YouSaid · the spoken record

FAWZI

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214

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1955-09-24

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1961-09-24

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un-general-debate

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1. “The skies seem clearer today than they were at the time the General Assembly met last year, when, as all will recall, there was nasty weather indeed. In this connexion I shall not proceed any further with my present submission without renewing the expression of Egypt's gratitude for and admiration of the noble and determined stand taken by virtually the unanimity of the United Nations against the tripartite attack on Egypt and in behalf of the principles of the Charter and the dictates of world peace. At the same time, it is my pleasant duty to register here the deep gratitude of my country for the unstinted efforts of the United Nations and its Secretariat for the clearance of the Suez Canal, which greatly helped in making it possible to proceed with the other steps necessary for restoring the Canal to normal service. 63.”

   1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

2. “Now he is committed to five more years during which he will have to share our endless worries and put up with our frequent indiscretions. 60. We have all watched him for years, at close range and from far away, plan, toil and dare, in behalf of the great things which this Organization stands for. We have all seen how, deep to the marrow of his bones, he has vividly and truly vibrated with his sacred message, and the shrewd suspicion grew all around into a firm conviction that no one could personify a smiling prospect for peace hotter than does this determined Swede, this shining citizen of the world, Dag Hammarskjold. 61. Congratulations are equally due to the sister country, the Federation of Malaya, whose admission to the United Nations will no doubt richly contribute to the work and add to the wisdom, of this Organization. 62.”

   1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

3. “Prince Wan always succeeded in accomplishing the feat of showing how docile, how resilient and yet how unbreakable firmness could be, and all the way through he gave us the distinct fueling that here was one who had acquired the wisdom and attained the bliss of detached attachment and who was at real peace with himself and with the rest of God's great creation. 59. It is at the same time a privilege and a pleasure for me to join in congratulating the Secretary-General, with whom we occasionally differ, but whose re-election by unanimous vote has been one of the most uncontroversial matters ever considered by the United Nations, and a well-deserved recognition of his devotion and his brilliant and sterling qualities.”

   1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

4. “May I be permitted to join our colleagues who preceded me in congratulating Sir Leslie Munro and wishing him success in presiding over our deliberations during the present session of the General Assembly. 58. I would like at the same time to recall with grateful admiration the masterly and conscientious way in which His Royal Highness, Prince Wan Waithayakon, guided our deliberations during the previous session, which was admittedly the most difficult ever held by the Assembly since the inception of the United Nations.”

   1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

5. “Before I do so, and thinking of all that has been done and of all that has taken place in this hallowed hall of the General Assembly, and beyond it, I wish to say that a grateful Egypt will ever remember, will never forget, the good deed of all who have truthfully stood by it in an hour of trial and in time of need.”

   1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

6. “Let them reform their ways and be proud of doing so. Let them make amends for the damage they have done to others, and stop doing harm to themselves. And if the British Prime Minister does not wish to apologize, if his associates do not — never mind. Let their apology be in the form of deeds, good deeds, which would not sadden, but which would gladden the world’s heart. 81. For our part, and over a world-wide horizon, we are fully and constantly aware of the sheer folly of war and are firm believers in the imperativeness of peace. 82. I am about to end my submission for today.”

   1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

7. “Today, after over seven and a half years since the North Atlantic Treaty was signed, is the world not entitled to ask what have France and the United Kingdom, during all that time, done with their membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and with their access to its resources and weapons? What have they done besides killing the Algerians yesterday, and killing both the Algerians and the Egyptians today? Is it for this that we should extol the virtues of that organization and sing its praises? What else has it done at all so far at the hands of France and the United Kingdom? 80. For how long will these wayward Members of the United Nations run away from it? How long will it take them to return, with sound mind and conviction, not only with their bodies? The road is clear and straight.”

   1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

8. ““They are determined to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilization of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. “They seek to promote stability and well-being in the North Atlantic area. “They are resolved to unite their efforts for collective defence and for the preservation of peace and security . . . “The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, to settle any international disputes in which they may be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered, and to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” 79.”

   1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

9. “And is invading Egypt the way to establish the relations between two countries on a basis of mutual understanding and firm friendship? 78. Then let us look at what two conspicuous members of the triumvirate of aggression, France and the United Kingdom, are doing with their membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in which they hold a position of distinction as big Powers and constituent' members. We can hardly believe our eyes when, in the very preamble and the first article of the North Atlantic Treaty, we read the following: “The Parties to this Treaty reaffirm their faith in the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations and their desire to live In peace with all peoples and all Governments.”

