant drought which gravely affects a number of countries situated between Cape Verde and the Horn of Africa. 265. The economic threat, for its part, can be seen in the powerful domination exercised by multinational interests, for which Africa is nothing but a reservoir of raw materials and, furthermore, in the extreme weakness of a form of economy which depends strongly on foreign markets. 266. The political crisis is compounded by a military threat that affects Africa on all sides, one of the most obvious aspects of which is the wanton continuance of the occupation of Namibia by South Africa.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  25. Instead of the policy of detente, which the non aligned countries have always cherished, we see developing today dangerous dialectics of confrontation. Those who are inclined to welcome unashamedly the intensification of international tension are wrong. Today the problem of how to maintain peace has become, because of the nuclear aspect, a global problem, a problem for all States, large and small. 263. In this explosive international situation there come into being everywhere hotbeds of tension which are being maintained feverishly, with the object of extending spheres of influence, by increasing the number of military bases in defenseless countries and establishing thinly disguised protectorates. 264.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  26. The constant quest on the part of my country for increased solidarity and ever greater understanding among nations is justified by our people's conviction that only a dynamic mobilization of all peace-loving peoples can stop the advance of aggressive forces which are now giving rise to growing alarm the world over. 262. Yesterday the weakness of peaceful peoples fostered the outbreak of Nazism and fascism, which were responsible for millions of deaths. Who knows into what catastrophes of history we shall be led tomorrow by the imperialist policy of confrontation which has imbued international relations with the characteristics of the East West tensions, fraught with so many dangers? The arms race is proceeding at a rapid pace. The world looks on powerlessly at a kind of call to arms on the part of the blocs.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  27. The victory of the peoples of Vanuatu and Belize comes at just the right time to confirm the justice of the national liberation struggle being waged by freedom fighters against colonial oppression and exploitation. The whole humble history of mankind should remind us that when a people is determined to break the humiliating shackles of submission, no force can resist the inexorable whirlwind stirred up by its inflexible determination. The delegation of the Congo wishes to assure the representatives of those two new Member States of its cooperation and solidarity. 261.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  28. I should like to associate myself with the many speakers who have extended to his predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, well-deserved praise for the brilliant and effective manner in which he discharged his duties as President of the thirty-fifth session. 259. Finally, above and beyond the ritual aspects of the occasion, I wish to extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu and Belize, which have just been admitted as full Members of the United Nations. „The presence among us of those two States which have only just emerged from colonial darkness bears witness to the substantial decolonization efforts accomplished by the United Nations, which, for 20 years now, has been the focal point of decisive actions that have led to the collapse of citadels of colonialism which only yesterday had been firmly entrenched. 260.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  29. The election at the beginning of our proceedings of Mr. Kittani of Iraq to the high post of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is a tribute to his exceptional qualities as a diplomat and a statesman. A more authoritative voice than my own that of the head of the Congolese delegation, Comrade Pierre Nze, Member of the Political Bureau and Minister for Foreign Affairs could more eloquently have welcomed this signal honor not only to Mr. Kittani personally but also to Iraq, a country friendly to the People's Republic of the Congo. I am happy to extend to him the most cordial congratulations of my delegation and to take this occasion to let him know how particularly pleased we are that our work is being guided by a man already known for his competence and great probity. 258.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  30. Wherever it is invited to take part in a dialogue calculated to hold out any hope of a lasting solution to the problems of concern to the whole world, Congo (Brazzaville) will answer the call, not in order to seek the triumph of its own views but, in full awareness of its responsibilities and duties, to fulfil its essential pledge to work towards promoting every factor likely to foster peace and co-operation in a broad spirit of understanding and fraternity among peoples.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  31. While we are bound today to see the international outlook as very sombre — a view which unfortunately emerges from any objective analysis of the political, economic and psychological state of the world — we must not abandon our hopes in the United Nations, but must with all our strength help to eradicate all factors of dissension, incoherence, inertia, barren egoism and arbitrariness and try to stimulate a flow of generous and constructive ideas. 125.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  32. At the same time, we note with some regret a downward trend in the economic assistance to the countries of the third world and the continuous deterioration in the terms of trade. In view of this situation and of the failure to devise any remedy, we are bound to admit that the first Decade has not achieved its targets and that the New Delhi Conference, which some have rightly called a “vanity fair", did not seriously consider the problems set out in the Charter of Algiers. We are therefore entitled to assume that the third world is destined to cherish only distant hopes for a long time to come. 124.