YouSaid · the spoken record

KYPRIANOU

lines on the record: 376
first: 1964-09-24
most recent: 1983-09-24
sittings or episodes: 9
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“We shall no doubt make certain that our awareness of the existing dangers is registered and that our tears and our warnings are recorded. 43. Not only have we failed to achieve our objectives and create conditions in which war would be permanently ruled out and peace secured on a lasting basis, but we are, on the contrary, faced with a situation of actual war, the further escalation of which cannot be ruled out a situation fraught with many other greater consequences, the magnitude of which no one should underestimate. I am referring to the situation in Viet-Nam; but before considering this subject I should like to deal briefly with the international situation in general. 43. It is easy to ascertain that, despite the progress that has been achieved in certain fields, we are still falling behind in what should have been our schedule.”
1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)
“The mere fact that we repeat ourselves every year serves, in itself, to confirm that we have not come appreciably nearer our target; and, what is worse, to a certain extent, this year we meet in circumstances that we may fairly describe as more critical, more confusing and more dangerous. Our inability to make enough progress in almost all fields, coupled with the truly explosive situation which today prevails in more than one part of the world, and which is not very difficult for anyone to apprehend, can easily explain our frustration, which has grown, and our anxieties, which have increased, concerning the future of mankind. It is not too difficult for any one of us to sense and appreciate how real the present dangers are.”
1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)
“We emphasize every year the necessity to eliminate the injustice resulting from economic or social inequality. We underline, every year, the need to apply technological and scientific achievements for the benefit of man, rather than for his detriment and perhaps his destruction. All this, we always, and every year, uphold in the course of this annual general debate, and we are almost unanimous that the realization of these objectives, the objectives of the United Nations, is absolutely essential if our basic aim for lasting peace is to be attained. 41. Every year, however, faced by the realities, we reach the same conclusion, namely, that to a lesser or greater extent, peace is threatened, and our expectations are being continually jeopardized.”
1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)
“We reiterate our dedication to the ideals of the United Nations and our determination to do out utmost towards securing conditions for lasting peace. We speak every year and we are almost unanimous on the necessity to realize our common objectives of complete freedom, of the universal application of the principle of self-determination, of the universal respect for human rights, of equality amongst States and equality amongst individuals. We condemn every year those who, in violation of our principles and convictions, endeavour to halt or delay the process of complete decolonization; and we denounce those who, in their effort to keep themselves in power and suppress the will of the people, employ discriminatory and other oppressive practices.”
1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)
“We may try to use, each time, different phraseology and be original in so far as the wording and construction of our statements are concerned; but the substance is almost always basically the same. The reason is simple; unfortunate though it may be, we have to acknowledge the fact that the problems with which we have to deal every year are the same or very similar. The fundamental problem of war and peace is the same. The questions of colonialism and disarmament are the same. Most of the other specific international questions are the same, and appear every year before us for reconsideration, livery year, we state our views on the international situation; we reaffirm our positions and our policies.”
1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)
“39. Mr. President, my delegation has had the opportunity on a previous occasion to congratulate you on your election to the high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly. It is a well-deserved honour for a man who has done so much for the United Nations and whose ability, knowledge and experience have been generally acknowledged. Before I proceed any further, I considered it also my pleasant duty to express our whole-hearted congratulations to the Foreign Minister of Italy, Signor Amintore Fanfani, who, in his capacity as President of the twentieth session of the Assembly, discharged his duties in a manner that has won for him the appreciation and respect of all. 40. It is never easy, in our contribution to this general debate, to deviate from the established pattern.”