   1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

10. “It was therefore to be assumed and expected that they would show particular respect for this Organization and particular care for its purposes and ideals. Yet what have they done? Have they, by their aggression, maintained freedom of navigation in the Canal — that freedom over which they were feigning to shed so many tears? Or is not the Canal completely discounted for a long time, thanks to their intervention? Have they shown respect for the Charter of the United Nations, or is the Charter groaning in anguish because of their actions? Has Israel maintained the Armistice Agreement with Egypt, or shall we believe Mr. Ben-Gurion when he says that the Armistice Agreement with Egypt is dead? Has the United Kingdom maintained its agreement of 1954 with Egypt?”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

11. “As late as 17 November, the British Prime Minister said: “We make no apology and we will never make one for the action which we and our French allies took.” I suppose we can all survive without the British Prime Minister’s apologies or those of his allies. What we do insist upon, however, is that they comply forthwith, fully, instantly and honestly, with the resolutions of the General Assembly relating to the present crisis, and stop that most undignified and unworthy game of hide-and-seek which they are playing with these resolutions. 77. Israel has been saying time and again that it owes its existence to the United Nations. France and the United Kingdom are among the authors of the Charter, are constituent Members of the United Nations, and are, moreover, permanent members of the Security Council.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

12. “I do not know whether they regard that as separating the combatants. I do not know whether they regard that as settling hostilities. What they have done is to bomb a number of civilians as well as military installations in Egypt. What they have done is to destroy all faith in collective security.” 76. That was said on 3 November — a long time ago. Yet neither it nor all the expressions of deep resentment by all the world sufficed to move the British Government or its associates from the dark recesses of their chosen position into a clear position of decency which could stand scrutiny in the light of truth.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

13. “We are, therefore, faced with the position that our Government are defying a resolution of the United Nations Assembly, carried by a majority which is larger, I believe, than on any other resolution previously carried by the Assembly. As regards the conditions laid down by the Government, it is no part of the business of Her Majesty’s Government to lay down conditions in this matter. It is their duty, as loyal members of the United Nations — if they were loyal members — to accept that majority decision." These words, “if they were loyal members”, are the words of Mr. Gaitskell — they are not mine. Then Mr. Gaitskell continues: “What Her Majesty’s Government have undoubtedly done, of course, is to intervene against Egypt, which was clearly attacked by Israel. I do not know whether they regard that as a matter of which they should be proud.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

14. “Such, for example, was the feeling which led to the resignations of several members of the British Government, of whom one was Mr. Nutting, the former British Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. Such was also the feeling which impelled Mr. Gaitskell, after listening to Sir Anthony Eden’s statement, to declare in the House of Commons on 3 November that: “It is unfortunately perfectly clear both from the reports of the continuing and, indeed, intensification of, bombing by British planes and from the Prime Minister’s statement this morning that the British Government is not carrying out the recommendation of the Assembly.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

15. “I do not think that I need proceed any longer with this exposition of the attitude of France and the United Kingdom in relation to the principles which they themselves upheld, or said they did, and which the Security Council endorsed in a resolution they themselves had sponsored. I admit that it is impossible for me to think of a more cynical way than this of looking at international relations and dealing with them. 75. And now with Israel let in on the conspiracy, and accepted as a partner, the worst triumvirate of all time is running amuck and giving the world the ugliest possible example of outlawry and of shameless guilt. No wonder that many, even among those who do not usually share Cairo’s views, have found themselves unable to stomach all this.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

16. “In sharp contrast to that, France and the United Kingdom, and some others, understood freedom of navigation to mean freedom for themselves to take possession of the Canal and dispose of it according to their own wishes; and, by insulation of the Canal from politics, they meant, not that at all, but the insulation of the Canal from Egypt. And now, with their invasion, with their destructiveness, and with the havoc they played with the Canal, they have thoroughly succeeded, not in insulating the Canal from politics, but in insulating the Canal from existing at all. 74.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

17. “Today, the world sees, to its horror and deep sorrow, how the invaders understood that principle. 72. As for the third principle, that the operation of the Canal should be insulated from the politics of any country, I have this to say. From the very beginning, from the first days of the last century, when the Suez Canal began to function, Egypt has granted and safeguarded freedom of navigation in the Suez Canal for all, and at all times, without discrimination. The Government of Egypt has never wavered in its determination to uphold this principle and, in several declarations, including those made before the Security Council, it has given clear expression to this determination. 73.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

