YouSaid · the spoken record

AIKEN

lines on the record: 293
first: 1957-09-24
most recent: 1967-09-24
sittings or episodes: 10
sources: un-general-debate

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“It is found rather in the deliberate refusal of some of the major Powers to pay their share of the costs of specific activities which the United Nations has undertaken even though in all cases these activities were embarked upon on the strength of decisions to which the permanent members of the Security Council positively or tacitly agreed in the Council, or which were taken by the appropriate majority of the General Assembly. 10. In signing the Charter, the smaller nations accepted, of course, the special position of the five permanent members of the Security Council. Legally, therefore, we have no grievance if any of them vetoes a decision approved by the requisite majority of the Council.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“In comparison with these contributions, our assessed share of the expenses of the Organization is relatively small, amounting to no more than four cents per head of our population. The share of some other countries amounts to even less. Even in the case of Members with the highest capacity to pay, it does not exceed twenty-eight cents per head. 9. As we all know, however, the real cause of the difficulties which have arisen in the finances of the Organization is not the failure of smaller Members to meet their obligations, although indeed their defaults have contributed to the loss of confidence in the Organization which our financial difficulties have created.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“But I doubt whether it can survive the mounting contempt which will be heaped upon it by its enemies and the increasing doubts of its friends if even we, to whom the Organization means so much, are not prepared to make the sacrifice involved in paying the contributions which amount to no more than a few cents per head of our population. Like other smaller countries, Ireland's assessed share of the expenses of the United Nations is small compared to the other contributions we make to the Organization — the sacrifices and hardships suffered by our soldiers serving with the United Nations forces, our purchase of United Nations bonds, our contributions to the Freedom from Hunger Campaign, the World Food Programme, the International Refugee Organization and other voluntary funds.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“But how can the United Nations hope to make this impression, if Members fail to pay the contributions necessary to implement the decisions which we reach here after prolonged inquiries and lengthy discussions? 8. We smaller nations have, of course, a particular interest in this regard. As Hammarskjold said, the United Nations is, above all, our Organization. It is to our advantage in particular that the Organization should live and, step by step, fulfil the aspirations of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“In our various countries, people are watching the United Nations, most of them I believe with hope and confidence, but some, I am afraid, with growing doubt and apprehension. This is a consideration we cannot afford to ignore. It is essential to avoid giving our peoples the impression that the financial burdens of the Organizations are being unequally borne. To be successful in promoting the aims of the Charter, not only must we take the right decisions to deal with the difficulties and dangers which confront us, but we must also convince all men of goodwill, and men of ill will too, that we are united in support of this Organization and are determined that it should succeed.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“If we were to accept this position, the United Nations, of which mankind has such dire need, would become no more, while it lasted, than a debating society — what our late Secretary-General Hammarskjold called a "static conference machinery". My belief is that it would not last for long and that this bulwark of peace, this best hope for the liberty of small nations, free and yet to be freed, this shield of the rights of man, this reservoir of assistance for under-privileged peoples, would disappear as the League of Nations disappeared, with no less disastrous consequences for humanity. 7. In weighing the effects of the non-payment of contributions, moreover, we should not disregard its impact on public opinion outside these walls.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“Decisions are bound to be taken from time to time to which at least some of us will be strongly and even bitterly opposed. It is natural that we should tend to praise and applaud the Organization as long as it is acting- in accordance with our own views and to criticize and attack it when it ceases to do so. But if we were ever to accept the position that Members of the Organization were free to pick and choose between the activities of the Organization they were prepared to pay for, supporting those of which they approved and disclaiming financial liability, on one pretext or another, for those they opposed, the utility of the United Nations as an instrument of collective international action on behalf of the world community as a whole would be at an end.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“I do not wish to pause here to discuss the recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice [A/5161], which we accept unreservedly. Neither do I wish to discuss the morality and justice of the sort of attitude I describe, although it is manifestly unfair that those Members which continue to honour their obligations to the Organization should have to shoulder additional burdens in consequence of the default of those which do not. What disturbs me more is the thought of the influence which this kind of attitude would be bound to have on the future effectiveness of the Organization if it were to persist and become more widespread. 6. In an Organization such as this, there will always, of course, be differences of policy and opinion.