YouSaid · the spoken record

FACIO

lines on the record: 237
first: 1970-09-24
most recent: 1977-09-24
sittings or episodes: 6
sources: un-general-debate

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“A referendum requires supervision of the entire process by our Organization. 209. Here is the crux of the problem, because many Governments do not believe in direct popular consultation. I must confess that for us who have lived within a representative democratic system, their position is difficult to understand If sovereignly resides in the people, as all admit, we fail lo understand how a man, or a group, can legitimately arrogate to itself representation without prior popular consultation. Because for us. I repeat, in only true way to determine the wishes of a people is to consult it through the machinery of a free referendum. 210.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“My delegation agrees that the United Nations is obliged to lend iJs assistance so that a solution can be found to the question of Korea in accordance with the purposes and principle of the Charter. 208. In extending that assistance, the United Nations must bear in mind that the baste principle of self-determination must be applied exclusively by the Korean people. The key to the question is to know what that people really wants, or at least what is preferred by a majority that will undertake Jo respect the opinion of the minority. So far no other authentic formula has been invented for discovering the will of the people than a free vote. This matter concerns two Stales recognized by a growing number of the members of the international community. The popular consultation cannot be left lo either one.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“The division of the Korean nation into two States, each of them supplanted by the respective sides in the cold war. was never accepted by the valiant people of Korea. The attempt to achieve reunification by force unleashed the bloody war of 1950, Since the end of the conflict, both Stales have continued to proclaim their unwavering decision to achieve the reuniOcatkw of their nation under a single Government That aspiration has been endorsed by this forum. That is why the General Assembly at its twenty-eighth session was w pleased it* hear that both parties had undertaken talks inwards peaceful reunification. And that is why we are discouraged that those talks not only have not progressed but. on the contrary, have led to increased tension. 207.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“That question has been on the agenda of each session of the General Assembly for 28 years. 204. As is well known, an armistice is. by basic definition, a temporary military agreement suspending hostilities while a peace treaty is negotiated between the belligerents. 205. Regrettably, the temporary nature of the armistice that put an end to the tragic war in Korea has been prolonged for more than 22 years now, and it appears that it wit! be prolonged for many more years because our Organization cannot, if it acts responsibly, set aside an instrument that was signed by the Commander-in-Chief of the United Nations Forces, as the sole representative of one of the belligerent parties, until a peaceful settlement of the conflict has been reached 206.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“That is why 1 maintained in the Security Council that the refusal to include in the agenda the Republic of Korea's application for admission was an act of discrimination totally incompatible with the principle of universality. 202. Behind that attitude it is not difficult to see the real designs of many delegations. Their refusal to recognize the very existence of the Republic of Korea, while they fully support the Democrat*: People's Republic of Korea, reflects a dangerous tendency to use ideological and political pluralism only when it is convenient to socialism of a totalitarian nature, and to reject that pluralism when ut applies to States that are scornfully described as satellites of capitalist imperialism. 203. That enables us to place the item entitled "The question of Korea" m its proper perspective.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“We regard as unacceptable the argument that the admission of both States would be an obstacle to their eventual unification. My delegation maintains that, on the contrary, the presence of the representatives of North Korea and South Korea in all the forums of our Organization would make contacts between them easier and would enable the international community to exercise a moderating influence in order to find formulas that would make it possible to overcome the obstacles to the reunification of the Korean people that exist today. 201. The fact that North Korea does not now wish to become a Member of the United Nations is re ally-no reason to prevent the admission of South Korea, which docs.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“We believe that the indiscriminate application of the principle or universality is in conformity with the criterion that ideological and political pluralism is indispensable for the peaceful coexistence that we all so much welcome. If we do not accept the right of each State to adopt the political and economic systems which, in the opinion of its Government, de jure or de facto, are most in accord with the historical facts, we violate the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of another State. Without respect for that principle, international harmony is inconceivable. 200. For the same reasons, we have always been in favor of the admission to the United Nations of the two States into which the Korean nation has been divided.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“And precisely because we have faith in it, we believe that it is not only very desirable but also necessary that all Stales which have conflicts between themselves should enter and remain within the Organization. 198. That is why we have favored for many years and not only now the admission of the two States into which the Vietnamese nation has been divided. We did not object to admission when South Viet Nam had a capitalistic orientation and was at war with pro-Communist North Viet Nam. Of course , we do not object now when the two States have the same socialist organization of a totalitarian nature. Indeed, those who were against the simultaneous entry have now become their most ardent sponsors. 199.