YouSaid · the spoken record

Geoffrey HOWE

lines on the record: 171
first: 1983-09-24
most recent: 1988-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“They offered a realistic starting point for negotiations aimed at reconciling the right of Israel to live within secure and recognized borders with the right of the Palestinian people to determine their own future. 178. Only through negotiation will there be a just and lasting solution to the Arab-Israel dispute. But we are a long way from a negotiation, and we shall stay a long way as long as the parties do not take the first steps to build mutual confidence and trust. On each side there is a long-canvassed step which could transform the picture: for Israel, to halt its policy of building illegal settlements in occupied territory; for the Arabs, including the Palestinians, to show that they are ready to accept Israel's right to live in peace and security. 179.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“The strength of the Commonwealth will once again be reaffirmed when its heads of Government meet in November at New Delhi. 177. It is sad that so many of the political problems which confronted us last year are no less acute now. The Middle East is a prime example. Violence and the rule of force are the order of the day. There is not much time left for peaceful change. The United Kingdom was greatly disappointed, especially after the initial response from the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez on 25 November 1981 and 9 September 1982, that the proposals put forward by President Reagan on 1 September 1982' were not taken up by the parties.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“To accuse us of threatening the security of the Latin American region is lurid nonsense; we have done and will do no more than is necessary to protect the Islands and their population against a threat which recent history has shown to be all too real and which the current pattern of Argentine arms purchases seems designed to keep alive. 176. As for the charge of colonialism, the answer can be seen by looking round this chamber. Britain's record speaks for itself. Only a few days ago, in response to the freely expressed wishes of the people exercising their right to self-determination, we gave independence to the Federation of Saint Christopher and Nevis. I congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on becoming, last week, the 158th Member of this Organization and the 48th member of that unique association of nations, the Commonwealth.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“The lengthy passage on the Falklands in the statement of the Foreign Minister of Argentina consisted of rhetoric which is as unhelpful as it is tendentious. His reference to respecting the existing cessation of hostilities has yet to be translated into a convincing and dependable renunciation of the use of force. The whole world knows who stands rightly convicted of deception and of dangerous military adventures. The Argentine invasion, launched without warning when we were negotiating in good faith, cannot be wished away. I can understand why the Argentine representative found it too embarrassing to mention.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“We look to Argentina to honour the agreement that has been reached. We would like to do the same in the commercial and economic fields and have supported the initiative of the European Community to this effect. We have also taken other initiatives intended to promote the development of a more normal bilateral relationship. 174. The return for these efforts, I regret to say, has not been encouraging. The Argentine authorities have shown no regret at their resort to the use of force, no interest in reducing tension and no response to these various initiatives from the British side aimed at restoring a better relationship between our two countries. They continue to see negotiations purely as a means for transferring sovereignty without regard for the wishes of the islanders. A radical change of approach is required in Buenos Aires. 175.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“We will defend the Falkland Islands and their inhabitants against the possibility of renewed attack; our military dispositions are designed solely for this purpose. We will continue to defend the right—the inalienable right—of the people of the Falkland Islands to self-determination, a right to which they are no less entitled than other small island peoples, and we will carry forward economic and constitutional development in close consultation with the islanders. 173. At the same time, we shall continue to seek a more normal relationship with Argentina and a reduction of tension in the South Atlantic. We have played a constructive part in international efforts to help with the problem of Argentine debt. It was very much at our initiative that progress has been achieved in the removal of bilateral financial restrictions.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“Thatcher made clear when she addressed the twelfth special session of the General Assembly in June 1982 the causes of war do not lie in the existence of particular weapons, whether nuclear or conventional, or even in particular numbers of weapons. They lie in the disposition of States to ignore international law and to seek to impose change on others by resort to force. 172. We in Britain had direct experience of this last year, when Argentina invaded the Falklands in flagrant violation of one of the most fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. That invasion has not faded into history. We, for our part, have upheld and will continue to uphold the principles of the Charter.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“On the contrary, we have made it clear that, if Soviet and United States strategic arsenals were to be very substantially reduced and if no significant changes had occurred in Soviet defensive capabilities, Britain would want to review its position and to consider how best it could contribute to arms control in the light of the reduced threat. That remains our position. 171. I have spent some time on the subject of arms control and disarmament because it is one which is rightly at the centre of the international stage and rightly of concern to the United Nations and its Member States. But, as Mrs.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“These demands are unacceptable and will remain so— not because British weapon systems would be affected, but because what is proposed is unbalanced and inequitable and would benefit one side at the expense of the other. 169. When it comes to arms control and disarmament, we in Britain claim no special privileges and no sanctuary. The record makes this clear, and we remain ready to play a full part in the arms control and disarmament process. 170. As far as the British deterrent is concerned, we must naturally take into account that our force is a strategic one and that it represents less than 3 per cent of the strategic nuclear forces available to the United States or to the Soviet Union. It would be absurd as things stand for us to seek to trade reductions with a superpower. But we have never said "never".”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“The two participants in the negotiations, the United States and the Soviet Union, have agreed that their own strategic systems should be excluded. There can be no reason in equity or logic why the strategic systems of non-participants should be included. The Soviet attempt to suggest otherwise should perhaps be dismissed as a smokescreen designed to hide what I hope is only a temporary unwillingness to negotiate seriously. 168. Taken literally, what the Soviet leaders are asking for is either the unilateral strategic disarmament of Britain and France or a monopoly of intermediate-range missiles in Europe at the expense of the United States and its allies.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“So do the Western proposals to reduce the forces facing each other in central Europe to a common ending. We have put forward proposals of our own trying nearer a ban on chemical weapons. It is dear that the West means business over disarmament. It is now up to the Russians to respond. 