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“Although the small States as well as the large have the duty to contribute their due share of the expenses of the Organization, I am not concerned at the moment with the case of such Members of the Organization, whose failure to pay may temporarily be due to conditions beyond their own control. As we all know, the Charter recognizes that such eases may exist and makes due provision for them. What is more serious, in my view, is the situation created when Members which have no such excuse refuse to contribute their fair share to the cost of specific activities undertaken by the Organization, on the ground that the activities in question should not have been undertaken at all, or that they disagree with the manner in which such activities are being conducted. 5.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“I refer to the threatening crisis in the finances of the United Nations — the danger of the disruption of the United Nations through the failure of many Member States to play their due part in meeting the cost of implementing the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Unexciting and even prosaic as this subject may appear, it is one of vital consequence because, far reaching and noble as are the potentialities of the United Nations, it must collapse in chaos if its exchequer is empty. As an army is said to march on its stomach, the onward march of an organization such as ours depends on its purse. 4.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“However, on one occasion or another in the past, the Irish delegation has stated its attitude with regard to many of these issues: Berlin, Tibet, the Middle East, the Congo, Angola, Southern Rhodesia, the danger of the spread of nuclear weapons, and the danger of a "troika" veto on the execution of our decisions. I propose, therefore, to confine my remarks in this debate to a new and pressing danger of a fundamental character to which our Acting Secretary-General and many representatives here have already wisely brought attention. Only yesterday [1140th meeting] the Foreign Minister of Cameroon described this as "beyond peradventure the most grave" of all the problems confronting this Organization.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“I have no doubt that the actions of these four new Members here at the United Nations will tend to strengthen even further the confidence felt by delegations such as my own that the universal recognition of the right of national independence is an essential step towards the achievement of peace and justice in world affairs, I warmly congratulate the new Members on the attainment of their freedom and independence, and I take the opportunity at the same time to pay a tribute to the former Administering Power s —Belgium and the United Kingdom — for their willing co-operation in bringing about that result. 3. There are major problems facing the United Nations which in other circumstances I should like to discuss at some length.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“I should like to take this opportunity also to extend a cordial welcome on behalf of the Irish delegation to the four newly Independent countries which have become Members of the United Nations since the start of this session: Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Their presence here is a sign of the steady widening of the frontiers of human freedom throughout the world — of the growing realization that it is not only morally right but politically wise that peoples subject to alien rule should be able to determine freely their own national destinies.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“1. May I at the outset express to Mr. Muhammad Zafrulla Khan the warm congratulations of the Irish delegation on his election as President of this seventeenth session of the General Assembly. In the course of his long and distinguished career, he has rendered great services not only to his country but to the world community as a whole, both here at the United Nations and as a Judge of the International Court of Justice at The Hague. We consider that the Assembly is fortunate in having a President of his great wisdom and experience to guide its deliberations at the present session. I take this opportunity to assure him that he can always count with confidence on the loyal support and co-operation of the Irish delegation in his discharge of the duties of his office. 2.”
1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)
“Let us maintain it intact and learn to use it with increasing skill and sureness.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As regards the present holder of this office of Secretary-General, I can only say that we are fortunate indeed to have as Secretary-General a man who, by his wisdom, impartiality, devotion to duty and loyalty to the principles of the United Nations has earned the confidence of the overwhelming majority of the Members of this Organization — and has deserved the confidence of all. The support of the Assembly for the office and the man has been confirmed by the spokesmen of many independent countries here — and notably in the remarkable address which we have just heard from the Foreign Minister of Iraq. During Mr. Hammarskjold's period of office the United Nations has shown itself an unprecedented instrument of action by the world community in defence of the peace. That instrument is the most precious thing we possess in common.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We stand for moderation and prudence in the conduct of international relations in the light of the overwhelming dangers which beset all humanity irrespective of our differences. We stand for this Organization as our best hope of surviving and successfully adjusting ourselves to the strains both of the cold war and of the widening of freedom. We stand firmly in support of the office of Secretary-General as an office which, under the Charter, provides the means of effective implementation of the Organization's decisions, 94. No triumvirate or committee could replace the Secretary-General for this purpose. A decision to abolish the office of Secretary-General would therefore be tantamount to the disruption of this Organization. And as the Prime Minister of New Zealand pointed out [886th meeting], it would be a breach of the Charter.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is our earnest hope that if agreement on some such lines is achieved by African States it will be respected and supported by all other Powers. 