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1957-09-24
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  1. The present situation is a delicate one, since this perfectly explainable move for clarification and contact between the two blocs involves, among other risks, that of awakening or restimulating a revolutionary illusion in all countries, if they derive the impression that it is being translated into reality by the mere fact of normal diplomatic conversations between representatives of the existing Powers. 56. This move may also revive the feeling, in certain eclectic thinkers, that the communist policy of pure violence and materialism is a progressive one, and that they can try once more to whitewash it and to present it as the policy of respectable associates with whom talks are not only profitable but essential, owing to similarity of principles and community of aims.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  2. It was realized, as soon as that suggestion was made, how dangerous it would be for the rest of Europe, including ourselves, if this vast and tempting "no man's land" were exposed to the danger of rapid invasion by those troops nearest to the potential battleground — namely, the Soviet troops. With Germany totally disarmed, even if Poland were also to be disarmed, the Russian army would reach our frontiers much sooner, for instance, than the army of the United States. That idea has always been in the mind of communist imperialism, and our acceptance or anticipation of it might have serious consequences. It took shape especially in the Rapacki Plan — named after the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs — which no amount of soft and artful speeches could make acceptable to us. 55.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  3. In any peacemaking there maybe a similar element; but we pray to Heaven, in remembrance of the great Austrian Chancellor, his policy of expedience and his concessions thereto, that the "Metternich" element will be reduced to a minimum, and that no great principle or historical truth will be sacrificed in the future talks between the great Powers. 54. Let us not, for our part, entertain the idea of making concessions to the forces of destruction. Let us avoid premature measures, and even simple statements of theory, likely to weaken the position of the forces of order. The idea, for instance, of creating a neutral zone in Europe, corresponding mostly to German territory, from which the armaments most effective at the present time would be removed, particularly alarms us.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  4. Conservative opinion has always admired the policy of Metternich who, in the 19th century, kept the peace in Europe and the world for almost forty years, with considerable benefit to the moral life of the countries involved. Nevertheless, the Austrian Chancellor achieved his purpose only at the cost of condoning the dismemberment of Poland, as well as some arbitrary reduction of German and Italian territory for the benefit of new owners without any legal title to such new possessions — arrangements no longer extant today, but accepted at that time, by the more sensitive of consciences, as a lamentable concession to bitter necessity.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  5. During the period of dispute it has, admittedly, been possible to avoid an abandonment of the legal position, an abandonment of rights, such as to create a negative precedent that we should all have ultimately regretted. It is to be hoped that at new stages reached we shall maintain those basic positions and not accept what was described in The New York Times on 29 September 1959, in reference to Tibet, as peace with dishonour. All the political systems which ensured periods of peace in the past found it necessary, not to sacrifice principles, but to make concessions to the hard facts of the moment in order to maintain stability. 53.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  6. In the last fourteen years of dispute which have done such honour to the United States and the principal Powers allied with it — countries with whom illustrious names of the living and the dead are forever associated — it has not been possible to remedy the iniquities that darken and disturb the life of Europe. It has proved impossible, for instance, to remove the cruel scandal of broken German unity, which is a challenge to the conscience of Europe and the world as a whole and enables those who seized a substantial, part of the old German empire to use this illegally acquired property as a bargaining counter and a threat in all international negotiations. 52.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  7. But in the present atmosphere of red-hot passions, burning injustices and palpable dangers which no temporizing speeches can remove, it is still possible, in a higher interest and within the limits of strict morality, to avoid total destruction and seek some cover, albeit of reeds or damp straw, against the storm and deluge which threaten almost the entire world. 51. There are decisive moral laws which it would be very wrong of us to evade. But this higher morality must not be assimilated with the harsh needs of everyday life, provided that its spirit goes unimpaired and awaits the coming of its hour.