18. “In spite of these dark plots and disruptive actions, the Egyptian authority proved itself perfectly able to operate the Canal; and, in the ninety-seven days from the date of the nationalization of the Suez Canal Company until 31 October, when the invading forces reached the Suez Canal area, no fewer than 4,031 ships, an average of 41 ships a day, passed through the Canal safely, efficiently, and on time; this, compared with 3,908 ships during the corresponding period of the year before nationalization, with an average of 39 ships a day instead of 41. Now, let the invaders tell us the number of ships which have passed through the Canal since they began to take care of the situation. 71. The second principle endorsed by the Security Council is that the sovereignty of Egypt should be respected.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

19. “With regard to the first principle, dealing with the freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal, France and the United Kingdom, with the assistance of some segments of the former Suez Canal Company, did everything they possibly could to stymie and paralyse every effort of the Government of Egypt to make a success of the operation of the Canal by the Egyptian authority which had been given an autonomous status and entrusted with that operation. The machinations and acts of sabotage of those two Governments included the instigating of British, French and other non-Egyptian pilots to abandon their duties abruptly and without due motive. 70.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

20. “On 12 October, the Secretary-General presented to the Security Council, in the form of six principles, what, in his view, had emerged from the talks which had been taking place between the Foreign Ministers of France, the United Kingdom and Egypt. On 13 October, those principles were unanimously endorsed by a resolution of the Security Council [S/3675]. 68. I now ask for the indulgence of the Assembly if, at this point, I request that we all look into what happened or failed to happen, in relation to these principles, or, at least, as an illustration, to some of them. 69.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

21. “66. I submitted earlier that 29 October was the date initially scheduled for a meeting between the Foreign Ministers of France, the United Kingdom and Egypt for the purpose of continuing what had been done towards reaching a solution of the Suez Canal question. The Government of Egypt had offered, as it still does offer, to negotiate an agreement with as many countries as would be required, reaffirming the Constantinople Convention of 1888, which guarantees freedom of navigation in the Suez Canal, and providing adequately for all reasonable guarantees to the users of the Canal. This offer may be noted quite clearly from the statements of the Egyptian Government and the records of the Security Council. 67.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

22. “Following such investigation, this Organization should give its verdict and pronounce its sentence. 64. Furthermore, the right of Egypt to compensation must be recognized. The immense amount of damage and destruction which Egypt has suffered must be repaired. The invaders must be made to pay for at least the material devastation which they have wrought — they will never be able to make amends for the havoc which they have played with the sense of security, the peace of mind and the happiness of the Egyptian people, and with the great moral values which belong to us all, values of which we, the people of the United Nations and the peoples of the whole world, are now the saddened possessors. 65. At this point, I would ask the Assembly to bear with me while I cast a glance at some of the episodes through which the present crisis has passed.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

23. “Can the aggression against Egypt honestly be seen as anything but what it is — the resort to brutal force and the wiping out of the thousands of years through which man is supposed to have progressed from the life of the cave and the law of the jungle to exalted heights of liberty and human worth? 63. A thorough investigation by the United Nations of all the plottings, the phases and the events of this conspiracy and this tripartite aggression should be made in order to assess the guilt or — who knows? — perhaps establish the innocence of the authors of that aggression. This investigation should be made to be a lessen and a warning to all, and a sober, though painful, reminder of how far, along the mounting road of humanity, the human race still has to go.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

24. “Should we drag this down to the sombre abyss of the degrading relationships of tyranny and colonialism? Should we allow the peoples of the world to continue to be divided into exploiter and exploited, dominator and dominated, tyrant and tyrannized, to the detriment and dishonour of all? The thought of this is inconceivable. Egypt and the great majority of other countries of the world desire only to construct, not to destroy; they want freedom for all and not merely for some, not — as some eyes, from behind their dark spectacles, claim to see — the passage of nations from one foreign domination to another. 62.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

25. “Together with the mass of opinion of mankind, the view and the policy of Egypt have been for relationships between the nations of the world to be based on liberty, fraternity and equality — on those three high ideals which the great French Revolution proclaimed to the world, but which, together with its associates, the France of today is dishonouring and deserting. 60. With the great majority of the peoples of the world, Egypt has been saying, and will continue to say, that all nations can and should, for their own good, moral as well as material, live together in equality, freedom and fraternity, and with modem science and its vast potentialities at the service of man, enabling him, carried by the momentum of liberty and faith, to live an infinitely more productive and honourable life. 61.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

