YouSaid · the spoken record

Robert SCHUMAN

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1951-09-24
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1952-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. Since 1946, the French Government has communicated regularly to the Secretary-General, for purposes of information, statistical and technical data concerning the economic, social and, educational conditions in Tunisia and Morocco. These data have been Submitted each year and have been comprehensive. 98. It is a point of honour for France to fulfil, everywhere and at all times, the obligations it has entered into under the Charter. But it will not do more than that. 99. The discussions which have taken place for several years past in the Fourth Committee of this Assembly show that certain parties are contriving systematically to violate both the letter and the spirit of the Charter in order to criticize our work and impose new obligations upon us for which there is no justification in the undertakings assumed at San Francisco. 100.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  2. No one, however, either here in this Assembly or elsewhere, whatever his prejudices, can claim with any semblance of justification that the present situation in North Africa in any way constitutes a threat to international peace, that is, a threat to the security of other States, or that it is likely to provoke a breach of the peace. In the absence of any such situation, which is expressly provided for, though by way of exception, the United Nations is not competent to examine the. situations brought about by the two treaties or to intervene to any extent whatever in the relations existing between the two North African States and France. 97.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  3. It applies automatically to all matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State. 96. This rule applies even where a question has or assumes international implications. These international implications are not sufficient to destroy the basic character of the question, since the national aspect! remains the essential factor. The only eventuality in which the United Nations could be led to intervene is that provided for in Chapter VII, that is, in the case of “threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression”.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  4. The text of this amendment, which became paragraph 7 of Article 2 of the Charter, is as follows: “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall! authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII.” 95. In contrast to the former Article 15 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, this new text does not constitute a mere procedural exception whose sole effect would be to prohibit the recommendation of a solution. It goes much further. It forestalls any action, precluding not only any resolution or recommendation, but even any consideration of such a question.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  5. The sovereign States which signed the Charter thereby assumed commitments which represented considerable limitations of their sovereignty and provided for intervention by the United Nations in matters formerly within the exclusive domestic jurisdiction of those States. These limitations of sovereignty are expressly and exhaustively stated. To avoid any ambiguous interpretation, the list of fundamental principles in Article 2 includes that of non-intervention by the United Nations “in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State”. The text of Article 2, paragraph 7, originated in the joint amendment to the original Dumbarton Oaks draft submitted by the four Powers which sponsored the San Francisco Conference.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  6. What State, among those here represented, would accept the principle of such intervention, of supervision of the application of any bilateral treaties it had concluded or might conclude? 93. This is clearly one of the situations referred to in Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, which was designed to prevent the Organization from exceeding its competence. What, indeed, is the competence, of the United Nations? It is defined by the Charter itself and only by the Charter. It does not exist by presumption. It is a competence that is actually granted and that can derive only from an explicit text. Its authors undoubtedly wanted it to be very broad, but it was never conceived as being unlimited. 94.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  7. It is a frequent occurrence for two States to set up special arrangements under contractual agreements, and no one would think of conceding a general right of intervention or interference in such arrangements either by a third State or by an international organization. 92. As the Assembly is aware, the United Nations has not been given competence to proceed in any manner, even indirectly, with the revision of treaties. This is apparent not only from the preparatory work of the San Francisco Conference, but also from the discussions which have already taken place on specific issues. No intervention or interference is possible, therefore, in the situation created by the two treaties between France and Tunisia and Morocco respectively.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  8. In accordance with those treaties, the foreign relations of Morocco and Tunisia can be conducted only within the framework provided for in the treaties, that is to say, through France. The treaties also provide that the reforms to be carried out in the two countries are to be effected in close and exclusive co-operation with France and on the latter’s initiative. Thus we are faced with bilateral treaties which establish a special legal system and constitute the charter of the contracting States, defining the relations between them and their relations with the international community.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  9. It is the Assembly’s duty, in its wisdom, to remain within the confines of its outies and not to assume before history the responsibility, fraught with incalculable consequences, of exceeding its powers and thereby jeopardizing a task which France has undertaken, is continuing to perform and will pursue in North Africa with faith and pride. 90. I must emphasize, in the first place, that our Organization is incompetent to discuss these questions; doubly so, it might be said, because of the nature of the treaties which bind France to Tunisia and Morocco, and of the very text which defines the competence of the United Nations — that is to say, the Charter. 91. France is bound to Tunisia and Morocco by treaties concluded as between sovereign States.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  10. I shall speak of these in all candour, without failing at any time in the respect we owe to a great idea and the confidence we have in the institution which embodies it. 88. The representative of France is compelled to warn this Assembly not only against the injustice which some persons would have it commit, against the insult which this accusation represents to his country, against the repercussions which any intervention, whatever form it took, would inevitably have outside the United Nations, but also and above all against the harm which would thereby be done to the Organization itself. 89.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  11. Its strength lies in the fact that it exists; it was conceived and accepted at a time when its underlying principles had not yet suffered any deviation and seemed to us to be free from illusions. Today, our duty and common interest is to oppose any distortion of the Charter, any extension brought about by innovatory interpretations, apart from the regular procedure laid down for amendment. 86. I regret that I must dwell at greater length on this problem, which is serious in itself and which is of particular and direct concern to France. 87. In spite of the objections we have expressed, the Assembly has decided to include in its agenda two complaints concerning the situation in Tunisia and Morocco.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  12. These differences are apparent, above all, in the way the Organization is prevented from functioning effectively, and in our inability to resolve most of the problems before us, which are invariably brought up year after year on our agenda and are too often discussed inconclusively. 84. We disagree also on the extent of our responsibilities, on the limits of our powers and our competence. One has the feeling that the less we succeed in the tasks that we undertake, the more we tend to assume others. It is as though we sought to divert attention from our disappointments, and as though by creating difficulties for others we could more easily overcome our own. 85. The essential thing is to abide strictly by the Charter.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  13. Meanwhile, this persistent denial of one of its essential principles thwarts the proper application of the Charter. That being our present frame of mind, we may well ask ourselves, not without sadness, whether after these seven years’ experience our faith is still sufficiently strong and our confidence in each other sufficiently firm for us to be able to undertake today what was successful at San Francisco in 1945. 82. To ask such a question is not to dispute the Organization’s services to the cause of peace, to forget certain evidences of solidarity, or to underestimate what we have accomplished. What we must admit are our grave and growing disagreements on the application of certain fundamental principles. 83.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  14. We act as though peace could be the, product of such a delicate balance and as though war were a latent threat artificially and with difficulty held in check by abuse of the right of veto. This gives rise to a system of opposing clienteles and groups, a system which sometimes, unfortunately, recalls the period when certain Powers proclaimed their right to hegemony, and at other times brings nations together according to their antagonisms rather than their affinities. 81. These are disturbing symptoms of disintegration. We must never tire in our efforts to break the deadlock, so that the States which have won the incontestable and uncontested right to sit among us may no longer suffer a veritable denial of justice, and so that we may end this self-mutilation which is weakening the whole Organization.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  15. Differences arise not only with regard to the settlement of specific cases and the study of appropriate measures; they go deeper than that, and in some cases concern the very principles upon which our collective action is based. 79. It would be useless and even dangerous to conceal from ourselves the cracks in a structure conceived by us as an immense hope and built with burning faith. 80. Its universality, for example, is one of its essential objects: it should bring together all countries loyal to the principles of the Charter. For years, however, several countries sincerely devoted to freedom and international co-operation have been victims of an arbitrary exclusion dictated solely by the desire to maintain the present proportion of ideological strength within the Organization.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  16. The purpose of the general debate with which our annual gathering opens is to make known, on the one hand, each country’s contribution to the common task and,, on the other hand, our assessment of the Organization’s functioning, its progress, its failures and its perils. 77. Common task? I do not believe that there can be any disagreement among us concerning our objectives as defined in Article 1 of the Charter — peace and security, relations based on friendship and respect for the freedom and rights of others, and co-operation in the attainment of our great common ends. Yet are we sure that we are always completely and fundamentally in agreement on our definition of all these concise formulae? 78. Unfortunately, when it comes to choosing the means of achieving these ends, there is no longer any doubt of the answer.