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  8. Those who know the full extent and gravity of the communist danger in the world, and can refrain from smiling at the adversary, may be the best fitted — owing perhaps to their very mistrust of him — to adopt or support the realistic measures of agreement which life itself makes necessary, with the object of avoiding unnecessary effort in the futile procedure of prolonging disputes and resistance which might have terrifying results. Mutual esteem and understanding between adversaries are not requisite to the seeking of an armistice, or even of peace. Perhaps the day will come, by a process of evolution already familiar to many nations, when agreement can be reached on a common view of human interests and progress can be made, once the defensive strongholds have been well established, towards mutual understanding.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  9. On 20 June 1958 Le Figaro of Paris published an interview between the well-known journalist Serge Groussard and the Head of the Spanish State. General Franco made some statements concerning the recent division of peoples into two blocs, not only in Europe, but throughout the world, which he felt could be subdivided into two different stages since the war. At one point Mr. Groussard asked General Franco whether he thought that we were going to have to stay at the bloc stage? General Franco replied that there might be a third stage: the stage of "entente" — he used the French word — "the age of world agreement". 50.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  10. The Head of the Spanish State said categorically to General Eisenhower, President of the United States, in a letter delivered personally only a short time ago by our Minister of Foreign Affairs who went to London to hand it over to the President, that Spain was grateful for the sacrifices and efforts he was making to help our western world and to lead us on the way of peace and concord, adding that lack of action, lethargy and a defensive attitude would quickly lead to defeat, and that in a situation like the present one before us, all contacts were of assistance in unveiling the immediate objectives of the adversaries. 49. This is no new idea for us, and the notion of a settlement of some of the more extreme divergencies between the two blocs has never been absent from Spanish policy.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  11. And the remedy for this fear — the grouping of peoples with the intention of resisting it — entails in the opinion of this delegation, which conceives and expresses it rather bluntly, a duty of vigilance, action and aid in a greater or lesser degree on the part of the Western Powers, and requires the use of all psychological or other means of action in their power. 48. Does this mean that the Spanish delegation is opposed to the aims of peace or is against the peace negotiations in progress, or is deaf to the appeals of those who are seeking grounds for agreement and at least attempting still to salvage something from this wreck — this situation of nervous disequilibrium and gigantic expenditure on preparations for war, and is at loggerheads with them? Not at all.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  12. The world had been living like that, rendered sleepless by the threat of the Czarist Empire, against which it sometimes had to wage a war of containment, as in the Crimea. Today the world has more reason not to sleep when that vast power has been concentrated in the hands of an ideological group which after forty years has to a large extent become identified with the nation, with many helpers in distant countries who will always, as in the days of Philip of Macedon, assist it in its conquests and persecutions. Today, it has extraordinary technical achievements to its credit which enable it to rival the forces of the bloc representing the defence of the international juridical order. Any fear is understandable in the face of this social. revolutionary parallel to Gengis Khan.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  13. Nor shall I ever forget the note made by one of the de Goncourt brothers in a book of lasting significance — their Journal — in which he set down the impressions of French life, or Parisian life, in the last part of the nineteenth century. Edmond de Goncourt relates that, one day he had been talking at dinner with a diplomat to whom a Russian, or one with connexions in Russia, had given a description of what the power of the then St. Petersburg Empire might very soon become in relation to the whole of Europe, once it; harnessed and united the strength of the teeming hardy Asian tribes which under Russian direction would be able to dominate the world. De Goncourt went away alarmed and says he was unable to sleep. 47.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  14. He was Ambassador in Berlin and Paris at the time, and on 14 August 1834 he wrote: "With Poland has disappeared the only barrier protecting Europe from Russia, whose destiny it is to grow and become great with the spoils of the world. For Russia all roads, whether in the direction of Paris or, of Constantinople, lead to domination." And again: "If we study the origin of the strength of the Czarist Empire it is evident that it lies in the fact that, dominated by a single principle under a single will, diplomacy there has not become a power in itself, but by recognizing that will and that principle, operates always under its inspiration, and does not venture to modify even the remotest consequences." 46.