1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)
“Let us all, therefore, try sincerely and collectively to turn the Charter of the United Nations into a living reality on a universal basis. Let us go forward and try to ensure effectively and decisively the implementation of and respect for the principles of the Charter and of our Declarations. Let us satisfy with vigour and with resolution the necessary prerequisites in order to promote our primary and basic objective, namely, peace based on equality, complete freedom and true justice. Let us sincerely and in absolute good faith and with determination, try to make the twentieth session of the General Assembly a truly historic landmark, the beginning of a new era in international relations, the prelude to great achievements that may gradually but steadily lead us to our final goal: universal peace.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“I sincerely believe that if we are to promote our noble objectives we must do our utmost to strengthen the United Nations. Whatever the problem we attempt to deal with, we see clearly the necessity for the United Nations to perform an important and perhaps decisive task. 121. Whether it is peace-keeping, whether it is disarmament, whether it is decolonization, whether it is the application of the principles to which we are all committed, whether it is the elimination of discrimination, whether it is respect for the principle of non-intervention, whether it is respect for human rights, whether it is respect for and the application of the principle of self-determination, whether it is the prevention of conflicts, or whether it is the peaceful settlement of disputes, the necessity for the United Nations to be effective is as urgent as ever.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“While we are gratified at the progress made in setting up new machinery through the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for promoting parallel objectives, and while expressing satisfaction at the successful operation during the past year of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and of the Special Fund, we nevertheless feel that, in view of what is needed, much more can be done, with appropriate goodwill, to expand and increase the volume and scope of economic assistance through the United Nations, thereby further contributing to the strengthening of this Organization, as well as benefiting the recipient countries. 120. I have attempted, in my modest contribution to this debate, to deal with certain general as well as certain specific issues.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Cyprus is one of those countries upon the soil of which foreign bases are maintained and foreign troops are stationed. We may have to deal with these issues specifically in the course of the debate on the Cyprus question. 119. Disarmament, if and when achieved, would not only have the desired effect of freeing the world from the nightmare of nuclear holocaust. It would also release for peaceful uses the enormous funds and resources now spent on armaments. It might well be appropriate to emphasize again that, whole the efforts to achieve disarmament measures are under way, a certain fraction of the huge amounts involved in defence spending on the part of the developed countries could be directed to increasing the aid to developing countries, preferably through the channels available in the United Nations family of agencies.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Likewise, no State can be reasonably expected to submit to international inspection and control as long as it has reasons to suspect that other States may use the inspection processes for purposes other than those intended. Again an appropriate United Nations machinery, inspiring to all full confidence concerning its impartiality, might prove the invaluable instrument to overcome this difficulty. 118. For our part, we hold strong views against the storing of nuclear weapons by any of the nuclear Powers on the territories of other countries. Likewise, we hold that the disarmament process cannot be complete without the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in all countries or without the elimination of all foreign bases maintained against the wishes of the country concerned.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is discouraging, but not totally unexpected, to learn that no substantial progress was achieved during the past year. While general and complete disarmament, subject to effective international control, continues to remain the goal we should strive for, it must, at the same time, be admitted that certain prerequisites must be satisfied before any practical hope for an agreement can be validly entertained. No State can be reasonably expected to disarm unless it can feel confident of the existence of a collective security- system which assures it of its defence. It is this role which a strengthened United Nations could play most constructively, if only its own Members would permit and enable it to function in this way.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“We also welcome the initiative taken by thirty- four African countries which requested the inscription of the item on the denuclearization of Africa, and we attach particular importance to the resolution adopted in July 1964 by the First Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity stating their readiness to undertake, through an international agreement to be concluded under the auspices of the United Nations, not to manufacture or control atomic weapons, and appealing to all nuclear Powers to conform to this resolution. 