    1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)

  17. We are grateful to all of you who understood the message and, for the sake of peace, we hope that the idea will ripen. 169. I also thank the speakers who have spoken of France with feeling and confidence. We can achieve nothing without confidence, without confidence in each other, without that minimum degree of confidence which assumes and accepts a minimum of good faith in the other side. 170. I pray that during this session we may attain at least this result, triumph over deliberate deafness and, by frank and sincere words, reach the minds and hearts of all.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  18. Acceding to the wish expressed by many of you to hold our sixth session in Europe, France invited you to be its guests in the hope that you would be able to find here a setting propitious to a closer understanding and to the establishment of trust. More than any other, our ancient country has witnessed the meeting and mingling of régimes, races and ideas. It ascribes a special virtue to personal contacts. We believe that this method of conversations as between man and man is especially appropriate in moments of crisis when there is a risk that misunderstandings and emotions may prevail. 168. On behalf of our country, a particularly well qualified spokesman has intimated the same idea to you, discreetly and with the emotion of a troubled heart, devoid of any calculating motives or polemical spirit.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  19. I am loth to believe that you do not wish to be convinced. Only too often, unfortunately, you give us the. opposite impression. Did you remain unmoved by the touching appeal made in the course of the last few days by our Danish colleague [243rd meeting]? Do you really imagine us to be so full of ill will and cynical deceit, and do you really think that so many countries, proud of their independence, martyrs in their love of freedom and signally free of any desire for domination, would be our accomplices? 166. The mere fact of being ready to listen to us, of agreeing to conversations between those who are responsible for the peace of the world and to exchange frank and honest explanations, that fact alone would achieve the more congenial atmosphere which we all desire, which we all seek and by which we should begin. 167.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  20. Indeed, in order to achieve this result, we have deliberately assumed risks and surrendered sovereign rights. 163, Yet, once again we are being reproached with harbouring warlike intentions and with preparing for war, whereas our purpose is to strengthen peace. A synchronized campaign has been launched against this plan, which is a purely internal affair; this suggests to us a deliberate wish to prevent Europe from improving its position and from organizing itself on any model other than the Eastern model. 164. Our answer is that we intend to remain masters of our own choice. As I have said, we respect the choice made by others for their own purposes. Peace means freedom of choice and the reciprocal respect of such freedom. Is that too much to ask? 165. How we should like to convince you!