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  15. It has been the historic destiny of the great Russian Empire, which throughout its history has possessed great spiritual virtues and has been an essential part of the story of mankind, very often to inspire fear in others. I am not speaking only of the present. I am talking of the Czarist epoch and history. The political literature of all the principal European countries affected by the problem are full of prophecies and statements, sometimes apprehensive, made by political thinkers and statesmen, referring to what was very frequently known as the Slav menace. In Spain I recall Juan Donoso Cortes, one of the outstanding authors and orators of the nineteenth century in our country, if not in the whole of Europe.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  16. With all generosity we must recognize the justice of the cause, which is our own and co-operate with it, at least by moral support if we have no other stronger means. If we have, we should place it at the service of that bloc which stands for the defence of the world — soberly, without hostility to anybody, and now, without shutting our eyes or forgetting that, as Sir Winston Churchill once said, if the western countries had not possessed the atom bomb, the whole of Europe would have been overrun by communism. And heaven only knows what the fate of other continents might be as a result of such a mass movement of forces. 45.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  17. I speak as the representative of Spain, on whose national territory there is still a foreign enclave which has been maintained by force for 250 years. But we must learn to live with some degree of injustice and danger. The present moment admits of few shades of colour. 44. To designate the two sides as representing good and evil respectively is not an over-simplification. Even at the rate of appearing ingenuous and of not speaking the, language of our time, we shall say so and repeat it. Those peacemaking counsels where the essential distinction is lost and services rendered are forgotten, to our way of thinking and with all due respect to the opinions of others, saps the strength of ‘the champions of order’ as established and defended by those, who have been maintaining, it since 1945.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  18. It would have been tragic if the way had been left clear to the one threatening invading bloc to pursue its designs and to go on creating so-called peoples' democracies by armed force, thereby bringing all the peoples of the earth under its domination. When we hear people talk of the existence of two blocs, while we deplore the existence of aggression, we do not regret the necessary remedy. On the contrary, the world would have been in a sorry state if there had been only one bloc! 43. Heaven forbid that we should try to put haloes round any Power or group of Powers. All have sinned and many are still in a position with respect to other countries, including those of their own group, which falls short of the demands of international justice.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  19. of territory and brought into subjection 134,500,000 persons. And if only that were a thing of the past. But now in the last few weeks we have witnessed the atrocious attack on Tibet, overwhelming a people with an age-old history, and now while negotiation is in progress within the United Nations itself, we have the attack on Laos, with the inevitable direct and indirect influence of communism in the aggression. 42. Just think how easily the world might have perished under savage tyranny if there were not, fortunately, other nations sufficiently well armed and capable of at least partly resisting this wave of domination. The "other" bloc is providential when we think of communism and its ideology evolving as a world power.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  20. That is true and there is no essential paradox in it. 41. At present our task is more difficult; it is connected with the present problem of the world-division into two major blocs with different aims, a deep distrust, of each other and powerful means of enforcing two opposite conceptions of life and immediate political purposes. We hasten to say, and we are only repeating our customary opinion on behalf of the Spanish delegation, that in view of the situation in 1945, it seems to my country, to my delegation, that the existence of those two blocs is not an evil in itself, on the contrary it is one solution to the dangerous problem of the so-called "Communist bloc" and the expansion of the countries comprising that group. A glance at the figures shows that since 1945 the Soviet bloc has occupied 1,775,000 square km.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  21. Just think of what the great shock of Suez was to the world, the feelings aroused by the danger of violence in Lebanon, and the dispute over Cyprus; such events give some idea of what the United Nations can achieve and the hopes we may place in it. Its prestige, its spiritual authority, the knowledge that there is available an immense reservoir of good will and the support of great Powers whenever the time comes for action, make the United Nations a body to be reckoned with by anyone disposed to break the law. The Secretary-General sagaciously pointed out on one occasion the great value of this body, which is designed to engage in open diplomacy and is most valuable precisely in that it works in those spheres of diplomacy which are usually, if not secret, at least not widely publicized.