114. Before I conclude my statement I should like to refer very briefly to the questions of disarmament and economic development. Disarmament, both as a general item and in certain of its particular aspects, again features prominently on our agenda.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“My delegation also welcomes the progress made by the States of Latin America towards an agreement to keep their territories free from nuclear weapons, and shares the hope expressed by the Secretary-General that this development might have a catalytic effect on other initiatives for denuclearization, for preventing the further spread of nuclear weapons and for other measures of disarmament. 117.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“In addition to these over-all considerations, however, there are certain aspects of the disarmament question which deserve particular mention. It is of the utmost importance and urgency that the further spreading — whether it be termed dissemination or proliferation — of nuclear weapons be prevented. Likewise, it is necessary that all States accede to the Moscow Treaty on the banning of nuclear tests and that this Treaty be extended to cover underground tests as well. 116. My delegation has supported consistently the initiative for the holding of a world disarmament conference in which all the countries in the world would participate, as an important step for a renewed effort to tackle the issue.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Some of the relevant issues upon which I have briefly touched in the course of this statement also require more detailed analysis, to which we shall proceed at the proper time. In concluding on this subject, I should like to point out that the whole question, the whole problem of Cyprus, turns upon whether Cyprus is or is not entitled to enjoy the same rights as every other sovereign State and whether the same principles which apply to every other sovereign State, and which we say should apply to every territory under foreign rule, are also applicable to Cyprus. 115. My delegation has always laid stress on the need to halt arms production and to freeze the existing levels of armaments, particularly among the nuclear Powers, as collateral measures preliminary to an over-all disarmament agreement.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The mediation efforts and the Mediator's report, which is a basic document before this Assembly, must be considered in detail at the proper time. 112. In this connexion, I wish to pay tribute to the United Nations Mediator, Mr. Galo Plaza, and express our deep appreciation for his persistent efforts. His ability and integrity have won for him the respect of all of us and, I feel confident in saying, of the vast majority of the countries represented in this Assembly. 113. I have dealt at some length with the Cyprus question but I have by no means exhausted the subject. There are many issues relating to it which we shall undertake to analyse in detail when this specific question comes up for discussion.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The Mediator stressed in his report, in conformity with his terms of reference, that the criteria upon which the solution to the problem should be based must be the United Nations criteria, the United Nations principles. Turkey, therefore, far from doing its utmost to find a peaceful solution as the Foreign Minister of Turkey professed the other day, attempted to undermine the United Nations effort for a solution to the Cyprus problem in accordance with the Charter and Security Council resolution 189 (1964). We continue, on our part, as indeed the Secretary-General of the United Nations does, to accept the representative of the United Nations, Mr. Galo Plaza, as the Mediator and we are ready to continue our sincere co-operation with him in pursuance of resolution 189 (1964).”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The United Nations Mediator having carried out extensive consultations and having studied the problem in depth, presented his report to the Secretary-General on 26 March 1965. The report is now before the Assembly [See A/6017]. This is the report of the representative of the United Nations — the report of the man appointed, with the consent of all, by the Secretary-General in pursuance of a Security Council resolution. It is a report that cannot be ignored for it gives the views of the United Nations representative. We have urged that the Mediator should be allowed to continue with his task. 111. The Turkish Government not only rejected the report but it also refused to co-operate further with the Mediator himself, because obviously his findings did not suit the plans of Turkey.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It must be solved upon the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We have insisted, and we shall not deviate from our position, that Cyprus is a fully sovereign and independent State — an equal Member of the United Nations — and that no one has the right to violate or curtail or limit or restrict its sovereignty and independence. We have insisted that partition or any other divisive solution which would have disastrous consequences, must be ruled out. We have insisted that the United Nations principles must be applied, and these were in fact the terms of reference given to the United Nations Mediator, by the Security Council in its resolution 189 (1964).”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Various attempts have been made to satisfy the interests of other countries at the expense, again, of the people of Cyprus. We shall deal with those attempts when the specific question of Cyprus comes up for discussion. 