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“Nevertheless, we are still hoping that the countries that are newly rich because of their oil exports will give tangible proof of their intention to use their growing resources to finance a system of economic co-operation which by iis scope will differ fundamentally from the systems established by the highly industrialized nations. 197. As I had l he opportunity of saying a few days ago in the Security Council, it is Costa Rica's aspiration that all the independent States of the world should be Members of the United Nations. Universality is essential if this Organization is to be truly representative of the international community.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“That is why all the countries of the third world have supported the OPEC decision, although many of those countries, such as Costa Rica, which do not have the good luck to be a producer of oil, are affected by the vertical spiral in the price of oil. 196. But let this serve as an opportunity to issue a warning that OPEC must not take it for granted that this support will continue for any further increases in prices which they may wish to decree, including the increase of 10 per cent which came into force yesterday particularly since the majority of its members seem to have forgotten their solidarity with the nations of the third world.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“Now, for the first time in the history of the modern world, a group of countries removed from the major centers of political and military power such as the OPEC countries have taken a decision that fundamentally affects the prices of a basic raw material, despite the desires of those who so far have dominated every facet of international trade. 195. That decision has made it clear that there is no reason to perpetuate the dependence in which the countries of the third world have lived in relation to the sale and marketing of commodities. It has meant that that dependence can even be reversed if the developing countries act together and decisively in the defense of their interests.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“For the OPEC decision not only caused a dislocation in the finances of the highly industrialized countries. Above all, it was a very serious challenge to the existing international economic order. Within that order, the industrialized countries were accustomed to having a decisive influence because of their control of the machinery of the world economy, the prices of the basic commodities that they take from our countries, and the prices of the goods and services that the countries of the third world have to purchase from them. 194.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“Without the repeated protest, which grew each day more vehement, of the countries of the third world against the prevailing international economic order, we would never have succeeded in getting the wealthy nations to pay attention to the causes of the poverty of the majority of mankind. Nor would we have succeeded in making the industrialized countries finally agree to negotiate the means of improving the situation of the developing countries. 192. What is more, had there not been the increase in the price of oil through the agreed action of OPEC, it would not have been so easy to achieve the consensus by which the Assembly at the conclusion of its seventh special session, approved the resolution on development and international economic co-operation [resolution 3362 (S-VII)]. 193.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“Those who are in a privileged position usually scorn as hostile rhetoric what is simply an expression of rebellion against unjust situations. Experience shows that the vehement denunciation of what is unjust is essential. Those who benefit from the status quo rarely accept changes unless they are preceded by energetic demands from its victims. Only when they are convinced that it is dangerous to maintain a situation which has become explosive because of the protests of those who suffer from it are the privileged prepared to discuss corrective means. 191. Once again, the fruitful result of the seventh special session offers a practical example of what I have just described.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“We must not forget that the 142 Members represent civilizations, cultures, political philosophies and vital realities which are very diverse. The survival and the success of the United Nations depend upon the capacity of this Assembly to include them within its historical context and to absorb whatever is valuable from each. Without trying to do away with that plurality at any time, but rather by respecting it at all times, it is possible to find what is common to all and to convert it into a means of collective action in order to obtain peace, justice and the well-being of all mankind. 190. The consensus technique does not, of course, imply the elimination of debate. On the contrary, it is essential that the different points of view be stated so that the process of negotiation may then begin.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“The mere fact of adopting by a majority, which is always transitory, resolutions which it is well known will not be complied with weakens the Assembly and lessens the credibility of the Organization. It is better to abandon the relative satisfaction of imposing by majority a controversial point of view that will not be implemented and to continue to negotiate until a consensus formula is arrived at which guarantees implementation. 188. Although we cannot always do without voting particularly on procedural matters it is indispensable that the consensus technique should prevail if we wish to strengthen the Assembly. The goal must be anticipated general acceptance, active or passive, of what the Assembly intends to achieve. 189.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“While all mankind stands to benefit from the agreements that are designed to establish a new international economic order, there can be no doubt that when we manage to achieve it, those who will gain the most from the consensus would be the developing countries, which have so far been the victims of the prevailing system. 186. Votes in which the numerical power of a transitory majority prevail tend to focus the Assembly's attention on the disagreements which exist among various groups. On the other hand, consensus concentrates its attention on what can be done to solve a common problem, although there need not necessarily be agreement on why it is done. 187.