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  22. It has been said, anticipating events slightly and expressing what is really wishful thinking on the part of us all, that this fourteenth session of the General Assembly may indeed be the Assembly of Peace. As far as our observation goes, all the sessions of the Assembly since my country became a Member of the United Nations have been — to the honour and warm praise of this institution be it said — Assemblies of peace. All have helped to settle disputes, sometimes of alarming aspect, and by judicious action have provided an opportunity for feelings to calm down and have gradually transformed what seemed to be unfathomable gulfs into accessible terrain, where even at times paths could be seen, bordered with flowers and trees. 40.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  23. All apologies are rooted to a large extent in the example and the work of men, and the distinguished figures whom the United Nations has made its leaders and the servants of its purposes are its apologia. At the same time Mr. Belaúnde is surrounded by that veneration described by Cicero in his De Senectute as the reward of men who have occupied consular posts with honour, that halo of glory which adorns them in the venerable time of their long and useful old age, full of strength and vigour. This is the case with Belaúnde. His personality, universally respected, is stamped with the seal of greatness, and my delegation bows in deep homage. 39.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  24. Even those who do not understand him — there are some, of course — are able to divine his thought. His eloquence and his human warmth break through even the barrier of language. He has a great deal to contribute. Although many may have gained a different impression from his hearty exuberance, the eminent professor is a man of clear and penetrating mind for whom problems are not solved simply by intuition, or opinions formed solely on emotional grounds. Those who thought so have misjudged him. They cannot be familiar with his rather terse and crystalline writings. To this quality he adds the most envied gift of all, that of eloquence, whereby words, sometimes quite ordinary words, when handled by a speaker take on a power of penetration and magnetism. It is a gift of nature to those worthy of it and a delight to those who enjoy it.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  25. 37. The President of the General Assembly at its last session was a scholar and a humanist who gave tone to our debates, and was a lesson and an example to us all. I should like to mention with respect and affection the illustrious figure of M. Malik and to pay a tribute through him to the civilized nation he represented. 38. Our President now is M. Belaúnde, and we are glad to see that he has recovered so soon and is again with us. I think it not inappropriate to repeat the tribute which my delegation addressed to him on the occasion of a debate at this session. We spoke of our pride as Spaniards in seeing a man of Mr. Belaúnde's stature and spiritual endowment presiding over this world Assembly. To listen to his words in Spanish is a pleasure which many of you must envy us.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  26. Curiously enough, as the Security Council has lost part of its authority, the Assembly has become more effective and has also formed a greater sense of responsibility, "perhaps" as the Ethiopian representative said in the general debate [756th meeting] "the small States have a keener sense of the urgency and anxiety which prompts other nations like themselves to seek recourse through the United-Nations". 105. Let us therefore strive always to be worthy of the great responsibility which lies with all the Members of the Assembly. Encouraged by our recent experience we can look towards the future with measured and serene confidence.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  27. The third emergency special session, for example, was an admirable example of political intelligence and labour for peace. The recent report of the Secretary-General [A/3934/Rev.1] — whose hard and intelligent work the whole world should be grateful for — on the specific problem recently entrusted to his experience and authority, a report which we shall be discussing on another occasion, confirms and encourages these hopeful reactions. 104. Despite the ferments of violence and disorder, many problems are being settled by the United Nations.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  28. Selwyn Lloyd said: "I once heard it said that democracy only works well if 75 per cent of the people hold approximately the same views on 75 per cent of the issues of the day. All generalizations are dangerous, but I think there is an element of truth in this one. I believe that in my own country it is broadly correct and therefore our democracy works with reasonable tolerance and understanding between the various sections of the community." [758th meeting, para. 47.] This is the end of the quotation but not of the excellent lesson which it contains. 103. The political and economic work of our Organization should take precedence over the anxiety by which we are beset, which is perhaps rather pessimistic. Let us seek in daily work a remedy for our black visions of the future.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  29. We agree whole-heartedly for once with this country which is so young and yet so illustrious, so rich in tradition and intelligence, though we are accustomed to disagree with it and to be unable to vote for its proposals, which fortunately are not on the Assembly's agenda. One of the most striking remarks, and at the same time one of the remarks most full of political wisdom, made during this debate came from Mr. Selwyn Lloyd, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, in his speech in the general debate — a nice example of this impressive attraction exerted by the British freedom of spirit which makes us unwilling to renounce — as I said before — our share in European culture, Mr.