110. We want, as I have often stated in the United Nations, a peaceful solution. That is why we have agreed to assist as much as we could the United Nations Mediator appointed by virtue of Security Council resolution 189 (1964) of 4 March 1964. We have co-operated with him in good faith and in a sincere desire to solve the problem in a peaceful way. One thing, however, we have insisted upon — and we shall go on insisting and we shall not compromise whatever the cost to us—is that the Cyprus problem must be solved in accordance with the wishes of the people of Cyprus.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“How many Governments would have been prepared to accept far-reaching international guarantees of the nature which my Government has declared its readiness to accept? At a time when the Greek population in Constantinople is persecuted and the historic seat of the Greek Orthodox Church is being threatened, the Cyprus Government has decided to grant all these privileges and guarantees to the Turkish minority. 109. Since December 1963 various attempts have been made to keep the question of Cyprus outside the framework of the United Nations. But we have finally succeeded in bringing this matter to the United Nations, in spite of the pressures that have been exercised against such a course. Various attempts have been made to solve the problem in an unhealthy manner, in an artificial way.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“"The Government of the Republic of Cyprus, following the recommendations of the Mediator of the United Nations, is prepared to accept the presence in Cyprus of a United Nations Commissioner with an adequate staff of observers and advisers who will observe, on such terms as the Secretary-General may direct, the adherence to all rights referred to above and for the purposes of assuring observance of human rights to adopt such appropriate machinery as the Secretary-General, on the advice, if necessary, of the United Nations Commission of Human Rights, may recommend." [Ibid., memorandum, section III.] 108. May I ask, in all solemnity, how many Governments would have been prepared to grant such specific minority rights in addition to human rights as my Government proposes to do?”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“May I respectfully request the representatives to study this document carefully. I wish merely, at this stage, to quote that part from the Memorandum attached to the Declaration dealing with the safeguards and guarantees of human rights and minority rights: "In addition to effective safeguards under municipal law — in particular by entrenchment provisions and recourse to a competent court — the Government of the Republic of Cyprus is prepared to accept, for a reasonably transitional period, United Nations guarantees.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Moreover, my Government, in its sincere desire to allay any fears that may exist in regard to this matter and in a gesture of goodwill towards the Turkish minority of Cyprus, and in its wish to assist constructively as much as possible toward a final solution of the Cyprus problem, has decided to make a declaration of intention in regard to the safeguarding of human rights to all citizens of Cyprus. In addition, my Government has decided to declare its intention of granting to the minorities certain important additional rights which may be considered as privileges. These rights are to be guaranteed internationally. This was officially made known to the Secretary-General of the United Nations in a communication dated 4 October 1965, addressed to him by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios [A/6039].”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Those who have escaped have sought the protection of the Cyprus Government and the protection of members of the Greek majority. The majority of the Turkish Cypriot population are, at the moment, living in the areas controlled by the Government together with their Greek compatriots, and no problem exists. 107. While the question of minorities is an internal matter for every State, the issue of human rights for all citizens may understandably be considered as a matter of international concern — and we are prepared to accept this. I wish to emphasize once again that the human rights of every citizen in Cyprus, irrespective of his race, origin or religion, are fully protected and safeguarded.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“These so-called Agreements became later the means of promoting further the idea of separation, division and partition, a policy which has been persistently followed by Turkey, in furtherance of which an armed Turkish rebellion against the State broke out late in December 1963 with the tragic consequences that culminated in the bombings of Cyprus in August 1964. 106. The third spurious allegation that is being used by Turkey is that the Turkish minority in Cyprus is in danger of being exterminated by the Greek majority. This is a preposterous charge. The minorities in Cyprus have nothing to fear. Proof of this is to be found in the escapes of Turkish Cypriots who are detained in conditions of intimidation in a few small Turkish enclaves in furtherance of the policy of division pursued by Turkey.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“This device aimed, on the one hand, at obstructing the struggle of self-determination, and, on the other hand, at encouraging Turkey to become even more involved — because there was some hesitation at the beginning. The expansionist instincts, therefore, of another country were awakened by the colonial Power in the latter's effort to remain in control of Cyprus. It was thus that the term of "two separate communities" was given a divisive significance. 