YouSaid · the spoken record

Sukarno

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS SUKARNO

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1960-09-24

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1960-09-24

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un-general-debate

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1. “I pray that God Almighty will bless and guide the deliberations of this Assembly.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

2. “Let us take this first step, and let us determine to continue our activity and pressure until our world becomes the better and more secure world we envisage. 206. Remember what has gone before. Remember the struggle and the sacrifice we newer Members of this Organization have undergone. Remember that our travail was caused and prolonged by rejection of the principles of the United Nations. We are determined that it shall not happen again. 207. Build the world anew. Build it solid and strong and sane. Build that world in which all nations exist in peace and brotherhood. Build the world fit for the dreams and the ideals of humanity. Break now with the past, for the day is at its dawning. Break now. with the past, so that we can justify ourselves with the future. 208.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

3. “May I request, on behalf of the delegations of the aforementioned five nations that this draft resolution receive your urgent consideration. A letter to this effect, signed by the heads of the delegations of Ghana, India, the United Arab Republic, Yugoslavia and Indonesia, has already been sent to the Secretariat. 204. I submit that draft resolution on behalf of those five delegations and on behalf of the millions of people in those nations. 205. To accept this resolution is a possible and immediate step. Let this General Assembly accept this resolution as soon as possible. Let us take this practical step towards an easing of the dangerous tension in our world. Let us carry this resolution unanimously, so that the full force of the world’s concern may be felt.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

4. “On behalf of the delegation of Ghana, India, the United Arab Republic, Yugoslavia and Indonesia, I hereby submit the following draft resolution: "The General Assembly, "Deeply concerned with the recent deterioration in international relations which threatens the world with grave consequences, "Aware of the great expectancy of the world that this Assembly will assist in helping to prepare the way for the easing of world tension, "Conscious of the grave and urgent responsibility that rests on the United Nations to initiate helpful efforts, "Requests, as a first urgent step, the President of the United States of America and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to renew their contacts interrupted recently, so that their declared willingness to find solutions of the outstanding problems by negotiation may be progressively implemented.” 203.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

5. “I bring to you the greetings of ninety-two million people, and I bring to you the demand of that nation. We have now the opportunity of building together a better world, a more secure world. That opportunity may not come again. Grasp it, then, hold it tight, use it. 201. No man of good will and integrity will disagree with the hopes and beliefs I have expressed, on behalf of my nation, and indeed on behalf of all men. Let us then seek, immediately and with no further delay, the means of translating those hopes into realities. 202. As a practical step in this direction, it is my honour and my duty to submit a draft resolution to this General Assembly.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

6. “Those who were previously hungry now demand rice, plentifully and every day. Those who were previously unlettered now demand education. 199. This whole world is a vast powerhouse of revolution, a vast revolutionary ammunition dump. No less than three-quarters of humanity is involved in this revolution of rising demands, and this is the greatest revolution since man first walked erect in a virgin and pleasant world. The success or failure of this Organization will be judged by its relationship to that revolution of rising demands. Future generations will praise us or condemn us in the light of our response to this challenge. 200. We dare not fail. We dare not turn our backs on history. If we do, then we are lost indeed. My nation is determined that we shall not fail. I do not speak to you from weakness; I speak to you from strength.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

7. “Even, perhaps, we look with envy upon some of the physical achievements of the West. But we are determined that our nations, and the world as a whole, shall not be the plaything of one small comer of the world. 197. We do not seek to defend the world we know: we seek to build a new, a better world! We seek to build a world sane and secure. We seek to build a world in which all may live in peace. We seek to build a world of justice and prosperity for all men. We seek to build a world in which humanity can achieve its full stature. 198. It has been said that we live in the midst of a revolution of rising expectations. It is not so. We live in the midst of a revolution of rising demands! Those who were previously without freedom now demand freedom. Those who were previously without a voice now demand that their voices be heard.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

8. “I cannot even regard it with very much affection, although I do respect it greatly. 195. Imperialism and colonialism were offspring of that Western State system, and in common with the vast majority of this Organization, I hate imperialism, I detest colonialism, and I fear the consequences of their last bitter struggle for life. Twice within my own lifetime the Western State system has tom itself to shreds, and once almost destroyed the world, in bitter conflict. 196. Can you wonder that so many of us look at this Organization, which is also a product of the Western State system, with a question in our eyes? Please, do not misunderstand me. We respect and admire that system. We have been inspired by the words of Lincoln and of Lenin, by the deeds of Washington and by the deeds of Garibaldi.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