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  21. One cannot be settled without the other. We assert and repeat that only if it is united and organized in freedom, can Europe be safeguarded against both war and want. The divisions which, in the past, have separated European countries and set them against each other have been the cause of their misfortune. That is why France has proposed the creation of a European community. This community will first of all be achieved in the field of coal and steel production. We hoped that the peaceful nature of this initiative could not be questioned by anyone and that it would be viewed as an attempt to make Europe stronger and more independent, both economically and politically, We thought that this desire to improve production and to increase the welfare of our peoples would be welcomed by all.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  22. We did not expect our proposal to meet with an opposition that is as vehement as it is unwarranted. 161, Our objectives in Germany cannot offend anybody. In the centre of Europe, where so many conflicts have arisen, as we all know to our cost, it is our desire to ensure the functioning of free democratic institutions and to associate Germany with a collective policy of peace, of a peace and peaceful co-operation covered by mutual guarantees. In order to achieve this aim, it is neither possible nor is it necessary to go back six years and to efface an evolution which has taken place freely in West Germany during that period. A unified Germany must be able to choose freely; the lessons of the recent past and the country’s wish to take its place among the free nations show it the way. 162, The German problem is the problem of Europe.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  23. The régime in the Soviet Zone is vastly different from the régime in the Western Zone. In the west, the population has been able to choose free democratic institutions, whereas in the east a people’s democratic republic on the pattern of all those in the Eastern bine is functioning. How will it be possible to merge the two sectors? On what basis is a peaceful Germany to be re-unified? That is the problem before us. We all appear to be in agreement on the principle of free elections in the occupied territories as a whole. The way in which they can be carried out remains to be defined. For our part, we consider it necessary that international impartial observers, appointed by you, should conduct a preliminary investigation in both sectors so that the subsequent elections would be protected by all the necessary safeguards.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  24. They are interdependent by reason of their origin and by reason of the solutions which they call for. 159, Austria is another case offering scope for our common goodwill. The country is hoping for a peaceful settlement which would release it from its present crushing encumbrances. In the course of several years the four allied delegations have met two hundred and sixty times to work out a draft treaty of less than one hundred clauses — a record in dilatoriness. Why should signature be postponed indefinitely for reasons wholly irrelevant to the context of the treaty? 160, Even less progress has been made in the case of Germany. It has not hitherto proved possible to initiate negotiations for a peace treaty, and Germany is still under the occupation régime.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  25. The United Nations has accepted responsibility for dealing with affairs in Korea, though, of course, without any thought of domination. Let us also recall that the conflict occurred shortly after the withdrawal of American troops. We are ready at all times to conclude peace without any advantage to any of us, on the one condition that the Korean people should be free to determine their own future. If this conflict were settled, it would be possible to approach the settlement of other Far Eastern problems with advantage. That part of the world has for so long suffered such grievous divisions that the difficulties which hamper its recovery and free development and which endanger the lives of hundreds of millions of human beings cannot be overcome piecemeal.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  26. One solution is repatriation, another is resettlement on the spot, another is immigration; sometimes it is a question of aid, sometimes a question of manpower. It therefore seems to us that action will inevitably have to take more than one form. France will co-operate in all of them, in the Council of Europe as in the international specialized agencies, in Palestine as everywhere else where, for any reason, national resources are insufficient to solve demographic difficulties. We are bidden to do so not only by a humane duty but also by the interests of peace, for any collective misery produces disturbances and conflicts. 158, The unanimous collaboration, which we hope to find in dealing with economic and social problems, would be even more necessary in the case of political problems.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  27. Surely, you ought to join us in these efforts, 157, Again, the refugee problem is one of the most distressing, both because of tire human values involved and because of its political repercussions. A solution is urgently needed. France has been a land of asylum for centuries and has received waves of refugees of various origins without any discrimination. We in France are familiar with their unhappy lot. Our country’s experience and traditional liberalism support every act of goodwill and of generosity on behalf of this very complex cause. This problem appears in different forms according to areas, ethnic differences and all other kinds of circumstances. As has already been rightly pointed out from this platform, no uniform solution is possible.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  28. It covers all fields: administration, finance, industry, trade, agriculture, public health, labour, education, scientific research. It is consequently, an undertaking of solidarity which should raise us above our political antagonisms. France, despite its heavy liabilities in the territories for which it is responsible single-handed, despite the expenditure to which it is committed, for many years to come, to repair war damage, is making a substantial financial contribution to this technical assistance and also lends the co-operation of its experience and experts. 