26. “As for the passage of ships through the Canal, we all know that since that aggression against Egypt took place no ships have passed through the Canal and none are expected to do so for a long time to come. 59. It was not, therefore, the keeping apart of the belligerents or the safeguarding of the passage of ships through the Suez Canal which prompted France and the United Kingdom to attack Egypt. The real truth is that France and the United Kingdom did not at all like the colour of Egypt’s eyes. Egypt, with the great majority of the Members of the United Nations, with the great majority of the peoples of the earth, was raising its voice and dedicating its efforts on behalf of progress, foresight, morality, justice and the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

27. “Furthermore, the French and British forces never engaged the attacking Israelis or drove them back. Of course, we knew that this was unthinkable from their point of view and according to their attitude and their policy. Instead the French and British armed forces bombed and assaulted the defending Egyptians. In other words, they came to Egypt only to help the aggressors. They came as the invaders, the violators of the Charter, and not to help the victims of aggression, not to re-establish respect for the Charter. 58. In any case, they had no capacity, no quality and no warrant to intervene, as we have shown before and as is abundantly clear to the whole world.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

28. “And is France refusing or is not refusing to comply with the repeated, clear-cut and firm resolutions of the General Assembly? 56. We are waiting and waiting for the three invaders to show even a sign that they have at least the minimum of respect for world opinion and for the United Nations. But this waiting of ours for such a thing to happen is entirely in vain. 57. At the time the aggression upon Egypt took place, the British Prime Minister announced that the purpose of attacking Egypt was to keep the belligerents apart and to safeguard the passage of ships through the Suez Canal. What, in fact, the twelve-hour ultimatum demanded, however, was that the armed forces of Egypt — not, of course, those of Israel — should retreat 100 miles from the Egyptian frontiers.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

29. “Up to this morning, the armed forces of the three invaders are still on Egyptian territory, defying the United Nations and turning a deaf ear to all the calls of the Assembly to them to get their armed forces out of Egyptian territory. 55. It is true that today the French Government stated that the news published about French tanks being landed at Port Said, which I reported here to the General Assembly as I felt duty bound to do, was not correct. Of course, the Assembly is free to take the affirmation by the French Government for what it is worth. It is an affirmation by a party and not a finding of the United Nations. But even suppose that it is true, are the French armed forces still on Egyptian territory or are they not?”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

30. “had looked forward with justified hope, was instead the date which Israel, France and the United Kingdom chose for letting loose the first cycle of their aggressive military action against Egypt On that date Israel attacked; and at 4.30 p.m. of the following day the British Permanent Undersecretary at the Foreign Office, with the Foreign Minister of France sitting with him and playing second fiddle, handed the Egyptian Ambassador in London an ultimatum which they had no warrant whatsoever to give and which was couched in extremely brutal and arrogant language. They wanted the Government of Egypt to answer within twelve hours. 53. When Egypt refused to bend and did not submit to this humiliation, the armed forces of France and the United Kingdom attacked Egypt, and the tragedy became more tragic still. 54.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

31. “This was shown by, among other things, the note of the Secretary-General of 3 November [S/327S]r from which it was clear that further and significant developments towards a solution had been made; and also by the statement made_ on 24 November by the Foreign Minister of Belgium [594th meeting], who is not particularly known for partiality towards Egypt in this connexion, that all that had been needed to accomplish a solution of the Suez Canal question was a little more effort. 52. Yet 29 October 1956, which had initially been expected to be the date of the renewal of constructive efforts, to which many.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

32. “The decencies of the Charter have fared badly in the extreme at the hands of the United Kingdom, France and Israel, whose dark conspiracy and aggression against Egypt will have forever a conspicuous place in the annals of treachery and shame. 51. The 29th of October 1956 had initially been scheduled as the date of a meeting in Geneva between the Foreign Ministers of France, the United Kingdom and Egypt, with the5 assistance of the Secretary-General, to resume the previous discussions of the question of the Suez Canal that had taken place in New York earlier that month. Those discussions had preceded the formulation of the six principles embodied in the resolution of the Security Council of 13 October [8/3645] and had given serious promise of further progress and a definitive solution.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

33. “After a lull and some promise of improvement j in the tense atmosphere of the relations between the mighty of the earth, the pendulum has swung back in the wrong direction, with suspicions and cleavages growing deeper and wider, and putting additional strain on the prospects for the maintenance of world peace and security. 49. The programmes for making nuclear, thermonuclear and other weapons of horror and mass destruction are being feverishly activated and stepped up. The Arab people of Palestine continue to be denied their rights, their country, their nationhood and even their humanity; and their martyrdom has been savagely intensified in the last few weeks. The Arab people of Algeria continue to be massacred and sacrificed on the fiendish altar of French colonialism. 50.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