9. “We regard it with great hope because we believe that only some such organization as this can provide the framework for the sane and secure world we crave. We regard it with great fear, because we have presented one great national issue, the issue of West Irian, before this Assembly, and no solution has been found. We regard it with fear because great Powers of the world have introduced their dangerous cold war game into its halls. We regard it with fear lest it should fail, and go the way of its predecessor, and thus remove from the eyes of man a vision of a secure and united future. 194. Let us face the fact that this Organization, in its present methods and by its present form, is a product of the Western State system. Pardon me, but I cannot regard that system with reverence.”

   1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

10. “It is true that our Charter can be revised. I am aware that there exists a procedure for doing so, and a time when it can be done. But this question is urgent. It may be a matter of life and death for the United Nations. No narrow legalistic thinking should prevent this being done at once. 192. Equally it is essential that the distribution of seats in the Security Council and the other bodies and agencies should be revised. I am not thinking in this matter in terms of bloc votes, but I am thinking of the urgency that the Charter of the United Nations, of the United Nations bodies, and its Secretariat should all reflect the true position of our present world. 193. We of Indonesia regard this body with great hope and yet with great fear. We regard it with great hope because it was useful to tis in our struggle for national life.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

11. “How, then, can they be efficient? How can members of those two groups in the world — groups which are a reality and must be accepted — how can members of those two groups feel at ease in this Organization, and have the necessary utmost confidence in it? 190. Since the? Second World War, we have witnessed three great permanent phenomena. First is the rise of the socialist countries. That was not foreseen in 1945. Second is the great wave of national liberation and economic emancipation which has swept over Asia and Africa and over our brothers in Latin America. I think that only we who were directly involved anticipated that. Third is the great scientific advance, which at first dealt in weapons and war, but which is turning now to the barriers and frontiers of. space. Who could have prophesied this? 191.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

12. “This is so within all its bodies, except this single august Assembly and in all its agencies. 187. The organization and membership of the Security Council, that most important body, reflects the economic, military and power map of the world of 1945, when this Organization was born of a vast Inspiration and vision. That is also true of most other agencies. They do not reflect the rise of the socialist countries, nor the rocketing of Asian and African independence. 188. In order to modernize and make efficient our Organization, perhaps even the Secretariat, under the leadership of its Secretary-General, may need to be revised. In saying this, I am not, most definitely not, in any way criticizing or denouncing the present Secretary-General who is striving to do a good job under outmoded conditions which must at times seem impossible. 189.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

13. “The purpose of the United Nations should be to solve problems. To use it as a mere debating platform or as a propaganda outlet, or as an extension of domestic politics is to pervert the high ideals which should imbue this body. 185. Colonial turbulence, the rapid development of the still technically under-developed areas, and the question of disarmament, are still suitable and urgent matters for our consideration and deliberation. However, it has become clear that these vital matters cannot satisfactorily be dealt with by the present Organization of the United Nations. The history of this body demonstrates sadly and clearly the truth of what I say. 186. It is certainly not surprising that tills should be so. The fact is that our Organization reflects the world of 1945, not the world of today.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

14. “I am convinced that an Asian or African country, in its faith and belief, would gladly offer hospitality to the United Nations, perhaps setting aside a sufficient area wherein the Organization Itself would be sovereign and in which the discussions vital to the vital work could take place in security and brotherhood. 183. The United Nations is no longer the same body as that which signed the Charter fifteen years ago. Nor is this world the same world. Those who laboured in wisdom to produce the Charter of this Organization could not have foreseen the shape which it has taken today. Of those wise and far-sighted men, but few realized that the end of imperialism was in sight and that if this Organization was to live it must provide for a great and overbearing and invigorating influx of new and reborn nations. 184.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

15. “The fact that the seat of the United Nations is in the territory of one of the cold war protagonists has meant that the cold war has worked its way even into the work and the administration and household of our Organization. So much so, indeed, that the very attendance at this session of the leader of a great nation has become a cold war issue, a cold war weapon, and a means of sharpening that dangerous and futile way of life. 181. Let us inquire whether the seat of our Organization should not be removed from the atmosphere of the cold war. Let us inquire whether Asia or Africa or Geneva will offer a permanent home to us, remote from the cold war, uncommitted to either bloc, and where the representatives can move easily and freely where they will, and in doing so, perhaps gain a wider understanding of the world and its problems. 182.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