105. This concept has since been taken up and developed by Turkey. As a result of the creation of these artificial complexities, the Zurich and London Agreements were improvised and imposed upon Cyprus, when Britain decided to relinquish its authority.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“A number of Turkish Cypriots, well paid by the colonial Power, were enlisted in the so-called Auxiliary Police Force and collaborated with the colonial Power in trying to put down the legitimate revolt for freedom and justice. I should think that reference to the practice of "divide and rule" by the colonial Power would sound familiar to many in this Assembly. 104. One of the devices used by imperialism at the time in order to put a check on the liberation struggle was that self-determination should not be applied and that, if we insisted, it would lead to partition because of the existence in Cyprus of an ethnic Turkish minority of 18 per cent.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“When, however, the struggle of the people of Cyprus for self-determination reached the point at which the colonial Power needed some excuse, needed some new way to complicate the issue in its efforts to defeat the Cypriot struggle for freedom and self-determination, it decided to bring into the picture — in 1955 — the former occupying Power of Cyprus, that is Turkey, as "an interested party", in complete disregard of the perfectly valid and legal Treaty of Lausanne, by virtue of which Turkey solemnly renounced all rights and interests in regard to the territories formerly under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, including, of course, Cyprus. 103. The colonial Power, at the same time, inspired and instigated a section of the Turkish minority in Cyprus to oppose the struggle of the people of Cyprus for self-determination.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The members of the minority were given a free choice either to be repatriated to Turkey or to remain in Cyprus, but, in the latter case, to cease to be Turkish nationals. A considerable number of them decided to remain and make their home in Cyprus. They did not choose to go back to Turkey. They remained in Cyprus, living peacefully, intermingled with the rest of the population throughout the island in complete harmony.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The second contention which has been and is being advanced for the purpose of preparing the ground for solutions unacceptable to the people of Cyprus is that in Cyprus there are "two separate communities". The term "communities", as I said in exercising my right of reply the other day to the Turkish Foreign Minister [1358th meeting], while innocuous in itself, has come to acquire a special significance in the case of Cyprus. It may sound strange to some people to hear us resent and object to the use of the term "two communities", but I am confident that they will understand when they hear of the historical background to the concept of the "two communities". 102. When Cyprus became a British colony after the First World War and the rule of the Ottoman Empire was formally terminated, there was in Cyprus a Turkish minority.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Furthermore, the use that has been made of those so-called agreements by Turkey is clear enough to illustrate the illegality and immorality of those instruments: the fact that Turkey violated the territorial integrity of Cyprus, its independence and its sovereignty, basing itself on the so-called Treaty of Guarantee; the fact that the imposed Treaty of Alliance became the means of aggression which still continues through the illegal presence of Turkish troops in Cyprus; the fact that the so-called Treaty of Guarantee was invoked for the purpose of brutally bombing Cyprus. All these have served to confirm the illegality and immorality of those agreements which were imposed when Cyprus was still under colonial rule. 101.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“In other words, the subject matter of the "contract" was illegal and immoral, in that it was intended to deprive Cyprus of its fundamental rights under the Charter. It is relevant in this respect to quote Article 103 of the Charter: "In the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail." 100.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“We shall have ample opportunity, I trust, to explain our position fully on this point at the proper time and explain how the so-called agreements were conceived and imposed. At the present stage, however, I would wish simply to point out an elementary principle, namely, that there can be no valid agreement, either in municipal or international law, the subject matter of which transgresses the fundamental rules of law and morality. 99. In the case of Cyprus, the subject matter of these agreements was the virtual denial of the basic rights to which the people of Cyprus are entitled, the virtual denial of the right to self-determination, the virtual denial of the right to full sovereignty, the virtual denial of the right to true independence and the virtual denial of the principle of majority rule.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The problem of Cyprus has been made to appear a complex problem, but its complexities have artificially been created, not for the purpose of serving the interests of the people of Cyprus but for the purpose of serving alien interests. A number of spurious contentions and allegations have been and are being advanced against the just cause of Cyprus by those who, in order to promote their own interest, have not hesitated to abuse the truth. I shall deal very, very briefly at this stage with these contentions. 