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“In that case we would all the losers particularly the representatives of the small and medium-sized countries, for whom the strengthening of the Assembly provides the best opportunity to build an international system in which key decisions can be taken with our participation, and not in isolation, in the centers of political and military power. 185. This attitude of revenge is even more useless and unjustifiable now that the experience of the seventh special session has proved that it is possible for the General Assembly to function productively by means of a consensus, which is the product of a vigorous dialog and intelligent negotiation.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“It highlights the inability of its Members to understand different positions and to engage in the negotiation that is essential if we wish to find the common denominator that will pave the way for effective collective action. 184. To achieve the present strengthening of the Assembly it is not constructive to argue that the leaders of the automatic majorities of yesterday are today the minority. For when the former majority automatically imposed its decisions on the former minority, the Assembly did not function any more effectively. Therefore, there is no justification for continuing to use a system which has proved to be inefficient merely as revenge against those who were the majority in the past.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“My delegation is determined to strengthen the United Nations. We maintain that the best way to do that is to make this Assembly, as well as the Security Council, the key forums where the national policies of its 142 Members are harmonized. 182. Emphasis must be placed on harmonization, because the policy of international coexistence, which consists in the daily application of the principles of the Charter, is not forged by a dogmatic imposition of ideas upheld by a transitory majority upon a minority which is also transitory. An Assembly like this, in which so many Members participate, can be strengthened by its devotion to dialog and negotiation. 183. Constant confrontation is the nuyor obstacle to the effectiveness of the General Assembly.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“I consider that they should be a most important guide for the deliberations of this Assembly. 180. Costa Rica was one of the 51 founding Members of the United Nations. During the 30 years of its existence, we have remained faithful to its principles and purposes. Today, as in the past, we continue to believe that our Organization offers the best opportunities for the international community to maintain peace, to lessen the present enormous danger represented by armaments, and to make it possible in a peaceful and constructive manner to bring about the essential changes in economic and social relations within and among States. 181. That is why my country is not discouraged when the Organization fails in the immediate achievement of some of its objectives, and that is why we rejoice at its repeated successes.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“178. Costa Rica is pleased to join in the many congratulations that have been expressed to Prime Minister Thorn on his well-deserved election as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. His diplomatic skill and vast parliamentary experience are familiar to all. His background as the political leader of Luxembourg, a democratic nation where internal political pluralism is effective and where there is respect for the free interplay of divergent opinions, is the best guarantee that he will discharge his lofty functions in the most appropriate manner. 179. I also wish to congratulate the Secretary-General on his enlightening report on the work of this Organization [Al10001 and Add.l]. The profound considerations in the introduction give us much food for thought.”
1975-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 30 (1975)
“amend, the greatest Effectiveness of the Organization depends not on its legal foundations but rather on the political will of its Member States to live in accordance with its principles and to abide by the resolutions of the appropriate bodies and organs. For that reason my country, small as it is, wishes to preach by example. Costa Rica practices an international policy consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and it has never been remiss in shouldering responsibilities flowing from the activities of the organs of the international community.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“As was so well stated by the Argentine Foreign Minister, Mr. Alberto Vignes, great statesmen such as Peron will live beyond their lifetimes because "their principles and objectives remain in force" [ibid., para. 60]. And all of us here must agree with the eloquent and moving statement by Foreign Minister Vignes, on 24 September last, that "[Peron's] prophetic ideas transformed him into the precursor of universalism and of a 'third-world position" which are today recognized as being essential means for international coexistence" [ibid. ]. 58. Costa Rica continues to have faith in the United Nations. We believe that, even though the Charter contains provisions which it would be desirable to.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Costa Rica wishes to state for the record that it approves the efforts made by the Secretary-General to restore constitutional order and peace to the afflicted Cypriot nation, and we will do our utmost to help find a formula under which the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus can be maintained because of the successful coexistence of the communities of Greek and Turkish origins. 56. In the year which has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly, Argentina -and indeed Latin America as a whole- has suffered the loss of a great leader: President Juan Domingo Peron. I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the memory of that statesman. His people will be guided by their memories of him in their search for justice, economic development and the reaffirmation of national sovereignty. 57.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Subsequently, when the Turkish invasion took place, because of the vacuum left by the lack of action by the Security Council, the fatal failure of the Security Council to act decisively in time became very obvious. When finally the Council decided to acknowledge that peace was being threatened, resolution 353 (1974) was adopted calling for a ceasefire and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Cyprus. 