16. “I believe it would bring the United Nations into line with the recent development of the world. I believe that it would make it possible for the United Nations to face the future refreshed and confident. Finally, I believe that the adoption of Pancha Shila as a foundation of the Charter would make the Charter more whole-heartedly acceptable to all Members, both old and new. 179. I will make one further point in this direction. It is a great honour to have the seat of the United Nations within one's country. We are all grateful indeed to the United States of America that it offered a permanent home to our Organization. However, it might well be questioned whether this is advisable. 180. With all respect, I submit that it might not be so.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

17. “Let us ask ourselves whether the acceptance of these principles would provide a solution to the problems faced by this Organization, 175. Of course, the United Nations consists of more than the Charter of the United Nations. Nevertheless that historic document remains the guiding star and the inspiration of this Organization. 176. In many ways, the Charter reflects the political and power constellation of the time of its origin. In many ways that Charter does not reflect the realities of today. 177. Let us consider then whether the five principles I have enunciated would make our Charter stronger and better. 178. I believe, yes, I firmly believe that the adoption of those five principles and the writing of them into the Charter would greatly strengthen the United Nations.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

18. “It would mean that- aid to the technically under-developed and the less fortunate nations would be removed from the atmosphere of the cold war. It would also mean the practical recognition that, all men are brothers and that all men have a responsibility to their brothers. 171. Is not that a noble aim? Does anyone dare deny the nobility and justice of that aim? 172. If there is any such, then let him face the reality, Let him face the hungry, let him face the illiterate, let him face the sick, and let him then justify his denial, 173. Let me now repeat once more those five principles: belief in God, nationalism, internationalism, democracy, social justice. 174. Let us inquire whether these things do in fact constitute a synthesis which all can accept.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

19. “We are not prepared to sit back idly and watch this Organization, which is our Organization, wrecked because it is inflexible or because it is slow to respond to changed world conditions. 168. Is it not worth trying? If you think that it is not, then you must be prepared to justify your decision before the bar of history. 169. Finally, in the Pancha Shila, there is social justice. To be applied in the international field, this should perhaps be international social justice. Once again, to accept this principle would be to reject colonialism and imperialism. 170. Furthermore, the acceptance of social justice as an aim by these United Nations would mean the acceptance of certain responsibilities and duties. It would mean a determined, united effort to end many of the social evils which trouble our world.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

20. “Can you now still doubt the usefulness and the efficiency of deliberation by such methods? 166. I am convinced that the whole-hearted adoption of such methods of deliberation could ease the work of this international Organization. Yes, perhaps it would make possible the real work of this Organization. It would point the way to solutions of many problems which have accumulated over the years. It would permit the solution of problems which seem to be insoluble. 167. And remember please that history deals ruthlessly with those who fail. Who today remembers those who toiled in the League of Nations? We remember only those who wrecked that international body. But they wrecked an organization of States from one corner of the world only.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

21. “They were of diverse political outlook, ranging from the extreme left to the extreme right. 162. Many in the West did not believe that such a conference could produce anything worthwhile. Many even believed that it would break up in confusion and mutual recrimination, torn apart on the rock of political differences. 163. But the Asian-African Conference succeeded; the Asian-African Conference was conducted by methods of "musjawarah", of deliberation. 164. There were no majorities, no minorities. There was no voting. There were only deliberations, and only the common desire to reach agreement. Out of that conference came a unanimous communique which is one of the most important achievements of this decade, and perhaps one of the most important documents of history. 165.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

22. “The only way to run an international meeting is the way we run the United Nations, with resolutions and amendments and votes of majorities and minorities." 159. Let me tell you something. We know from equally hard, practical, realistic experience that our methods of deliberation work also in international bodies, work also in the international field. They work there equally as well as on the national field. 160. Look, not so very long ago, as you know, representatives of twenty-nine nations of Asia and Africa 7het together in Bandung. Those leaders of their nations were no impractical dreamers. Far from it. They were hard, realistic leaders of men and of nations, most of them graduates of the struggle for national freedom, all of them well versed in the realities of political, as well as international, life and leadership. 161.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