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  33. In the light of the statements we have heard, the value of international co-operation is now universally acknowledged. So we shall confine ourselves to drawing up a balance-sheet of the situation two years before the expiry of the first United Nations Development Decade and after the meeting of the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at New Delhi. The least we can say is that the debit side is still heavy with the many disappointments which we have unfortunately experienced. On the credit side the results have only been slight, if we bear in mind the undertaking, nominal and problematical as it is, by the highly industrialized countries to transfer 1 per cent of their gross national product to the developing countries.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  34. The position of the Government of the Congo (Brazzaville) in this matter is well known. While we recognize that the State of Israel has a right to exist, we do not intend to accept the fait accompli of the acquisition of territories by force, Resolution 242 (1967) of the Security Council, adopted on 22 November 1967, is, in our view, the only real basis for a settlement calculated to achieve a just and lasting peace in that part of the world. It conditions the ability of the parties in dispute to contribute to the success of the mission of the representative of the Secretary-General, U Thant. 123. Lastly, may I be allowed to make a few brief comments on the world economic situation. Everything has been said on this subject, as a matter of fact, and I need not revert to it.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  35. Is it not, as we are firmly convinced, the Government at Peking, the indisputable emanation of the will of the great Chinese people? No screen of slanderous charges and imputation of motives can conceal the fact that the People’s Republic of China, by its decisive, active and inestimable contribution in the very important fields of science, technology and economic progress, is now one of the great Powers of our century. 122. Another crisis point in the world is the Middle East, which remains a subject of great concern to the international community. Grave incidents continue to occur and may at any time cause war to break out again. The occupation of Arab territories by Israel can only lead to an exacerbation of the nationalism of Arab patriots and is consequently driving us further and further away from the prospect of a lasting peace.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  36. But this disarmament will be genuine and effective only if the People’s Republic of China emerges from the banishment into which certain States have driven it. China must therefore be restored to its legitimate rights and must once again take the place to which it is rightfully entitled. One of the causes of the weakness of our Organization — and undoubtedly the greatest cause — is that it has kept up a fiction. For the issue here is not, in our opinion, that of whether China shall be admitted to the United Nations or not; what we must do is to give an objective and clear answer to the question: Who represents China and 700 million Chinese? Is it the régime of Chiang Kai-shek, which, repudiated and spurned, was hurled into the sea by the Chinese people, and is now artificially maintained by American troops?

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  37. At the same time, the American troops and the mercenaries of the satellite countries occupying the southern part of the country should withdraw without delay in order to enable the Korean people freely to choose its destiny. 120. The Congo remains deeply attached to the idea of disarmament, but general and complete disarmament, without mental reservations. It is therefore prepared to support any effort to that end. My delegation, like many others, believes, however, that, despite the important stage in the progress of disarmament which the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons represents, earnest efforts should be continued to reconvert atoms for war into a force genuinely designed for the exclusive service of peace. 121.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  38. My delegation takes this opportunity to pay tribute to the heroic resistance of the valiant Viet-Namese people in its righteous struggle against the American aggressor. 119. Another centre of tension in Asia is Korea. Our Government has made it clear on many occasions, and we must repeat it here, that this question, the restoration of the unity of a territory that is temporarily divided, is a domestic matter for the Korean people, which should be settled by it alone and that no interference, even of the United Nations, can be admitted. Our delegation therefore shares the view that the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea, which is the main obstacle to unification, should be dissolved.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  39. The question of Viet-Nam, though not on the agenda, continues to have serious repercussions throughout the world, and particularly in this Assembly. The aggression perpetrated by the United States of America in defiance of the Charter and of morality — of those Christian ethics to which the so-called civilized States appeal so often — constitutes, as my delegation sees it, one of the gravest threats to the maintenance of world peace. 118. My Government has said in the past, and it continues to say today, that only the immediate and unconditional cessation of bombardments of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam can constitute a first step towards the restoration of peace in that region.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  40. While we condemn the war, with its train of horrors and injustices, we no less strongly condemn the secession cunningly instigated and encouraged from abroad, whose purpose can only be to weaken the Federation of Nigeria, the better to organize the plunder of the rich mineral resources of its eastern portion. My delegation therefore whole-heartedly supports the resolution adopted on 15 September 1968 by the historic Conference of Heads of States and Governments at Algiers, which has made it possible to safeguard the unity and to respect the territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 117. African problems should not divert our attention from the grave questions of concern to other parts of the world, Asia and the Middle East in particular.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  41. In Nigeria, a country which inspired Africa with such hopes by reason of its human potentialities and the wealth of its natural resources, a country which was the pride of our continent for its balance, its enthusiasm, its dynamism, an unjust and bloody war has set the sons of one and the same country against each other, causing innumerable victims unnecessarily and bringing grief to every home under the fallacious pretext of an obsolete tribalism which serves as a cover for the unbridled appetites of the merchants of politics, the foes of our continuing trend towards maturity and of the prospects for a happy Africa, who give utterance everywhere to the siren voices of discord and division.