YouSaid · the spoken record

David Andrews

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1998-09-24
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1999-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. That is why the task of implementing the Agreement should be completed now, and not left to another generation. 29 In conclusion, as we go forward we know that we retain the support and solidarity of the international community. In this regard I would like to pay particular tribute to the role of the United States and, of course, of President Bill Clinton, who has stood steadfastly beside us throughout the historic process in which we have been engaged. As always, we are deeply grateful for the encouragement of all of our friends, which is and will continue to be hugely important to us. As we benefit from the support of the international community, I wish in turn to pledge Ireland's continuing commitment to the fulfilment of the aims and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  2. The Agreement offers a bold and generous vision of tolerance and partnership between those who together share the island of Ireland. Moreover, it offers a framework within which profound differences can be accommodated without coercion and on the basis of consent. Those of us from within the Irish nationalist tradition value the unionist tradition. We have come to understand, to cherish and to respect its authenticity and, of course, its validity. It is a vital and irreplaceable strand of that diversity of cultures and identities which makes up Ireland as it really is. All over the world, we can see the tragic consequences of policies of domination and exclusion. The future of Ireland can be, should be and, I believe, will be radically different.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  3. It is not surprising that the stalemate of the past months has led to some doubt and, indeed, disillusionment. But I am convinced that there remains a huge reservoir of support for the Agreement within both the unionist and nationalist communities, provided each can be confident that all aspects will be implemented in full. People are open to persuasion if a reasonable accommodation is on offer. There is therefore an onus on all political representatives to be generous and creative and to be prepared to offer leadership to their own constituencies while reaching out to others — not recklessly, but courageously and honourably. I am convinced that there will be no return to our often bitter past. But it will be possible to realize the full potential of the future only when the Good Friday Agreement is implemented as a totality.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  4. For that reason, we have invited Senator George Mitchell of the United States, who chaired with such skill and judgement the talks which led to the Good Friday Agreement itself, to act as a facilitator of a review. That review is now under way. There is no good reason why it should fail. I cannot believe that is in the interests of anyone that it should fail. The institutional blueprint sketched out in the Agreement and endorsed by the people offers the only rational basis for a lasting peace and for reconciliation through practical partnership and common action. No other conceivable course of action represents a remotely satisfactory alternative. Whatever the short-term difficulties, the Irish Government, in continued cooperation with the British Government, will not cease to work for its implementation.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  5. While there is disagreement among some political parties on the precise relationship between the formation of an inclusive executive within Northern Ireland and the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, there is no difference of view on the desirability of both objectives. However, there is a persistent mutual distrust and lack of confidence, with doubts about future intentions continuing to linger. Under the dedicated and committed leadership of the Taoiseach — my Prime Minister, Mr. Bertie Ahern — and the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, the Irish and British Governments and all the parties have devoted enormous energy to the task of seeking to find a generally acceptable way forward. But so far, despite some progress, we have not succeeded in bridging that particular gap.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  6. The independent commission established under the Agreement to make recommendations on a new beginning to policing in Northern Ireland has recently produced an excellent and thorough report on this very sensitive and important issue. The Irish Government looks forward to playing our part in its implementation. Moreover, the Governments and the parties in the north have completed all of the preparatory technical work necessary to establish the new political institutions envisaged by the Agreement. You can understand, therefore, the disappointment we feel that it has not yet proved possible actually to establish those political institutions.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  7. Relationships between the two parts of Ireland, and between Britain and Ireland, are closer and more relaxed than they have ever been. And the longer it continues, it is peace which becomes the norm. The people were always entitled to peace. My belief is that now they are coming to expect it. I am confident that no attempt to return to the full-scale violence of the past would win any meaningful support or could be sustained for long. We have turned the corner and there can be no going back. During the past year, much good work has been done to carry the Agreement forward. For instance, its human rights and equality provisions are being given concrete effect, as are measures to promote cultural equality and reconciliation and to assist the victims of violence.