23. “They work for us; they work in the Indonesian Parliament, they work in the Indonesian National Advisory Council, they work in the Indonesian Cabinet of Ministers. They work because the representatives of our nation desire to make them work. The Communists desire it, the Nationalists desire it, the Moslems desire it, the Christians desire it. The Army desires it, the man in the city and the man in the remote village both desire it; the intellectual desires it, the man just striving to throw off illiteracy desires it. All desire it, because all desire the clear aim of Pancha Shila, and that clear aim is a just and prosperous society. 158. Perhaps you may say: "Yes, we will accept the word of President Sukarno and we will accept the evidence which we see in the composition of his delegation here today, but we are realists in a hard world.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

24. “The Only way in which it can function satisfactorily is by means of unanimity arising out of deliberation, or, to use the Indonesian terms, by "mufakat" arising from "musjawarah". Deliberations should be held in such a way that there is no contest between opposing points of view, no resolutions and counter-resolutions, no taking of sides, but only a persistent effort to find common ground in solving a problem. From such deliberation there arises a consensus, a unanimity, which is more powerful than a resolution perhaps not accepted, or perhaps resented, by the minority. 157. Am I talking idealistically? Am I dreaming of an ideal and romantic world? No, I am not. My feet are firmly planted on the ground. Yes, I look at the skies for inspiration, but my head is not in the clouds, I tell you that such methods of deliberation work.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

25. “They ruled our democratic way of life when wild and savage tribes still roamed over Europe. They guided us when feudalism established itself as a progressive, indeed revolutionary, force over Europe. They gave us strength when feudalism gave birth to capitalism and when capitalism fathered the imperialism which enslaved us. They sustained us during the long eclipse of colonial darkness and during the long slow years when other and different forms of democratic practice were slowly emerging in Europe and America. 155. Our democracy is old, but it is virile and strong— as virile and strong as the Indonesian people from which it sprang. 156. This organization of United Nations is an organization of States with equal sovereignty, equal independence, and equal pride in that sovereignty and independence.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

26. “reaffirm faith ... in the equal rights of ... nations large and small". Finally and once more, internationalism would mean the ending of imperialism and colonialism, and thus it would mean the ending of- many dangers and tensions. 153. Fourth, democracy. For us of Indonesia, democracy contains three essential elements, It contains first the principle of what we call "mufakat", that is unanimity; it contains secondly the principle of "perwakilan ”, that is, representation; finally, it contains for us the principle of "musjawarah", and that is deliberation among representatives. Yes, Indonesian democracy contains those three: unanimity, representation, and deliberation among representatives. 154. These principles of our democratic way of life are deeply enshrined within our people, and have been from time immemorial.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

27. “If our nations were not internationally minded, then those nations would not be Members of this Organization. However, true internationalism is not always found here. I regret the necessity of saying that, but it is a fact: true nationalism is not always found here. Only too often the United Nations is used as a forum for narrow national of sectional aims. Only too often the great purposes and high ideals of our Charter are obscured by the search for national advantage or national prestige. True internationalism must be based upon the fact of national equality. True internationalism must be based upon equality of regard, equality of esteem, the practical application of the truth that all men are brothers. It must, to quote the Preamble of the Charter of the United Nations — that document which is so often forgotten — "...”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

28. “Aidit, the leader of the Indonesian Communist Party, who is sitting here in my delegation and who accepts whole-heartedly both the Communist a Manifesto and the Pancha Shila. 151. Secondly, nationalism. We are all representatives of nations. How, then, can we reject nationalism? To do so would be to reject our own nations and to reject the sacrifices of generations. But I warn you: if you accept the principle of nationalism, then you must reject imperialism. But to that warning, I will add a reminder: if you reject imperialism, then automatically and immediately you remove from this troubled world a major cause of tension and conflict. 152. The third point is internationalism. Is it necessary to speak at length about internationalism in this international body? Surely not.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

29. “All of them — yes, all of them — accept Pancha Shila.; And they do not accept it merely as an ideological concept, but as a very practical guide to action. Those of my nation who seek to be leaders but reject Pancha Shila are in turn rejected by the nation. 149. What would be the international application of Pancha Shila? How could it work in practice? Let us take the five points one by one. 150. First, then, belief in God. No person who accepts the Declaration of Independence as a guide to life and action will deny that. And equally certainly, no follower of the Communist Manifesto would, in this international forum today deny the right to believe in the Almighty. For further elucidation about that, I refer to Mr.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