93. The crisis in the Congo is one where a people, having suddenly achieved independence, is confronted with the problem of preserving that independence and making it effective. Many of the political problems before us, however, arise where people are still denied their liberty or where their human rights and dignity are not respected. I have mentioned several of these problems earlier in my remarks. On all these problems our views will be governed by definite principles from which we will not diverge for the benefit of any group of Powers. We stand for the self-determination of peoples, against all violations of human rights and human freedom.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Such an agreement might also, we would hope, provide that, as President Nkrumah in his speech before the Assembly [869th meeting] so wisely suggested, nuclear weapons — and for myself I would add other means of mass destruction — should not be introduced to the area; that military forces should be limited to what is required for the maintenance of internal order; that no outside force, except United Nations forces at the request of the countries concerned, should be admitted to the area and that the United Nations, with the concurrence of the major Powers, should be requested to supervise and guarantee the maintenance of the agreement. Such an approach seems to be in harmony with the present-day aspirations of the African peoples.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Outsiders, however, can and should help Africans to help themselves, as proposed to the Assembly [868th meeting] by President Eisenhower in his inspiring and constructive address the other day. Outsiders should help Africans to develop all their rich resources to produce what makes for the good life — should help them to avoid repeating in Africa the bitter conflicts which have characterized the history of Europe and other parts of the world. 92. My suggestion is that central Africa, through negotiations between Africans, should become an area of law in the sense in which I used that phrase before: that agreement should be arrived at between the nations concerned not to change existing boundaries, or settle disputes, by force.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“What is in our power to do, however, is to prevent the repetition in central Africa of the unfortunate history of the Balkans and, indeed, the history of Europe — the history of near perpetual warfare in which resources of men and material were wasted in mutual destruction. 91. The countries of Africa for generations to come will need all their resources to build up the standard of living of their peoples. Outsiders cannot develop these great resources. That is and must remain the sole responsibility of Africans. The carefully thought out plan outlined here [886th meeting] by the distinguished representative of Morocco, Prince Moulay Hassan, will, I am sure, be attentively studied by all the African States. As Prince Moulay Hassan rightly indicated, the problem is primarily for the African States themselves.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is true, of course, that the United Nations Force in the Congo, essential as it is at present, is a purely temporary expedient. Eventually the Congolese will have to work out their own destiny. What that destiny will be cannot be considered in isolation. It is part of the destiny of the latest great region of the world to achieve freedom — central Africa. Central Africa from the Sahara to the Congo, is in dire need of concentrating all its energy and talent on the development of its resources for the benefit of its people. It has been said here that we must not allow it to be Balkanized. But if by Balkanization we mean divided into a large number of sovereign States, let us face the fact that, owing to a history which it now is vain to regret, it has been Balkanized.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We are proud that Irish soldiers are serving side by side with soldiers from Ghana and from Guinea, from Sweden, Ethiopia, Tunisia, Morocco and other lands, in this great international operation designed to help a people, the Congolese, whose wrongs and sufferings — -the dark background to the present crisis — were first made known to the world by a great Irishman, Roger Casement. 89. We very much regret that a proposal was made in this debate to place restriction on the Secretary-General's discretion in the choice of troops to serve in the Congo. In the absence of a directly recruited standing United Nations force, the utmost flexibility of choice should be maintained. I submit that the sole tests for troops for United Nations operations should be loyalty to the Charter and suitability for the job on hand. 90.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“On the contrary, one of the most vital tasks of this Organization is to try to ensure swift and orderly transition towards a new world of free nations. We must help this transition to take place without endangering peace. That this task will be fraught with great difficulty the still menacing crisis in the Congo (Leopoldville) is there to remind us. That crisis is one which touches us all — which has indeed touched my own country, very remote from the area and its problems. It has touched us in Ireland — and the fact is significant — because we are Members of this Organization. We were proud to contribute, at the request of the Secretary-General, an Irish contingent to the United Nations Force in the Congo.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The important thing is that they should remain capable of controlling their destinies and not forfeit the reality of their independence. That it is possible to do this has been shown by the leaders of several nations which, at one time or another, seemed hopelessly involved in the cold war but have since demonstrated their capacity for preserving their independence. Friends of such nations would help them best, I believe, by an effort at patience and understanding and by preserving carefully the distinction between genuine national revolutionary movements and the disciplined centralized international system which seeks to take advantage of such national revolutions. 88. I am far from claiming that the struggle against imperialism, even against the older kind of imperialism, is over.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But if it seriously asserts a claim to confiscation of foreign investments without compensation, then it will receive no commercial foreign investments at all, and one of three things will happen. Either its resources will be left under-developed, or they will be developed at the cost of heavy and sustained hardship and sacrifice on the part of the people concerned, as happened in the Soviet Union, or they will be developed by foreign State investment prompted by political motives and involving serious dangers for the independence of the emerging county. 