156, In the field of child care, much highly gratifying work has been initiated, but in view of the vast needs, they demand greatly increased efforts and resources.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  29. What would be wanted are not necessarily spectacular moves or carefully constructed texts followed by slender results. The opportunity to put this new spirit into practice is offered to us every day in connexion with the concrete problems which we have to deal with and solve together. 155. Firstly, there are the technical problems for which we desire the co-operation of all but from which, we regret to note, you hold aloof, if you are not openly hostile. On the generous initiative of President Truman, an expanded programme of assistance to under-developed countries has been adopted by the Economic and Social Council. Its implementation will constitute one of the most productive activities of the United Nations and the specialized agencies.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  30. Can we conceivably stretch out our hands confidently to those who, day after day, unremittingly shower insults and threats upon us? We are prepared to co-operate with you in seeking a truce, and understanding, a gradual easing of the tension, in a dignified manner, by a kind of non-aggression pact — I am speaking figuratively — by outlawing weapons which are poisoned with hate and libel, as a prelude to a modus vivendi genuinely respected by either side, both without our countries and in our international relations. 153. Are you ready to proceed on these lines and to give instructions accordingly? Everything will be in vain unless we begin by purifying the atmosphere in this way. Every such effort would be greeted with immense relief. Could we not start here and now. 154.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  31. I know, of course, the argument that our régimes are opposed to and irreconcilable with each other. But they can exist side by side without making war upon each other; they can even agree on common tasks, as the victory in 1945 so clearly showed. Why should such co-operation be impossible in efforts for peace? 151. It is true that such co-operation also, or more especially, needs a suitable atmosphere. As a first step, there must be an end to that aggressive hostility to our institutions, to the vicious defamation of individuals, to the methods of violence and sabotage which your supporters and followers practise in our countries. The Comintern was abolished at a time of relaxed tension. When will the Cominform and its methods be abandoned? 152.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  32. For myself, I am quite willing to believe that you do not desire war. I am trying to be fairer to you than you are to us. War like all things evil, is prepared in secret. Let us raise the curtain of secrecy frankly and in unison: that would be the first decisive step towards peace. Uncertainty is as serious as threats. Our peoples are agreeing to heroic sacrifices in order to remove this terrible feeling of insecurity. I am sure the same is true of your peoples who worry about their future and who are kept in that state of anxiety by a propaganda that is an official monopoly. We must come to an agreement to reassure the peoples — all the peoples. Speeches are no longer enough; they are entirely discredited. We are met together here to take joint action and to agree upon what joint action should be taken. 150.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  33. That is the unmistakable intention. Accordingly, it is hardly fitting for anybody who sincerely wants peace to answer our proposals by a quip or a jest. What we desire is to be able at last to make a resolute beginning with effective and positive measures. 148. This plan has already had an effect and a certain efficacy, for it prompted the head of the delegation of the Soviet Union to make a special supplementary speech. We are happy to note the importance which he attaches to our initiative. For myself, I prefer to await developments in committee. In any case, it would be sound procedure if everybody awaited the appearance of the final and complete text of our motion before discussing it in detail. 149, You are accusing us of desiring and preparing for war. That is a monstrous and senseless accusation.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  34. A régime which is sure of itself and has no evil intentions stands to lose nothing through open confrontation with other régimes. 147. The same applies to armaments. The chief merit of our recent three-Power initiative is that it seeks to put an end to the mystery which shrouds the state of armaments and the size of the armed forces. You know perfectly well, Mr. Vyshinsky — and I apologize for addressing you personally that the object is not to count boots and mess tins, but rather to obtain the exact number of the frightful engines of destruction of all kinds which are threatening the existence of humanity. Here again, the removal of the mystery would be an essential element of security and trust, the starting point for the regulation of the manufacture and stocks of arms, and a progressive limitation on the dangers threatening peace.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  35. Our diplomats are confined to their hotels; kept under supervision like undesirables, prevented from performing their natural duty of informing us on the state of mind and on the economic situation, a function which elsewhere they carry out honourably and fairly. Our compatriots who live in your countries, some of whom have lived there for many years, who have family ties and have rendered great service there suddenly become suspect under a suspicious and intolerant régime. You are setting a record in spy trials. 146. This fiercely guarded mystery breeds natural, insufferable mistrust on our part, and officially organized tours cannot reassure us. Are you ready to lift the veil, to come forth from behind that screen of mystery and to stop cutting yourselves off from the rest of the world?