30. “Or, indeed, any of those who seem to have adopted static positions in this cold war of ideas and practices, who seek to remain rooted deep while the world is in flux? 148. Look at this delegation who support me and who are sitting here. This is not a delegation of civil servants or professional politicians; this is a delegation representing the Indonesian nation. There are soldiers. They accept Pancha Shila. There is a great scholar of Islam who is a pillar of his faith. He accepts Pancha Shila. There is the leader of the powerful Indonesian Communist Party. He accepts Pancha Shila. There are representatives from the Catholic group and from the Protestant group, from the Nationalist Party and from the organization of workers and peasants. There are women, there are intellectuals and administrators.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

31. “Remove the exploitation, and the conflict disappears because the cause of conflict has gone. Between the nations, if there are rich and poor, exploiters and exploited, there will also be conflict. Remove that cause of conflict, and the conflict will disappear. That holds good internationally as well as within the nation. The elimination of imperialism and colonialism removes such exploitation of nation by nation. 146. I believe that there is a way out of this confrontation of ideologies. I believe that the way out lies in the universal application of "Pancha Shila". 147. Who amongst you rejects Pancha Shila? Do the representatives of the great United States reject it? Do the representatives of the great USSR reject it? Or those of the United Kingdom, or Poland, or France or Czechoslovakia?”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

32. “If there is not, then all our deliberations, all our hopes, all our struggles, will be useless. We of Indonesia are riot prepared to sit idly back while the world goes to ruin. We are not prepared to have the clear morning of our independence overshadowed by radioactive clouds. No nation of Asia or Africa is prepared to do this. We have a responsibility to the world, and we are ready to accept and fulfill that responsibility. If that means intervening in what have previously been the affairs of great Powers remote from us, then we are prepared to do that. No nation of Asia or Africa will shirk that task. 145. Is it not clear that conflict arises chiefly from inequalities? Within the nation, the existence of rich and poor, exploited and exploiters, causes conflict.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

33. “However, it is my sincere belief that Pancha Shila has much more than a national significance. It has a universal significance and can be applied internationally. 142. No one will deny the element of truth in the view expressed by Bertrand Russell. Much of the world is so divided between those who accept the ideas and principles of the Declaration of Independence and those who accept the ideas and principles of the Communist Manifesto. Those who accept one reject the other, and there is conflict on both ideological and practical grounds. 143. We are all threatened by this conflict, and we are concerned by it. Is there nothing to be done about this threat? Must it continue still for generations, perhaps finally bursting into a flame which will engulf us all? Is there no way out? 144. There must be a way out.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

34. “This is a question to which I shall return later. 139. Finally, the last Shila, the ultimate pillar, is social justice. With this we link social prosperity, for we regard the two as inseparable. Indeed, only a prosperous society can be a just society, although prosperity itself can reside in social injustice. 140. That, then, is our Pancha Shila: belief in God, nationalism, internationalism, democracy, social justice. Those are the principles which my nation fully accepts and uses as its guide to all political activity, economic activity and social activity. 141. It is no part of my table today to describe how, in our national life and affairs, we seek to apply and implement Pancha Shila. To do so would be to intrude upon the courtesy of this international body.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

35. “Rather, true internationalism is an expression of true nationalism, in which each nation respects and guards the rights of all nations, big and small, old and new. True internationalism is a sign that the nation has become adult and responsible, forsaking childish ideas of national or racial superiority, forsaking the infantile disorders of chauvinism and cosmopolitanism. 137. Fourthly, there is democracy. Democracy is not the monopoly or the invention of the Western social orders. Rather, democracy seems to be the natural condition of man, although it is modified to fit particular social conditions. 138. During the millennia of our Indonesian civilization, we have evolved our own Indonesian democratic forms. It is our belief that these forms have an international relevance and significance.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

36. “Because we are nationalists, we support and encourage nationalism wherever we find it. 135. Our third pillar is internationalism. There is no conflict or contradiction between nationalism and internationalism. Indeed, internationalism cannot grow and flourish except in the rich soil of nationalism. Is not this Organization clear evidence of that? Previously, there was the League of Nations; now there is the United Nations. The very names proclaim that neither could have existed without the existence of nations and nationalism. And yet the very existence of both shows that the nations desire and need an international body in which each is equal. Internationalism is most certainly not cosmopolitanism, which is a denial of nationalism, which is anti-national and, indeed, anti-reality. 136.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