98. First, it is argued that we have accepted certain treaties which, the argument goes, cannot be set aside. There is a vast — very vast — difference between free acceptance and forced imposition.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“We believe that we have done nothing which should deprive us of the rights to which we are entitled -not only under the Charter of the United Nations, not only in conformity with the principles of democracy and freedom, but also in keeping with human dignity and morality. We cannot help but feel more aggravated, more disappointed, when we recollect the services that our small country and our people rendered to the cause of freedom. But, of course, it is not on this account that we are placing our demands before you. Our demands stem primarily from the Charter of the United Nations, the principles and the declarations of our Organization, as well as from our inherent right to dignity and equality. 97.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“But I am certain that, if that courage is shown, it will not only be to the benefit of Cyprus and its people, it will not only be in the interests of the United Nations, it will not merely constitute a service to the cause of indivisible justice, indivisible freedom and indivisible democracy, but it will also be a great service to peace. 95. Cyprus, in its long history, has gone through many vicissitudes. It has suffered not through the fault of its own people but through having been for centuries the subject of exploitation by others. It has been occupied by many. It has suffered oppression by many. We are today still suffering from the consequences of foreign domination and colonial rule. 96. We in Cyprus are entitled to believe that there should be an end to the sufferings and the injustice.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is one of those cases that illustrate in the most convincing manner what I attempted to state earlier concerning the existence of a great gap between declaration of principles on the one hand and respect and implementation of those principles on the other. 94. I believe that, if anyone wishes to be objective and fair in his judgement with regard to the merits of the Cyprus question, he must be prepared to accept certain facts; he must be prepared to accept the truth, irrespective of whether the truth may please or displease him. I am confident that, for the vast majority in this Assembly, that is easy. For a few, however, it may require courage.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“I hope and trust that the principles contained in the declarations of the United Nations and in particular the letter and spirit of the Declaration on decolonization, which we all have agreed should apply to all territories under foreign rule without exception, would also and a fortiori apply in the case of an independent State, Cyprus, a Member of the United Nations. 93. These; few remarks set out in a summary form the Cyprus question. The Cyprus problem is a simple problem of respect for the principles of the Charter. It is one of those cases in which double standards have been used.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“I assume that this unanimous opinion refers also to Cyprus. There was complete unanimity with regard to the respect of the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of one State by another. I feel justified in assuming that this would also relate to Cyprus. There has been unanimity as to the necessity for the respect and acceptance of complete independence and equality for every State Member of the United Nations. I trust that this policy also holds good in the case of Cyprus. I trust that the general acceptance of the principle that all peoples must be left free to look after their own affairs in the way they think fit and determine their future in accordance with their own wishes, is a principle which is also applicable to the people of Cyprus.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“In all humility I submitted at the opening of my statement, that what lies at the root of the various problems, basically, is the gap which exists between the declaration of principles on the one hand and the respect and implementation of such principles on the other. This is obvious in the case of most, if not of all, of the problems with which we are confronted. It is definitely true of the Cyprus problem. 92. It has been a source of encouragement to us to have witnessed in the course of this general debate a reaffirmation of and a rededication to the principles of the Charter by the vast majority of Member States. It is these very principles that we wish to see respected and implemented in the case of Cyprus. There was complete unanimity during the debate for the scrupulous respect of the sovereignty of every State.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“All of these problems are the direct result of the non-respect and the non-implementation of the principles of the Charter and the declarations of the United Nations. On the international horizon there are some other potentially explosive situations, some of them currently going through a stage of acute crisis. It is revealing that many of them are the legacy of colonialist policies and can be traced directly to the partitioning of territories, to the division of peoples under the pressure of interests alien to those of the people themselves. Some of those situations have been the cause of perpetual friction and intermittent bloodshed. Time has been unable to heal the after effects of the application of the policy of divide and rule, as the recent events with regard to Kashmir have so sadly reminded us. 91.