54. Our delegation has followed with attention the subsequent developments in Cyprus. We regret that the cease-fire resolution was not immediately implemented and, furthermore, that the part of the resolution regarding the withdrawal of all foreign troops has still not been put into effect. 55.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“At the initial stages of the Cyprus conflict we were told that this was an internal matter, which meant that the Security Council could not take action on it. Costa Rica opposed that view. We stated that the removal of President Makarios had been planned and carried out by Greek military agents responding to the reckless ambitions of the military dictatorship that had done so much to that country, the cradle of Western civilization. 52. Costa Rica stated that the Security Council must not allow itself to be paralyzed in cases where the "... danger or threat no longer takes place on a battlefield but is surreptitiously displaced to a country and slyly disguises itself as an internal affair . . .". 53.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“An opportunity was lost to take effective peace-making action in time and thus prevent further hostilities. 49. Costa Rica shared the pain of that small nation which was powerless to stop a dispute involving other nations and other interests. We were greatly moved when we heard the news of the coup that had overthrown the constitutional President of Cyprus and learned that Cypriot soil was being trampled upon by foreign troop. 50. The delegation of Costa Rica severely criticized the badly timed and short-sighted attempt of th? Greek military dictatorship -which, as we now know, did not represent th? Greek people- to overthrow a legitimate Government. For my country could never accept any change in the structure of an independent and sovereign nation brought about by foreign intervention. 51.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“The United Nations is familiar indeed with the problems of Cyprus, problems that have existed since the moment when Cyprus attained its independence. The fight between the two communities on the island, Greek and Turkish, has been followed with close attention by the international community. For more than 10 years a United Nations Peacekeeping Force has been stationed in Cyprus. Our awareness of the problems of that island made us even more grief-stricken at the tragic events which broke the precarious peace at the beginning of August of this year. 48. In the Security Council Costa Rica has followed the events in Cyprus very closely. At the beginning of the crisis, when the peace was disturbed on Cyprus, we noted a lack of decision on the part of some of the permanent members.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Costa Rica hopes that the sense of the responsibility we share in resolving the problems of the Middle East will serve to moderate written and oral statements of aggression here and help the Assembly to co-operate in the creation of a less hostile atmosphere between Arab and Israeli that, unfortunately, I do not think will be favored by the inclusion in the agenda of the item on the question of Palestine as an issue separate from the Middle East, which was adopted at the 2236th meeting. This, however, does not mean that Costa Rica is indifferent to the destiny of the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees seeking a permanent home. In this connexion, I would recall what was said by the Foreign Minister of Uruguay, Mr. Juan Carlos Blanco, on thiL problem [2240th meeting]. 47.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“The mass communications media of some of the Arab States and their allies are very effective in presenting Israel as the hated enemy which has no right whatsoever to be located in former Palestine. That kind of propaganda can boomerang against those very leaders who might otherwise be prepared to negotiate a just peace, because their peoples, encouraged by the constant publicity campaign of the mass media, may resist accepting whatever their leaders have in good faith succeeded in working out. 46. Thus there seems to be a marked contrast between the slow progress towards the achievement of peace that has been made this year -progress which must be maintained and protected at all costs- and the policy of open enmity between the parties that is made public even in these halls.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“The international community can, however, facilitate those very difficult negotiations by creating the right atmosphere for reconciliation. Mutual recriminations expressed in this forum undoubtedly do not help to achieve that purpose. We must strive to maintain the progress made before the signing of the agreement on the separation of forces. We must struggle to see to it that the hunger for peace and the desire to And lasting solutions that emerged as the result of the devastation caused by the last war in the Middle East are not weakened by sterile discussion or the bitterness that grows from the lack of speedy and positive solutions. 45. The international community could take the initiative in seeking ways to make the warring parties and their allies moderate their mutual verbal attacks.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“The other side seeks security and recognition by its neighbors of its legitimacy as a nation^ In the end, the common goal of peace surely is "broad enough to embrace all these aspirations." [Ibid, para. 56 and 57] 43. The general framework for the establishment of peace in that region was laid down by Security Council resolution 338 (1973), as a result of which the Peace Conference on the Middle East started its work in Geneva in December 1973; the Conference has since .then not made much progress. However, it is heartening to recall that all parties have recognized that the problems to be dealt with are complex, and for that reason one must be patient and try to dissipate doubts before making commitments in any new initiative. 44.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Kissinger, told this Assembly: "[These agreements] were achieved, above all, because of the wisdom of the leaders of the Middle East who decided that there had been enough stalemate and war, that more might be gained by testing each other in negotiation than by testing each other on the battlefield." [2238th meeting, para. 59] 42. Nevertheless, earlier on, the Secretary of State had said that although the cease-fire and the two agreements for separating the forces had provided a breathing space, the shadow of war was still there. He said;, "The legacy of hatred and suffering, the sense of irreconcilability have begun to yield -however haltingly- to the process of negotiation. But we still have a long road ahead. "One side seeks the recovery of territory and justice for a displaced people.