37. “Asia and African nationalism, and that of Latin America, cannot be considered without reference to its social content. 133. In Indonesia, we refer to that social content as our drive towards justice and prosperity. Is that not a good aim which all can accept? I do not speak only of ourselves in Indonesia, nor only of my Asian and African and Latin American brothers; I speak of the whole world. A just and prosperous society can be the aim and the goal of all men. 134. Mahatma Gandhi once said: "I am a nationalist, but my nationalism is humanity." We say that too. We are nationalists, we love our nations, and all nations. We are nationalists because we believe that nations are essential to the world in the present day, and we will continue to be so for as far as the eye can see into the future.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

38. “Who dares deny the nation which bore him? Who dares turn away from the nation which made him? Nationalism is the great engine which drives and controls all our international activity; it is the great spring of liberty and the majestic inspiration for freedom. 132. Our nationalism in Asia and Africa is not the same as that of the Western State system. In the West, nationalism developed as an aggressive force, seeking national economic expansion and advantage. It was the grandparent of imperialism, whose father was capitalism. In Asia and Africa, and I believe in Latin America also, nationalism is a liberating movement, a movement of protest against imperialism and colonialism, and a response to the oppression of chauvinist nationalism springing from Europe.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

39. “The burning force of nationalism and the desire for independence sustained us and gave us strength during the long colonial night and during the struggle for independence. Today that burning force is still within us and still sustains us. But our nationalism is most certainly not chauvinism. We most certainly do not regard ourselves as superior to other nations. We most certainly do not seek to impose ourselves on other nations. I know well that the word "nationalism" is suspect and even discredited in the West. That is because the West itself has prostituted and distorted nationalism. And yet true nationalism still burns bright in the West, if it had not, then the West would not have challenged with arms the aggressive chauvinism of Hitler. 131. Does not nationalism — call it, if you will, patriotism — does, not that sustain all nations?”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

40. “Belief in God; nationalism; internationalism; democracy; social justice. Very simple. Permit me now to expand a little on these five points. 129. First, belief in God. My nation includes those who follow many different religions; there are Mohammedans, there are Christians, there are Buddhists in Indonesia, and there are men of no religion. However eighty-five per cent of the ninety-two million people of the Indonesian nation are followers of Islam. Springing from, this fact, and in recognition of the unified diversity of our nation, we place belief in God at the forefront of our philosophy of life. Even those who follow no God recognize, in their innate tolerance, that belief in the Almighty is characteristic of their nation and so accept this first Shila. 130. Secondly, nationalism.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

41. “These five pillars do not spring directly from either the Communist Manifesto or the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, they are ideas and ideals which have, perhaps for centuries, been implicit amongst our people. It is, indeed, not surprising that concepts of great strength and virility should have arisen in our nation during the two thousand years of our civilization and during the centuries of strong nationhood before imperialism engulfed us in a moment of national weakness. 127. In speaking to you of Pancha Shila, I am expressing the essence of two thousand years of our civilization. 128. What, then, are those five pillars? They are quite simple; first, belief in God; secondly, nationalism; thirdly, internationalism; fourthly, democracy; and fifthly, social justice.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

42. “Although we have extracted from them and although we have sought to synthesize those two great documents, we are not guided only by them. We follow neither the liberal conception nor the communist conception. Why should we? Out of our own experience and out of our own history there has evolved something else, something much more applicable, something much more fitting for us. 125. The torrent of history shows clearly that all nations need some such conception and ideal. If they do not have it or if it becomes obscured and obsolete, then that nation is in danger. Our own Indonesian history shows that clearly, and so, indeed, does the history of the whole world. 126. We call this “something” Pancha Shila. "Pancha” is five; “shila" is principle. Yes, Pancha Shila, or the “five pillars” of our State.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

43. “I cannot speak for the rest of Asia and Africa. I am not empowered to do so; and in any case, they are well able to express their own views. However, I am empowered — indeed, instructed — to speak for my own nation of ninety-two million people. 122. As I say, we have read and studied both of those seminal documents. We have taken much from each and have rejected what is not applicable to us, living in another continent and generations later. We have synthesized what we need from those two documents, and, in the light of experience and in the light of our own knowledge, we have refined-and modified that synthesis. 123. Thus, with apologies to Lord Russell, whom I respect greatly, not all the world is divided into two camps, as he believes. 124.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