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  36. Because we fear traps everywhere, we attempted to take refuge in more or less hypocritical subtleties. 144. All of this takes us further and further from our goal which is to ease the tension and so consolidate peace. We must tackle the causes of this baneful mistrust. 145. For this mistrust your policy, Mr. Vyshinsky, is largely responsible. In the first place the mystery with which you surround yourselves breeds uneasiness and doubt: mystery regarding your objectives, mystery regarding the resources you employ, mystery regarding the connexions you maintain and the assistance you grant, mystery as regards public and private life alike; everything is mystery, a State secret.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  37. Are we at all times fully aware of the responsibility we incur when, by words spoken from this rostrum, we inflame feelings to add to the propaganda which divides us rather than to bring us closer together by persuasion? We are concerned too much with tactics and procedure, as if we wished to shut our eyes to the real problems which beset us but which we are sometimes afraid to tackle directly. 143. Mistrust distorts everything, blocks every avenue. Of what use are speeches if we are convinced that the person we are addressing does not wish to listen to us or understand us? Too often speeches give the impression of being brilliant monologues whereas what we need is frank discussion which would throw light on the points of view of both sides, for the purpose of bringing them closer together.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  38. Criticisms, which on occasion are full of hatred, are more in evidence than the spirit of co-operation; we are beset by a mutual distrust which paralyses action and distorts intentions. There is not, or at least there does not seem to be, any disagreement among us regarding the essential objective we have in common: the protection of peace. Despite that, we are all anxious regarding the peace which we are unanimous in desiring. We fear that war may break out like an electric discharge between two opposite poles. We shall prevent it only if we succeed in reducing the total tension. 142. Are we sufficiently concerned with avoiding whatever might increase it dangerously?

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  39. My remarks are concerned in the first place with the instrument at our disposal. It would certainly require certain reforms. The misuse of the veto has prevented the proper operation of the Security Council. The refusal to admit certain democratic countries, such as Italy, is not only an injustice but a violation of the principle of the universality of the United Nations, whose authority is diminished thereby, as it is by the fact that it does not possess a permanent armed force capable of providing a minimum sanction to back its decisions. Other, less serious, imperfections could easily be remedied. 141. The increasingly poisoned atmosphere in which we work is, however, much more disturbing.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)

  40. In a speech marked by nobility of thought and of feeling, Mr. Anthony Eden has told us of the disappointment he experienced on first coming into contact with the Organization, of which he was one of the principal founders. Like Mr. Eden, we do not wish to allow ourselves to be discouraged. Institutions which are still growing have their awkward age, like children. What matters is that, by means of proper education, they should pass through that stage unharmed. 139. The general debate is a sort of self-examination in which we must with complete frankness recognize the defects that exist, the failures we have suffered and our share of the responsibility for them. After that, we shall find it easier to define the frame of mind in which we shall henceforward tackle both familiar and novel problems. 140.

    1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)