87. It is very easy for newly emerging nations, or nations which have passed through a national revolution, to be drawn into the cold war. Indeed, they may be drawn into the cold war whether they like it or not.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Such claims, of course, appeal to deep emotions of resentment at the harsh conditions which too often accompanied the investment of foreign capital in the less developed countries. But it is vital that the emerging countries today should not be blinded by such resentments — which cold war propaganda inevitably exploits — to their real present-day interests. One of these basic interests is the need to attract foreign investments — as indeed the United States did in the nineteenth century — without political strings. A sovereign State has, of course, the right and the duty to see to it that such investment takes place under proper conditions — that its workers are not exploited or its resources pillaged.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The theory that the United Nations acts as a cover for imperialism is not a spontaneous product of the national liberation movements. It is a product of the cold war working on those national liberation movements. My first reaction always when I hear a great Power encouraging small nations to violence is to question its motives. The supreme interest of small Powers is to reduce violence and to extend the principle of peaceful settlement. The cold war does indeed in many ways exacerbate national claims — in origin perfectly legitimate claims — to the point that they may risk endangering, by their excess, the actual national interests of the countries concerned. 86. For example, one distinguished speaker in our general debate asserted the right to confiscate foreign investments without compensation.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Against the background of our own fight for recognition, we view with admiration — and almost with incredulity — this Organization, where every struggling people has its vigorous champions in the Assembly, where petitioners are heard in the Fourth Committee, and where the representatives of many subject nations work for their cause in our corridors under the sponsorship of friendly delegations. Who in this situation, and having in mind past resolutions of the General Assembly and decisions of the Security Council, can seriously maintain that, if we remain loyal to it, this Organization is, or can be made, a tool of imperialism? For my part I find it much easier to understand the view of those who see, and fear, in this Organization an agent for the liquidation of imperialism in all parts of the world. 85.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“If smaller Powers are to be effective in building a better world order, they must, at whatever short-term inconvenience to themselves, support the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, no matter where or by whom they may be violated, 84. Some fervent anti-colonialists are inclined, I think, to take the United Nations and their own say in it rather too much for granted and to ignore what an achievement it is from their point of view — how important and at the same time how fragile.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I should like, on behalf of Ireland, to warn other anti-colonialist countries present here against the propaganda which attempts to represent the United Nations as providing in some way a mask for imperialist intervention. The United Nations is on the contrary a body in which the small nations have an influence such as they have never before possessed in their history: an influence quite out of proportion to their material power and resources; an influence, moreover, which will disappear if this Organization should fail. As a representative of one small nation addressing the representatives of others I would say, adapting the words of the Secretary-General, that this is in a very special sense our Organization. It is both our duty and our interest to rally to its defence when it is attacked.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This attitude is a far cry from the days in which tens of thousands of Irish people were sold as slaves in Barbados along with the peoples of Africa, or when they were forcibly exiled to Australia, or left to die by the millions. We have laid aside bitterness regarding those old dark days. But we necessarily retain a historical memory of them, a memory which gives us a sense of brotherhood with the newly emerging peoples of today, a memory which makes it impossible for any representative of Ireland to withhold support for racial, religious, national or economic rights in any part of the world, in South Africa or Tibet, in Algeria or Korea, in Suez or Hungary. We stand unequivocally for the swift and orderly ending of colonial rule and other forms of foreign domination. 83.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Although we have evolved peacefully into complete independence for the greater, part of our country, we have not yet managed to restore the unity of Ireland. We have every hope, however, that national unity will be restored, in the best interests of all concerned, through the steady growth of good will and understanding. 82. In our struggle for freedom in this century we were not, I am happy to say, without active friends abroad — here in the United States and in other parts of the world, and not least in the United Kingdom itself. We owed much to the growing enlightenment of the British political conscience, which in recent years has culminated in the granting of independence to many former colonies and in the extension to them of generous economic and other help.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We had few weapons. We armed ourselves largely with the weapons we captured. We fought elections as well as guerrilla battles until we established our government, with the active support of three-fourths of our people. And that revolutionary government was, of course, refused official recognition. Although one of the Fourteen Points proclaimed the right of small nations to self-determination, our delegates were turned from the door of the Paris Peace Conference in 1921. We had no international forum to appeal to, no United Nations to support our struggle for freedom. In the end, our Parliament accepted a settlement, for four-fifths of our country, which was regarded by all as provisional.