34. “At the same time, redoubled — though not so far successful — efforts have been made to control nuclear, thermonuclear and conventional weapons; and the movement to prohibit the use of, and even the experimentation with, atomic and hydrogen bombs has gained in strength. 46. Yet all these encouraging features of the events of the year cannot, in the opinion of many, equal in importance the growing sense of moral values, and the signs of maturity, of consciousness and alertness which the great majority of the world community of nations has shown in the face of grave dangers to and breaches ; of international peace. 47. On the other hand, and in sharp and painful contrast to the bright side of the picture, there have been situations and happenings which could not but, deeply disturb and sadden the heart of the world. 48.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

35. “This has been a particularly stormy year. Yet the dark and angry clouds have had their silver lining. 43. The deadlock over the admission of new Members — which for years had shut the door of the United Nations to many worthy applicants — was broken, and it has become the good fortune of this Organization to add to its membership nineteen countries which will surely make valuable contributions on behalf of its purposes and ideals. 44. In the field of using atomic energy for peaceful purposes, further steps were made which, for the most part, have been in the right direction, aiming at speeding and at properly organizing the peaceful use of this immense power in the best interest of humanity at large, and not as a monopoly to serve the selfish and dangerous ambitions of the few. 45.”

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)

36. “For our part, we would much rather have a living Charter which is not amended than even an amended Charter which is not living. 142. After more than ten years from the day the Charter and the United Nations saw the light, we have yet in real deeds and not in mere words — lam quoting from the preamble of the Charter — “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small”. I would have been spared the necessity of saying much of what I have said today were they honoured, were they put into effect. 143. May the coming years see its all better inspired and more resolved, and blessed throughout them with a good harvest, a copious harvest of worthy deeds.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

37. “It will be a festive day indeed when, in connexion with such vital matters as membership, control of armaments and agreement on forces to be put at the disposal of the United Nations, the stipulations of the Charter which we already have are put into force. It will be an equally festive day when nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons are prohibited and the new and great sources of energy exclusively used for peaceful purposes, when the bulk of weapons of mass destruction are effectively brought under control, and when co-operation in the economic and cultural fields is better guided and more intensified. All this would be more on the positive and constructive side of international life, more like the Charter of the United Nations, than Running after amendments and embellishments.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

38. “The same thing may be said about the control of armaments stipulated for in Article 26 of the Charter and the application of the provisions of Article 43 and other related Articles of the Charter. We also earnestly hope that all the other obstacles and the rivalries which beset the road to putting the Charter fully into effect will soon be removed. This would be infinitely better and would be looked upon as a more serious and more responsible action than trying to amend the Charter without having gone even a reasonable part of the way towards the application of its excellent Articles and stipulations. 141.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

39. “The shutting until today of the door of the United Nations in the face of 21 applicants, practically all of whom are worthy of membership in this Organization, is a regrettable matter to the extreme, and has obviously nothing to do with the stipulations and the spirit of the Charter, but has everything to do with manoeuvring for position. 139. In connexion with this question of membership in the United Nations, Egypt particularly regrets the denial of this membership to its Arab sister States, Jordan and Libya; and it' earnestly hopes that soon not only these States but also all other worthy applicants will be admitted to membership and allowed scope for making the great contributions which undoubtedly they will be able to make and which are direly needed for the work and the revitalizing of this Organization. 140.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

40. ““The Conference extended its warm sympathy and support for the courageous stand taken by the victims of racial discrimination, especially by the peoples of African and Indian and Pakistani origin in South Africa; applauded all those who sustained their cause; reaffirmed the determination of Asian-African peoples to eradicate every trace of racialism that might exist in their own countries; and pledged itself to use its full moral influence to guard against the danger of falling victims to the same evil in their struggle to eradicate it.” 138. I have referred already in my present statement to some of the unfortunate results which have followed upon the constant differences between the two big blocs. I ask leave to mention some of the other results which have followed upon these differences.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

41. “The resolution adopted in this connexion by the Bandung Conference reads as follows: “The Asian-African Conference deplored the policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination which formed the basis of government and human relations in large regions of Africa and in other parts of the world. Such conduct is not only a gross violation of human rights, but also a denial of the fundamental values of civilization and the dignity of man.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