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“That was one more example of failure to comply with decisions of the Security Council, which unfortunately occurs frequently these days. Hostilities ceased only when, thanks to the action of the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, on 19 January 1974, Israel and Egypt, and, on 31 May 1974, Israel and Syria, signed cease-fire agreements. 40. Those agreements were important because they constituted the first direct contact between the warring forces. If they are diligently maintained, they may open the way for successful peaceful negotiation of all the problems separating the Arabs and the Israelis. 41. At the beginning of the general debate, the Secretary of State, Mr.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Year after year, the crisis in the Middle East has occupied a preponderant place in the debates of this Assembly, indicating the great importance the international community attaches to the problem and also its inability to resolve it. 38. The fourth Arab-Israeli war broke out in October 1973 -that is, at the beginning of the twenty- eighth session of the General Assembly. Thanks to the combined efforts of bilateral diplomacy and the collective action of this Organization, it was possible to ensure that the conflict did not unleash a new, and last, world war. It was also possible to put an end to armed conflict between the Israeli, Egyptian and Syrian combatants. 39. Security Council resolution 338 (1973), which called for a cease-fire and the initiation of peace talks between the parties, was not implemented immediately.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“When, because of disagreements that have emerged between permanent members, decisions have been delayed that called for urgent and immediate action on the part of the Council, we have seen that the further development of the conflict has made it even more difficult for the Security Council to find solutions. 36. In the various situations in which peace-promoting activity has thus been paralyzed, my delegation has always expressed its concern, because each time it has become more firmly convinced that the Council's decisions can have their desired effect only if the action it has decided on is promptly and swiftly carried out. Experience shows that any delay inevitably widens the gulf between the uncontrolled forces at war with each other and unleashes new elements that increase the danger of the conflict. 37.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“We must find a consensus, in order to be able to work on the basis of agreement, negotiation and compromise. 34. To those who tell us that it is immoral to com-promise with an ideological adversary, we reply that the problems of war and peace involve the highest of all moral values, namely, respect for human life. Therefore, we have always maintained in the Council that more immoral than negotiating with those having different ideologies is closing the door to dialog, because, when it means the indiscriminate and large-scale destruction of human life, war is the greatest immorality of all. 35.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“The nature of international disputes which the Security Council must deal with is a matter of such high priority that the absence of a decision is as harmful as a delayed decision. Any delay in implementing possible solutions undermines the international standing of the Council and cruelly harms the cause of peace. 33. In the Security Council the delegation of Costa Rica has constantly pleaded for immediate action in the face of situations which might affect international peace and security. Regardless of the political interests of the States which make up the Council, we have always maintained that peace is the highest priority and that there is no justification for putting off matters so closely tied to the vital interests of mankind -namely, those concerning war and peace.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“For that reason, the very strength of the Security Council becomes fully evident only when it makes decisions. Its function acquires true meaning and value to the extent that it ensures international peace and security under the Charter and, since decisions require first and foremost the agreement of the five great Powers, the validity of our premise is confirmed: peace-making by the Security Council is possible only when there exists harmony and cooperation among the great Powers. 32. Thus, when disagreement among the permanent members prevents the Council from reaching decisions in situations which threaten international peace and security, the Council's very existence as a peacemaking organ is deeply affected.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“That power derives from the authority which it has to impose coercive measures and other measures which involve certain punitive elements, agreed upon in the name of the entire international community. 29. The compulsory and binding decisions of the Council along these lines become a kind of legal sentence. But they should not lead us to consider the Council as a law enforcement body whose decisions should be free from all the incidental elements characteristic of political decisions. 30. Far from hurting the Council, its political structure is the element which gives it its strength. Its decisions are not backed up by the impartiality of judges. The States of which it is composed are committed to finding viable formulas to harmonize differing and often opposing political ideas. 31.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“In order to change that situation, we should not only have to create a new organization -a very unlikely eventuality - but further, it would be indispensable to change the thinking of the main protagonists of the world, an even more unlikely eventuality. 27. In realistic terms, we are convinced that we cannot achieve that goal at this time. It cannot even be said with certainty that it is the most suitable goal. That is why it is better to base our action on what can be reasonably hoped for from the foreign policy of States. Otherwise, as we have already stated, we run the risk of drawing up catalogs of what is desirable rather than building on what is possible. 28. The Security Council was given immense power by the Charter.