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is encouraging and highly gratifying that additional emphasis is being given this year to this most important subject by the inclusion in the agenda of the present session, at the request of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, of the item entitled "The inadmissibility of intervention in the domestic affairs of States and the protection of their independence and sovereignty" [see A/5977]. The principle of non-intervention and the principle of the respect of the sovereignty of States are of a universal character. Intervention and violation of sovereignty cannot be condemned in one case and propagated or tolerated in another. 90. I have touched upon certain of the problems which today exist.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Intervention in the internal: affairs of a State or forcible intervention, on any pretext, at the expense of any State, in violation of its sovereignty and independence, must .be condemned without any hesitation and without any qualification whatsoever, whether such intervention is perpetrated by a big Power or a small one. The sovereignty of States cannot be interfered with or curtailed or violated by anyone, for if we had taken a different attitude, even in one single case, we would be ourselves undermining the United Nations and its Charter. The principle of nonintervention is one of the most basic principles upon which relations among States and peaceful coexistence can be based and must be based.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Similarly, situations like those in Aden and Oman should be rectified in compliance with the Charter and declarations of the United Nations. The last traces of colonialism must be eliminated. The vestiges of foreign domination must be wiped out, and we should not relent until a perfect score is attained. 88. Another of the serious problems which once again appears on our agenda is the question of the Palestine refugees. This problem is not simply a problem of a humanitarian nature, but it is also a problem of respect of principles: the principles of the Charter, the declarations and the resolutions of the United Nations. My Government has subscribed to the Cairo Declaration of the Non-Aligned Countries, in this as well as other respects, and has consistently taken a position in accordance with this Declaration. 89.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Justice demands it. The Charter demands it. So does peace and human dignity. 87. The United Nations must be more effective in eliminating all forms of discrimination on whatever basis, in every part of the world. Likewise, there can be no excuse for the delay in fully implementing the Declaration on the elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. The United Nations must take positive steps and effective measures to see that territories like Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, and all other territories under foreign rule of one form or another, be granted complete independence as a matter of urgency; for otherwise we would be condoning the existence and the perpetuation of sources of friction, sources of danger, sources of injustice.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“We believe that the British Government has a great responsibility, both legal and moral, and we are convinced that it is in a position to remedy, and must remedy, this situation and undo the harm that has been done. The United Kingdom has the full backing of the United Nations in this respect. Paragraph 4 of resolution 2012 (XX) reads as follows: "Calls upon the United Kingdom to use all possible measures to prevent a unilateral declaration of independence and, in the event of such a declaration, to take all steps necessary to put an immediate end to the rebellion, with a view to transferring power to a representative government in keeping with the aspirations of the majority of the people. 86. This call must be heeded and complied with. Southern Rhodesia must be granted self-determination on the basis of majority decision.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The United Nations cannot, under any circumstances, accept the concept of two classes of citizens. The attempt of the illegal Government of Southern Rhodesia to perpetuate racial oligarchy and deny to the majority their democratic right to determine the future of their country and its form of government, cannot be countenanced. 85. The situation in Southern Rhodesia today, as in South Africa yesterday and today, does not only constitute a denial of basic rights; it also constitutes an insult to the United Nations, and it is as such that we must treat it. We cannot accept the argument that the British Government has no authority or not enough authority to remedy this situation.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“We cannot support the application of the principle of self-determination in one case and yet deny it in another. The United Nations cannot promote the application of double standards varying according to the interests of some. 84. The United Nations must make it clear that it cannot accept injustice and that it intends to take effective steps to eradicate it. We have made it clear by the resolution adopted by this Assembly on 12 October [resolution 2012 (XX)], and we must make it clear again, that we refuse to tolerate the situation existing today in Southern Rhodesia. We must make it clear once again that the principle of self-determination on the democratic basis of one man, one vote, must be without any reservation or delay applied to that territory.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)