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  42. My Government, like so many others, remains convinced that in our time colonial adventure has become simply a matter for renegades and irresponsible persons. More than ever before, history is providing many concrete examples showing that colonial conquest must inevitably lead to failure, to a defeat whose consequences are often difficult to surmount. More than ever before, our century demands respect for the human person and the co-existence of peoples, based upon co-operation that is free of any complex and is hence a guarantee of true and lasting peace. 116.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  43. Numerous setbacks have been recorded, the most recent being the attempt by the Council for South West Africa to go to Windhoek, the administrative capital of Namibia, during the month of April 1968. 114. The independence of Namibia, a territory that has theoretically been under United Nations administration since the decision taken by the General Assembly on 27 October 1966 (resolution 2145 (XXI)), ought to have been celebrated at the end of the first half of 1968. If such a ceremony had taken place, it would have lightened the agenda for the present session, to our great satisfaction. But alas, here we are today still absorbed in this problem which the Machiavellian will of certain Powers renders difficult and interminable. 115.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  44. All we are offered in a series of pleasure trips on ships with such spectacular names as the "Tiger” and the “Intrepid"; my delegation considers that the chief responsibility lies with the administering Power, which failed in its historic task the moment it refused, with pious and fallacious excuses, to use force, the only means of putting down the rebellion. 113. The question of Namibia seems to my delegation to be a problem that people persist in making insoluble. Indeed, in the light of the many resolutions adopted here, the manifest powerlessness of the Organization is becoming clearer day by day. The latest resolution (resolution 2372 (XXII)) adopted just recently by the General Assembly has simply been shelved.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  45. The disastrous policy of the United Kingdom Government has been confined to pretended negotiations on supposed sanctions, doomed in advance to fail, for any sanction against Rhodesia, be it selective, compulsory or general, can only be a blunted weapon as long as courage is lacking to apply it also to South Africa and Portugal, its two best known trading partners. 112. That is why my delegation feels that it would be naive to expect the Western Powers, who after all still have a decisive influence in the Security Council to tie their hands with any draft resolution that would harm their trading interests.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  46. My country, which has a common border with one of the so-called Portuguese territories, knows of the physical cruelty and the unspeakable humiliation inflicted upon the freedom-fighters by the Lisbon regime. The determination of these valiant sons of Africa, and their constant victories, sound a serious warning which the Lisbon Government should heed without delay. 111. One of the most anachronistic situations to appear in the middle of the twentieth century, in an age when the watchwords are democracy, freedom and peace, could be looked for only in Southern Rhodesia.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  47. That organization no doubt approves of the mission conferred upon Portugal, on behalf of civilization and Christianity, which was defined on 12 March 1968 by Mr. Nogueira, the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs, in the following words: “Portugal is in Africa to protect the interests of the West”. 110. Thus the Portuguese occupation of African territories can be regarded as a bulwark against any emancipation of the African people. What is more, Portugal is further strengthening its ties with the racists of South Africa and Rhodesia, to the point where its interests are intimately linked with those of its two associates. My delegation views the ungodly alliance of Pretoria, Lisbon and Salisbury as a threat to international peace and security, and at the same time a negation of fundamental human rights and freedoms.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  48. The trio formed by the diabolical alliance of Smith, Vorster and Salazar thus intends to continue in unalloyed satisfaction with their unpunished crimes, defying all logic, all reason, all morality, and supported in their activities by certain Western Powers which still dare to proclaim themselves as friends of our Africa. 109. One of these bastions of colonialism still active in the oppression of Africa is Portugal, which would have little chance of survival if it did not reap fat profits from its colonies, Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). It remains obdurate, and flouts all the various resolutions adopted by the United Nations. This attitude of insolent indifference is hardly surprising, since Portugal is assured of the military and financial support of its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  49. In their blind obstinacy these sorcerer’s apprentices still cherish illusions, particularly in southern Africa, where entire regions are for the moment held down by the power of guns, the spectre of napalm, and the terror spread by police who use the most criminal and barbaric methods — in short, by every means that tramples underfoot the fundamental rights of the individual, on the strength of an ideology that is as wrong as it is obsolete, and which is certainly contrary in every way to the fundamental aims laid down in the Charter signed at San Francisco.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  50. We count on your forbearance, as it is difficult for us to depart from this tradition — I might almost say this tendency — to look first at the situation in our own geographical area, before turning our attention — with equal seriousness, believe me — to the major issues in the world of today. The situation in our continent is fraught with drama: Africa has become one of the last bastions to which the forces of evil are desperately clinging, unfortunately still unaware that the pages of history cannot be turned back, and that they are irrevocably damned. 108.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)