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“To some, the concentration of power in the permanent members implies an attempt to establish a world government of the five Powers akin to an international oligarchy. To others, this preeminence of the great Powers is a fair price which the medium- sized and small countries must pay to obtain the co-operation of the more powerful nations in the United Nations. The veto is a safety valve to ensure that the United Nations does not exceed itself in accepting certain unrealistic commitments which may be beyond its power. 26. Costa Rica has always felt that, irrespective of the thesis accepted as the ideal, the United Nations was so conceived that effective action for the maintenance of international peace and security is possible, as we have said, only with the assistance of the great Powers.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Nevertheless, this equality was not maintained with regard to the formation of the Security Council, since it gave, permanent seats in the Council to the five countries that were the main Powers when the San Francisco Charter was signed. Furthermore, its important agreements required the affirmative vote of the five so-called "great Powers" before they could be considered valid. 24. This was due to the fact that the very structure of the United Nations is based on the essential political assumption of harmony and co-operation among the great Powers; and since the maintenance of peace is the main objective of the Organization, its peacemaking machinery is based on the hypothesis of joint action by the five great Powers. That is why the disagreement of one of them -namely, the veto is sufficient to paralyze this peace-making machinery. 25.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“During the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly [2153rd meeting], Costa Rica was elected a member of the Security Council. My country humbly accepted this high honor, and promised diligently to discharge the very delicate duty assigned to it. 22. In presiding at the 1761st session of the Council on 17 January 1974, the first meeting of this year, we stated the views that Costa Rica holds regarding that peace-keeping organ. After 10 months of the work of the Council, experience has confirmed the statement I made, and I am now able to give a brief analysis of the important matters discussed in that body. 23. Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations mentions the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members..”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“It is a most serious decision, and it can be taken only by the General Assembly by a two- thirds-majority vote of its Members, and only after such action has been recommended by the Security Council. 20. In view of the foregoing, Costa Rica will oppose the Credentials Committee's going even one whit beyond its specific duties in examining the credentials of representatives to the General Assembly, duties that, I repeat, are solely to determine whether or not the document which informs the Secretary-General of the names of the people representing a Member State at a given session of the Assembly the document which we call the credentials has been duly issued by the Head of State , or of Government or by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of a Member of the United Nations. 21.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“Still less can we adopt a procedure whereby we reject the credentials of the representative of any Member State, as a means of preventing participation in the Assembly and in other bodies of the United Nations by any Government that my not be to the liking of the majority of Members. By not permitting participation by that Government, which, although perhaps repudiated by the majority, is still the Government in power in that Member State, in fact we would be excluding that Member State from participation in the Organization. 19. In accordance with Article 6 of the Charter, we can expel a Member State if repeated violations of the principles contained in the Charter have been proven. But this is not a decision that can be made by the Credentials Committee, either directly or indirectly.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“To grant that power to the Committee by means of an interpretation would be to flout legal logic, and would, furthermore, flagrantly violate the principle of non-intervention enshrined in Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter of the United Nations. 17. Not even the Assembly or the Security Council has the power to express a judgment about the Government of a Member State, be it de jure or de facto, because that would be tantamount to interference in matters which fall within the internal jurisdiction of the State itself. Representatives can imagine the chaotic situation that would prevail if we were to discuss here the legitimacy of the Governments of each one of the Member States. 18.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“It is also in keeping with the competence which article 28 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly grants the Credentials Committee, whose sole function is restricted to the almost mechanical task of determining whether the credentials with which representatives are accredited to the General Assembly have been legally issued by the Head of State or of Government or by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of that Member State. 16. It is in no way the task of that Committee to decide whether the Government issuing the credentials is or is not the legitimate representative of the peoples of that Member State.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)
“credentials for the General Assembly may be defined as a document issued by the Head of State or Government or by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of a State Member of the United Nations submitted to the Secretary-General designating the persons entitled to represent that Member at a given session of the General Assembly. Unlike the acceptance of credentials in bilateral relations, the question of recognition of a Government of a Member State is not involved, and substantive issues concerning the status^ Governments do not arise. . . ." 15. My delegation shares the views expressed by the Legal Counsel. It is in keeping with the universal practice with regard to the competence of the credentials committee in any international body or conference.”
1974-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 29 (1974)