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  30. It is a truly national democracy, not a mere imitation or a facade put on to make us more pleasing to outsiders; in it popular enthusiasm, very old with us — almost as old, probably, as in Great Britain, the first parliamentary democracy in Europe — joins in harmony with a potent, powerful, and now in some areas exacerbated love of authority as the safeguard and defender of freedom, to make a way of life that is still evolving. 102. In a powerful speech, the representative of Indonesia told us [762nd meeting] that his country wished to save democracy by adapting it to Indonesian usages and abilities. This is an excellent observation.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  31. Its people's strong sense of unity in time of danger and the successful guidance of its leaders have enabled it, in a spirit of complete independence, to organize its system of public life according to the standards of Christian teaching and the examples of national history. It will guard its rights in this delicate field zealously. A country in the Spanish tradition, with which so many of you are familiar, could hardly fail to be a true, organic and evolving democracy, created through centuries of experiment.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  32. Casey, the Australian Minister for External Affairs. Consequently, we cannot accept the validity of a unilateral decision which affects the rights of other countries, including Spain. 100. The less powerful countries should be particularly careful not to Infringe International law in such clearly visible aspects as the matter of jurisdictional waters since once the doctrine is accepted and the bad example followed they might themselves be the victims of transgressions which they would be in a worse position to oppose than the more powerful countries. 101. To the full extent of its powers, Spain seeks to contribute to world stability through its own stability.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  33. The Government of Iceland has adopted provisions extending its territorial waters to a distance of twelve miles. Without departing from the spirit of peaceful relations among nations which should preside over the settlement of all international disputes, we must support the statements made here by the representatives of other Governments in regard to this problem, and particularly the points made in respect of the unilateral adoption of measures affecting the rights of other countries. The delimitation of territorial waters is a problem of international law and should be settled by international law and not by means of a unilateral decision by the riparian States, as the International Law Commission indirectly affirmed and as the International Court of Justice explicitly recognized in its decision of 1951, so pertinently quoted by Mr.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  34. One event which occurred during this past year has been termed historic; I refer to the establishment of the Economic Commission for Africa, of which Spain is also a member. Another event of world-wide importance which is about to take place shortly is the establishment of the Special Fund which seems to be emerging from the reports of the Preparatory Committee [A/3908] and of the Economic and Social Council [A/3848]. Spain is following the consideration of these reports and the process of setting up the Special Fund with the greatest interest, and will do all that lies in its power to co-operate in the establishment of the Fund. 99. There is one comment which we should like to make, in the friendliest spirit, to Iceland, on the basis of certain legal problems which are not altogether foreign to other Members of this Assembly.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  35. Let us follow the imperial advice, with adaptations to present-day conditions, and let us deal honestly with them in Warsaw or wherever it may be and carry out our side of the bargain if it can lead to peace. 97. This type of general reflection is very helpful in the day-to-day dealing with the political and economic problems of which the United Nations provides so large a quantity. 98. In the economic field, Spain is following and has followed all the properly so-called economic activities of the United Nations and of the specialized agencies with the greatest interest. Spain is already a member of the International Bank for Reconstruction and development and the International Monetary Fund.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  36. On this understanding, I repeat, we believe that there can and should be negotiations between all the nations of the earth. 96. This year we are celebrating in Spain the anniversary of our King Charles I, better known as the Emperor Charles V of Germany. In connexion with this centenary, I should like to read a few words addressed by the Emperor to his son Prince Philip. They go as follows: "We must show good faith to all men, whether they be of the Faith or not." We must act in good faith, whether those we are dealing with show good faith or not. Not being of the Faith had a special meaning at that time, possibly closer politically to the way of thought in the Soviet countries today.