42. “No amount of clever and deceptive eloquence, no process of mental prestidigitation, no acrobatics of argumentation, no manoeuvres, no temptations and no threats — none of all this — can hide the stark reality about Palestine, or deflect us from our unflinching resolve to see that justice, unequivocal and undiluted justice, be clone by its lawful people. We merely want that the Arab people of Palestine be given their rights. No more; but no less. 137. Among the most serious breaches of the Charter figure conspicuously the extremes to which the protagonists of race discrimination have gone.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

43. “The Arabs of Palestine shall not for much longer submit either to living in the part of their country which is still occupied by the invaders and thus falling victims to discrimination and to genocide, or otherwise to living outside their homes in unfathomable suffering arid humiliation and at best being asked to sell their souls and the dearest things to them in life for a few pieces of silver and to carry their own cross to their doom. In truth, if Our generation is not to be stamped with everlasting shame, the Arabs of Palestine must live again in dignity and in the enjoyment of human rights.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

44. “We never had, nor do we have now, any aggressive intentions against anyone; but we have not the slightest intention, either, to submit to aggression by anyone. 135. We who are Arabs who live in the Middle East and who see at closer range blood gushing until now from the heart of the Arab nation of Palestine, are firmly standing by the full and actual recognition of the rights of this nation; and we derive comfort and added courage in this respect from the rapidly swelling numbers of the righteous and the wise who rally to the standard of justice and decency, and whose eyes are no longer blinkered by the invaders insidious propaganda. 136.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

45. “With the same unanimity, the same deep conviction and the same straightforwardness with which the Conference of Bandung expressed itself on all other questions relating to the freedoms and the dignity of men, the Conference declared its support of the rights of this ancient and noble nation. 134. The motley hordes of invaders who came from many parts and formed the spearhead of world political Zionism thrust against the heart of the Arabs are still on the loose, defying both decency and law and, even until yesterday, have occupied still more lands and more positions to which they have no title whatsoever. This is their usual pattern of complete contempt and disdain for everything and everybody, United Nations and all.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

46. “No less than for all other subjugated peoples of the world, we claim for the non-self-governing peoples of Africa a recognition — actual, speedy and to the best interests of all without exception — of their right to self-determination. 132. The Secretary-General of the United Nations was perfectly right when, in his report to the present session of the General Assembly, he wrote: “... too little attention has been given to planning and study that may help the international community to meet the emerging problems of the continent of Africa in a spirit consonant with the aims of the Charter” [A/29U, p. xiii]. 133. While speaking of self-determination and of human rights, one cannot but think of the Arab people of Palestine.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

47. “Egypt is doing and will continue to do everything it can to ensure for the Sudanese people, in pursuance of the Agreement, the proper atmosphere for expressing their wishes in full freedom, and it will not tolerate, condone or acquiesce in any interference with this freedom of expression. 130. In the light of this, and of the principles and ideals in which we profoundly believe, we feel both impelled and entitled to expect and insist that all the nations of the world be not denied the exercise of the right to self-determination, and that co-operation supersede domination whenever and wherever the choice has to be made between these two types of international relationships. 131. This applies in a particular way to the painful, backward and inhuman situations which prevail in the continent of Africa.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

48. ““The Conference declared its full support of the principle of self-determination of peoples and nations as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, and took note of the United Nations resolutions on the rights of peoples and nations to self-determination, which is a prerequisite of the full enjoyment of all fundamental human rights.” 129. This sacred right of peoples and nations to self- determination was readily and fully taken note of by Egypt when, on 12 February 1953, it concluded with the United Kingdom the Agreement on the Sudan, in which it expressed its firm belief in the right of the Sudanese people to self-determination and the effective exercise thereof at the proper time and with the necessary safeguards.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

49. “Murphy furthermore expressed the view that the NATO forces diverted to North Africa should be returned to Europe as soon as possible, and he added: “I share your belief in the importance of the United States attitude towards the aspirations of dependent peoples.” 128. I should like here to recall that, in dealing with human rights and self-determination, the Asian-African Conference expressed itself in the following terms: “The Asian-African Conference declared its full support of the fundamental principles of human rights as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, and took note of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

50. “Robert Murphy, United States Deputy Undersecretary of State, in which he wrote: “In the absence of Secretary Dulles from the Department, your letter 19 August 1955 has been referred to me. Your letter states your conviction that, in making helicopters available to the Government of France for use in Algeria, the United States Government contradicts its own public statements of policy concerning our friendship for the peoples of the underdeveloped countries ... “… As your letter indicates, the decision to make helicopters of American manufacture available involves grave and difficult problems.” Mr.”

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)