166. Our objective in these and other negotiations is simple: we want realistic, balanced and verifiable measures of arms control and disarmament which will enhance peace and security—not just for ourselves, but for all participants. We do not seek unilateral advantage, nor shall we give in to those who seek it at our expense. 167. That, for the moment, is what the Soviet Union is trying to do by claiming that British and French systems should be included in the intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“Over the last two decades there have been practical examples of successful agreements between East and West, which should encourage us to persevere in our efforts. But history shows also that the road is not an easy one: confidence is hard to build up and all too easy to destroy; secrecy inevitably breeds suspicion; and the stake: are high enough to underline the need for caution. 165. But caution should not prevent movement, and on the Western side, at least, it has not. President Reagan has proposed major cuts in strategic missiles and the elimination of a whole class of intermediate range missiles. Speaking from this podium only two days ago he revealed a further package of steps designed to advance the negotiations as rapidly as possible. These are radical measures by any standards, and they have our support.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“I have mentioned the word' 'disarmament'' in an unusual context. That is not because I underrate its importance in the more normal one. Indeed, nothing could illustrate more vividly the link between the economic and the political world. 162. Without security there can be no lasting prosperity; arms control and disarmament can contribute to both by reducing at the same time the risks of war and the burden of defence costs. 163. It would, of course, be madness to turn our backs on such a prospect, or to reduce our efforts to achieve so obviously beneficial a result. In theory, there is no doubt that agreements can be reached which will bring lasting economic and military benefit to both sides. 164.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“But much more needs to be done. We should give a high priority to this since it is the poorest people who will benefit most. Aid too has a vital part to play, but food aid is only first aid. The main requirement is for aid to increase production where it is most needed, and it is on this that the international community should concentrate. 160. Production alone is not enough. We cannot afford not to make the best use of the resources at our disposal, and therefore we cannot afford to relent in the fight against protectionism. Barriers to trade are barriers to economic efficiency and the creation of wealth. We all need to fight more resolutely against them. There must be no new upward twist to the spiral of protection. Instead, I should like to see a vigorous programme of commercial disarmament. 161.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“But the underlying reality shines through any amount of jargon: we need to restore the balance and vitality of the world economy in order to provide a rising standard of living, and above all to meet the basic human needs of the people of the world for food, shelter and a decent standard of life. 158. For the last decade, the world has been proving Malthus wrong, but only just—world agricultural production has kept slightly ahead of population increase. But this conceals the fact that in many countries agricultural production per capita has stagnated or declined. Experience shows that the opposite can be achieved where policy is directed to encouraging individual enterprise and more widespread use of appropriate technology. 159. Population policy must be part of the answer, and progress has already been made.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“For example, the Interim Committee of the International Monetary Fund was able to reach agreement in February on an increase in quotas and a parallel enlargement of the General Arrangements to Borrow—an agreement which would not have been possible if all parties had not been willing to show considerable flexibility. It remains vitally important for countries to take legislative action necessary to implement their increased quotas so that IMF can be more effective. 157. Some of these problems are technical, or perhaps it is just that they are made to sound that way by the economists who propose solutions in a language which does not always make for easy understanding.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“The consequences of inflation, of inflated expectations and of over-ambitious and over-promising governments, are still very much with us, in particular, the problems of debt and the pressures to resort to quick and wrong solutions, like protectionism. It will take patience as well as energy to ensure that they are safely overcome. 156. On the whole, I am optimistic. While vast problems remain, there have been encouraging signs that many members of the international community recognize that we are all affected by the same economic conditions and are ready to respond to the challenge of joint action.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“These are, of course, questions which require effective action at the national level, and national determination to solve, but the need for action on the international plane is no less clear. 155. So, as a foreign minister, I remain very interested in what is happening—and what is not happening—in the world economy. There are signs of recovery in my country and in others, but complacency and over-confidence would be equally damaging to the prospects of sustained non-inflationary growth: complacency because there will not be much growth if we rest on the laurels of our achievements so far; and over-confidence because growth will not be sustained if we abandon the fight against inflation.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“My own particular experience has been in international economic and financial affairs, and I have learned from that one very clear lesson: the problems which face us can effectively be tackled only through close international co-operation and, of course, with the necessary determination and patience. If that is true, as it is, of economic and social questions, it must be even more so in the political field, where major questions of peace and security are at stake. 154. Economic and political problems are, of course, often interlinked. Indeed, the former can cause, or exacerbate, the latter. That is why foreign ministers, even if they were so minded, cannot fail to concern themselves with economic questions.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“He has also drawn our attention to the need for the Secretary-General, in the interests of all, to exercise tighter control over the administration of the Organization. It is now up to us to do something about these problems. As my predecessor said last year, the blame for the state of the world does not lie with the United Nations system or with the Charter, but with us, the Member States. I endorse that conclusion wholeheartedly, but I see absolutely no evidence that it has sunk in. 152. This is my first year as a foreign minister. But it is a reflection of today's increasingly complex and interdependent world that this year has not by any means been my first taste as a minister of international affairs. 153.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)
“150. Mr. President, may I begin by joining other speakers in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. You have my best wishes for the difficult task which lies ahead of you. May I also express my thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Hollai, who has so ably fulfilled his role on behalf of the Assembly. 151. It gives me particular pleasure to pay a tribute also to the Secretary-General. We owe a great deal already to his careful authority and leadership. His report to last year's session' brought out in a striking way the gravity of the problems facing us in the United Nations. His report this year has again underlined the crucial problem of trust.”
1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)