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  37. We are quite capable of distinguishing — I have said this before, and I shall say it again — between a band of violent aggressors and free peoples, who respect the law, but are ready to fight against their unfortunately powerful opponents. We owe ten years of peace to the sacrifices they have made in order to keep up their war potential and in those ten years, if there had not been armed nations on the side of peace and justice, there would probably have been many other acts of violence of the kind of which we have already had too many examples. It would be base ingratitude to feel anything else, and it would also be a serious error in international policy to weaken by our indifference, almost distrust, those more powerful countries with whose aims we are in agreement.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  38. Many representatives here this afternoon have referred to the small countries as possible peacemakers between the larger and more powerful countries now at odds over such serious problems. This movement is related to the wide, indeed, universal, desire for peace and the justifiable terror of the consequences of violence in this day of tremendous destructive inventiveness, and Spain sympathises with and supports it. However, we have one reservation: for ourselves, we believe that this movement should not be interpreted as a form of neutrality or indifference in present international disputes. Let us indeed work for peace, but let us not think that this gives us, or at least gives Spain, the right to act as it were as an umpire between two competing sides, both ready to engage in violence at any time.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  39. But no one should withdraw from the necessary talks, provided that those who are talking are properly qualified and can act energetically to preserve what is needed to maintain world order. Nor do I believe that if diplomatic conversations on matters in the Far East can be effective in any way they should be ejected. I think, too, that they could be moved from one capital to another without suffering; they might even improve. Let us go on in this way, but do not let what we say, here or on the disarmament question, encourage those who are defending the cause of international order and justice to give up prematurely. The more we mistrust their enemies, which are ours also, the greater is our trust in them. 95.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  40. Not as the Hungarian problem, but rather as the problem of the occupation of Hungary by the might of the Soviet Union, although appearances have been to some extent saved since then with the establishment of a Government based on the original flagrant act of force. Nevertheless, we shall not desert the way of peace and negotiation. Our indignation, the obvious consequence of this fearful problem, must not drive us from the diplomatic path. 94. I do not know exactly — and I have some hesitation even in speaking on this item, because Spain is one of those countries which has no modern weapons, possessing as it does only conventional armaments, and those in perhaps somewhat insufficient quantities — I do not know what progress it will be possible to make in the field of disarmament.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  41. How can we believe in its good intentions or listen to its representatives' attacks on colonialism without profound scepticism when one of the greatest nations of Europe, namely Germany, is cut in two by Soviet pressure and unable to maintain its unity or go on with its national life, which is one of the most Illustrious in the history of world culture and civilization? 92. How can we believe in the peaceful intentions of such countries when we see Konigsberg, for example, once so much the centre of human thought — you will understand my reference — in the power of foreign forces, cut off from its past and its significance, now only the wretched European colony of another conqueror nation? 93. Let us think of Viet-Nam and Korea too. Let us also think and think very particularly of tragic, wounded Hungary.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  42. In these last few years, we have watched its untiring impulse of aggression at work in various parts of the world. To mention only the post-war period, we have seen it on the frontiers of Greece and on the frontiers of Korea, and on the frontiers of Viet-Nam. Today we see it at work about Formosa. The Communist impulse is always skillfully cloaked by national complications, often authentic, mingled with historic and diplomatic necessities, capable of impressing our minds and forcing us to seek honest ways of remedy. Yet the problem, be it geographical or connected with disarmament, or one of general settlement, will always be surrounded by a legitimate mistrust of the violence of purpose, the unreliability in negotiations and the discarding of all scruple, characteristic of the Soviet Union. 91.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  43. He said: "This state of dissatisfaction leads some nations into the dangerous path of accepting ideologies contrary to their own political and cultural tradition in the illusory hope of finding a satisfactory solution of their problems." [749th meeting, para. 8.] 89. The justifiable nationalism of many countries and their gradual rebirth and reoccupation of the place in the world which is fairly theirs would not have the bitterness or malice often breathed into them by the Soviet party for reasons of its own. They would be more easily accepted by those who tend to see — are, indeed, sometimes too ready to see — a Communist plot behind every impulse towards national rebirth. 