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“More than eighty years ago the then leader of the Irish nation, Charles Stewart Parnell, proclaimed the principle that "the cause of nationality is sacred, in Asia and Africa as in Ireland". That is still a basic principle of our political thinking in Ireland today, as it was with those of my generation who felt impelled to assert in arms the right of our country to self-determination and Independence. 80. I hope I may be forgiven if at this point I introduce a personal note, and also say something of my own country’s past. I do so not at all in order to revive past bitterness, but so that our attitude to the present crisis and our total and unequivocal support of this Organization against disruption may be, understood against their historical background. 81. In 1913 I became a volunteer in our national revolutionary army.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Our deliberations here this year are dominated — spectacularly dominated sometimes — by the interplay of the cold war and by the other great current of which I have spoken: the widening of freedom, often called the liquidation of colonialism. I speak in this debate for the only Western European country which has had experience, not just of temporary occupation, but of a long historic epoch of foreign rule and of resistance to that rule. We know what imperialism is and what resistance to it involves. We do not hear with indifference the voices of those spokesmen of African and Asian countries who passionately champion the right to independence of the millions who are still, unfortunately, under foreign rule. On the contrary, those voices strike an answering chord in every Irish heart.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Fortunately there are convincing signs that the great majority of the smaller nations possess not only independence of judgement but also a sense of responsibility and an appreciation of the vital importance to them of this Organization. These qualities were, I think, magnificently reflected in the fourth emergency special session of the Assembly and, in particular, in the resolution [1474 (ES-IV)] adopted at that session on the proposal of the African and Asian countries, and carried without a dissentient vote, the resolution supporting the continuation of the United Nations action in the Congo (Leopoldville). 79.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We have to resist the temptation to seek selfish and short-term advantage in great Power competition, and also the temptation to requite past injustices by exploiting the opportunities offered by the cold war. 78. We have, in short, to discipline ourselves as loyal and practical supporters of this Organization. For if, through the collapse of the United Nations, the world were to return completely to the law of the jungle, many of the independent nations represented here might not survive. The United Nations is the best guarantee of our freedom and independence; for many it also offers the best hope of disinterested help in the economic and technical development of which they stand in such urgent need.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But it may also, if by bad judgement we should abuse our influence over the balance of power, lead to the destruction of us all. 77. Small nations are not always wiser or better than large ones — however much we may sometimes be tempted to think so — but in the past when large States committed crimes or follies the consequences were normally more vast and startling than those flowing from similar acts of smaller States. We, the recently emerged nations who form nearly half of this Assembly, carry now, however, such a tremendous collective responsibility that if we should err seriously, the consequences might well be as disastrous as those of any error committed by a great Power. Either subservience or recklessness on our part in the present crisis could destroy this Organization and with it our independence.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“On the contrary, in recent times the weaker countries have come to bear a greater degree of responsibility for peace or war than ever before. That is, of course, an aspect of the cold war. The great Powers — direct conflict between them being almost unthinkable because of the mutual nuclear deterrent — have become more sensitive than ever before to the attitudes of smaller countries. All the reactions of every such country, particularly their votes and statements in this Assembly, are scanned as sensitive indices of the state of world opinion, of what one might call the "score" in the global contest. It may in some ways be gratifying for small countries to find themselves in that position. It may, if we all use our new-found influence wisely, bring us considerable benefit.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I do not think it is unduly presumptuous on our part to express such an appeal, for we smaller countries — the independent countries, the uncommitted countries, call us what you will — it is we who really form the stake in this great struggle. It is surely not amiss on our part, therefore, to state our views on the standard of conduct which is likely to win our confidence and support. The best way for the great Powers to win our confidence and support is by proving themselves loyal Members of the United Nations, and it is our right and interest to make that clear to them. 76. I do not wish to claim, however, that the sole responsibility for preserving the peace, and the sole guilt if it is not preserved, rest on the shoulders of the great Powers.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Members of the Assembly who heard these suggestions may remember that they were put forward not as a final solution for the problem of world peace, but as a step towards the gradual attainment of a universal rule of law interpreted and enforced by organs of the United Nations. The same consideration would apply, of course, to any extension of the same principle. I believe that another great region which could benefit enormously from constituting itself, and being accepted as, an area of law is central Africa. This is a theme to which, with the Assembly’s permission, I shall return later. 