44. “Who could fail to be inspired by the words and the spirit of the Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness." Who, deeply engaged in the struggle for national life and liberty, could fail to be inspired? 119. And again, who amongst us, struggling to establish a just and prosperous society upon the devastation of colonialism, would fail to be inspired by the vision of co-operation and economic emancipation evoked by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels? 120. Now, there, is confrontation between those two outlooks; and this confrontation is dangerous, not only to those who confront each other but also to the rest of the world. 121.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

45. “It was the great British philosopher, Bertrand Russell, who once said that mankind is now divided into two groups. One group follows the teachings of Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence. The other group follows the teachings of the Communist Manifesto. 117. But pardon me, Lord Russell — pardon me — I think you have forgotten something. I think you have forgotten about more than 1,000 million people, the people of Asia and Africa, and possibly also Latin America too, who follow neither the Communist Manifesto nor the Declaration of Independence. Mind you, we admire both, and we have learned much from both, and we have been inspired by both. 118.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

46. “Today, though, the fields in which we have much to learn from you are those of technique and science, not those of ideas or of action dictated by ideology. 113. In Asia and Africa today, still living, still thinking, still acting, are those who have led their nations to independence, those who have evolved great liberating economic theories, those who have overthrown tyranny, those who have united their nations, and those who have defeated disruption of their nations, 114., Thus, and very properly, we of Asia and Africa are turning towards each other for guidance and inspiration, and we are looking inwardly towards the experience and the accumulated wisdom of cur own people. 115. Do you not think that Asia and Africa perhaps— perhaps — have a message and a method for the whole world? 116.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

47. “The clashing interests of the big Powers, though, are a different matter. There, the issues are obscured by waving hydrogen bombs and by the reiteration of old and worn-out slogans. We cannot ignore them, for they threaten us. And yet, only too often, they seem unreal. I tell you frankly, and without hesitation, that we put our own future far above the wrangling of Europe, 112. Yes, we have learned much from Europe and America. We have studied your history and, the lives of your great men. We have followed your example; we have even tried to surpass you. We speak your languages and we read your books. We have been inspired by Lincoln and by Lenin, by Cromwell, by Garibaldi; and, indeed, we have still much to learn from you in many fields.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

48. “Furthermore, in that same generation, we must undergo the rise of militant trade-unionism —the period of the International Workers of the World, the Wobblies. We must have our drive to the West. We must have our Industrial Revolution and even, yes, our carpetbaggers. We must suffer our Benedict Arnolds. We are, as I have said very often, compressing many revolutions into one revolution and many generations into one generation. 110. Do you then wonder that there is turbulence amongst us? To us, it is normal, and we have grown accustomed to riding the whirlwind. I understand well that to the man outside often the picture must seem one of chaos and disorder, of coup and counter-coup. Still, this turbulence is our own, and it presents no threat to anyone, although often it offers opportunities to interfere in our affairs. 111.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

49. “Only when this became unbearable were those relations liquidated. 108. Permit me now to turn to the larger issue of war and peace in this world of ours. Very definitely, the new and the re-born nations do not present a threat to world peace. We do not have territorial ambitions; we do not have irreconcilable economic aims. The threat to peace does not come from us, but rather from the older countries, from those long established and stable. 109. Oh, yes, there is turbulence in our countries. In fact, turbulence almost seems to be a function of the first decade of independence. But is this surprising? Look here, let me take an example from United States history. In one generation we must undergo, as it were, the War of Independence and the War between the States.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

50. “Then let a plebiscite be held under the United Nations in Algeria to determine the wishes of the people on just how close and harmonious those relations should be. The plebiscite should not — again, not — be concerned with the question of independence. That has been settled in blood and tears, and there certainly will be an independent Algeria. A plebiscite such as that I suggest would, if it is held soon, be the best guarantee that independent Algeria and France will have close and good co-operation for their mutual benefit. Again I speak from experience. Indonesia had no intention of disrupting close and harmonious relations with the Netherlands. However, it seems that even today, as generations ago, the Government of that nation insists upon giving too little and asking too much.”

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)