90. It is hard to retain one's judgement and coolness in the face of international communism, so destructive in itself and served by powerful nations.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  44. It is painful to have to say this of these countries, whose considerable efforts in regard to labour, technology and the re-establishment of the social equilibrium are often worthy of respect. Yet, without the "Furor sovieticus" and its preaching and example, the social problems so often referred to by all speakers here would follow a better path towards fair economic and social development. The very problem of poverty, which has quite rightly been referred to here as one of the origins of world instability, would find a speedier remedy and would be less acute if it was not exploited by communism, I should like to quote something here from an excellent speech, made in Spanish to our great pleasure, by the Brazilian Foreign Minister, Mr. Negrão de Lima.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  45. Unfortunately, one part of the world represented here opposes our religious convictions with an explicit and active atheism. I refer of course to the Soviet countries and especially to the USSR, although perhaps in these matters there is little to choose between them. This atheism is accompanied by a violent revolutionary spirit aimed at conversion and conquest, often quite heedless of international law and treaties, quick to resort to force or the threat of force when its violent aims are impeded. 88. The angry and destructive ferment by which the Soviet peoples are inspired is the essential cause of the present tragic difficulties of international life.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  46. Only minds brought very low by prejudice will argue that this point is superfluous and has no connexion with our present deliberations. The personal qualities of the representatives here and the experience and authority of all the Members of the General Assembly are enough to exclude that possibility. We are all actuated by the highest spiritual motives and the very act of discussing and seeking to repair and remedy injustice is an effective and practical contribution to the fulfilment of the purposes of the Charter and good neighbourly relations among the peoples. 86. The religious tranquillity of the Christian Holy Places may serve as an example and an inspiration to all who wish to bring about stability in the East and a very effective factor in their work. The prayers of countless believers will reward their efforts. 87.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  47. A special legal system might also be set up with courts and authorities of their own religion for each of the peoples concerned, and mixed courts for aliens. A similar system was set up for Tangier and it made peace and good relations possible for over half a century. Economic compensation for the people driven out of their homes — which Israel once accepted — would undoubtedly facilitate the solution of these complicated problems. 84. There will be opportunities to return to this point during future discussions. This does not mean that we have abandoned the primarily religious point of view from which we started to speak, in our search for the best and most disinterested means of securing an agreement which, though difficult, is not impossible to attain. 85.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  48. 68.] After explaining that we would like the city of Jerusalem and the other Holy Places to be treated, not as a "no man's land" but as an "everyman's land", he added: "The main object is not to withdraw those areas from either the Arabs or the Israelis but to arrange matters in such a way that they could live there together with each other and both of them with the Christians so that everyone might feel at home." [Ibid., para. 71.] 83. One final solution, and perhaps the best, and one that I believe has already been studied by the United Nations, would be to set up a demilitarized zone under the authority of the United Nations, consisting of Jordan, Jerusalem and part of Gaza, separating the peoples of this area which has been a scene of conflict for so many years.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  49. He said: "My delegation does not believe that there have yet been exhausted the possibilities of a special international regime for the Holy City, according to the plan suggested by the Trusteeship Council acting on the instructions of the General Assembly, the main features of which are that Jerusalem would be a corpus separatum, there should be free access to the Holy Places and they should be protected against all threats, and the spiritual interests of the three great religions should be safeguarded." [588th meeting, para.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  50. May the Arab peoples for whom we have a great deal of affection, whose religious spirit We deeply respect, who are free to undertake pilgrimages on their Own soil, on free soil where their prayers and meditation are not disturbed, remember that we do not have that privilege and may they also make available to the Christians that same atmosphere of tranquillity in their splendid churches in the Holy Land. 82. This is not the first time that Spain has raised its voice in the United Nations to make that request. During the eleventh session of the General Assembly, in 1956, Mr. Alberto Martín Artajo, who was then the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, stated Spain's spiritual position in dear and noble terms.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)