75. So far I have spoken mainly in terms of what, it seems to me, the rank and file delegations in the Assembly are entitled to look for from the great Powers who are the chief participants in the cold war.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“By an area of law I mean a specific region or zone in which the neighbouring States would agree to limit their arms below "blitzkrieg" level, to exclude foreign troops from their territories and to accept supervision by the United Nations of the fulfilment of these conditions. In this way there could be gradually built up, throughout the world, an expanding network of areas in which our Charter pledges would be supported by tangible and effective guarantees — areas in which neighbouring peoples would be definitely committed to seek change and settle disputes by peaceful means alone. 74. At previous sessions of the Assembly my delegation suggested the establishment of such areas of law in the Middle East and in Central Europe.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Our second step towards this end is, I suggest, to contain the nuclear weapon and stop its spread to further countries. Every addition to the list of countries possessing nuclear weapons increases the danger of their use for defence, for aggression, for revenge or for revolution. My delegation will introduce a draft resolution at this session suggesting methods for restricting the spread of these weapons of indiscriminate destruction. 73. If we have the good fortune to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and to prevent the development of further flash points, we may have time; before the present balance of terror can be upset by the scientists, to adopt the third safety measure, to turn the critical areas of tension in the world into peaceful areas of law.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We would appeal to them to take certain steps as safety measures in our common interest, and to the smaller countries to co-operate with them in these precautions. 71. The first step is, I suggest, to control the incidence of flash points, to stop the development of situations in which the nuclear powers might become too deeply involved and from which they could not retreat without loss of prestige. The Congo (Leopoldville) is an example of such a situation which has so far been kept under control — thanks, let me say, to the good sense displayed by the Security Council and the co-operating Powers, to the hard work and skill of the Secretary-General and his staff, and to the loyalty and exemplary conduct of the United Nations soldiers engaged in this historic action. 72.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The intense competition between the Powers in a particular area is always in danger, through miscalculation on the part of one great Power or another, or on the part of local factions championed by them, of slipping into armed conflict leading to a variant of the Spanish tragedy, or even beyond that into the universal and final tragedy of nuclear war. 70. If that is to, be avoided, we submit, two sets of conditions must be fulfilled. Since it is quite unrealistic to suppose that the cold war will vanish from the scene in the near future, we should like to appeal to the protagonists in that high competition to conduct it with a degree of caution and restraint proportionate to the dangers involved.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Furthermore, even in territories now under alien control, the cold war with the unrelenting criticism which it brings to bear can sometimes have a restraining influence on the controlling Power. 69. At the same time, the competition of the cold war does carry with it the most appalling burdens and dangers. It is a truism that the tremendous sums now being spent on armaments could, if they were devoted instead to a global war on poverty, transform the conditions of human life. But the actual cost of the arms race, staggering as it is, is small in comparison with its potential cost.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is, in fact, a result of the nuclear stalemate, the situation in which great Power groups find themselves estopped, through fear of self-destruction, from using their wealth of destructive power in the pursuit of policy. It is beneficial to the extent to which it tends to inculcate respect for the rights of small nations and for the aspirations of emerging peoples. 68. The competition between the great Powers for the favour of world opinion has been one of the great forces which have brought about the freedom of the many new Member States which we have welcomed here. It will, I believe, help in the future to bring still other nations — and I do not refer here exclusively to those which are usually labelled as colonial — towards independence.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I believe that nothing is more important for our deliberations here than that we should rise above polemics and reach a correct understanding of the political interaction of the cold war and the widening of freedom. 67 . As delegations are aware, an important aspect of the cold war is the intense competition — carried on by diplomacy, by propaganda and sometimes by economic and military aid — between two sets of great Powers with radically different political systems, for the support of independent nations and peoples, especially in Asia and Africa. The competition in itself is natural and healthy, at least to the extent that it is a substitute for real war.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The nation State itself represents a significant victory over these forces. The tendencies to anarchy and violence, already held in check within the territories of most nation States still have a stronghold, however, in the international field. 66. The supreme task of the United Nations is to control those forces in that field by a gradual process similar to that by which the nation States successfully brought them under control within national territories. To do so it must learn to handle — it has indeed made considerable progress in learning to handle — the two great forces in the world situation of which I have spoken, the cold war and the widening of freedom.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)