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  8. All of us gathered here know, often from direct experience, that, though it can be hard to reach an agreement, it is often harder still to implement it. I doubt very much if anyone in Ireland expected the path ahead to be smooth and straight. While very substantial progress has been made, there continue to be frustrations and, of course, difficulties, and I would not seek to minimize the 28 problems we face. But there is still much that is valuable and encouraging. It is true that the peace we have remains imperfect, and there can be no tolerable or acceptable level of violence. In places, tensions between the two communities are worryingly high. But, overall, Northern Ireland is more peaceful than it has been at any time for a generation.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  9. The Agreement was reached by the British and Irish Governments and by eight political parties in Northern Ireland following almost two years of intensive negotiations. It was subsequently endorsed by the people of the island with decisive majorities in referendums held in both the north and south, an average between the two parts of the island in the nature of 72 per cent for a permanent peace on the island of Ireland and in favour of the Good Friday Agreement. As I say, it was subsequently endorsed by the people of the island with a decisive majority in a combined context, which I have just spoken about, namely, referendums in the north and south. The Agreement covers not just constitutional issues and political institutions, but a wide range of other matters essential to conflict resolution and the promotion of a fair and just society.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  10. I will conclude by giving a short resume of the situation in Northern Ireland. A number of speakers have referred to the peace process in Northern Ireland during the course of their contributions to this session of the General Assembly, and I very deeply appreciate their remarks in that regard. Their support and, indeed, all the support of all the nations in the United Nations is very deeply appreciated. I will now turn to the evolving situation in that part of my benighted land, Northern Ireland. When I spoke here last year, I was honoured to be the first Minister to be able to report that a comprehensive and broadly based political accommodation had been reached, that is, the Good Friday Agreement of April 1998.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  11. We currently contribute to eight peacekeeping operations, with over 700 personnel in the field. Our largest commitment is to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon. Our service has not, of course, been without cost. To date 78 Irish peacekeepers have paid the highest price in the service of the United Nations. The changing and more complex nature of peacekeeping involves additional tasks, such as humanitarian assistance, the protection of human rights and civilian police work. Through our participation in the multinational forces operating under United Nations authorization in Kosovo, and soon in East Timor, Ireland is already playing its part in these new arrangements. Our commitment to United Nations peacekeeping remains, as ever, strong, steadfast and loyal.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  12. In this I salute the leadership of Canada, working with determined Governments, including my own, and in cooperation with the non-governmental community. It is the clearest demonstration of what can be achieved when the political will exists. The spread of small arms and the consequences for civilian populations in armed conflict must be confronted now. This traffic in arms is an obscenity and, in many cases, totally and absolutely irresponsible; its brokers know no morality. We must redouble our efforts to address both the supply and demand sides of a threat to the security of civilians that has reached epidemic proportions. We in Ireland are proud of our contribution to world peace through peacekeeping. Just under a year ago Ireland became a full participant in the United Nations standby arrangements system.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  13. With the adoption of a resolution on the new agenda in the General Assembly, the international community has demanded a clear perspective for the closure of the nuclear- weapons era. The approach of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 2000 Review Conference underlines the imperatives of a fundamental change in approach. We require a new commitment on the part of the nuclear-weapon States. This would make the elimination of these weapons an immediate objective rather than an ultimate goal. Earlier this year I had the honour of participating in the first meeting of the States Parties to the Ottawa Convention, held in Maputo. The conclusion of the global ban on landmines is, of course, one of the striking achievements of our time.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  14. We will seek to promote further cooperation between the Council of Europe and the United Nations in areas of common interest. 27 The shadow of nuclear weapons hangs over us all as we enter the new millennium. We can no longer remain complacent at the absence of progress towards the early elimination of nuclear arsenals. The limited steps that have been taken to date — which we welcome — do not amount to a determined process of elimination. Intent on securing a new consensus on the way forward, I and my colleagues from Brazil, Egypt, Mexico, New Zealand, Slovenia, South Africa and Sweden last year launched an initiative called “Towards a nuclear-weapon- free world: the need for a new agenda”.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  15. The Secretary-General has rightly placed great stress on the necessity to enhance efforts aimed at conflict prevention. His recommendations offer us an opportunity to redeem the pledges we made last year on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is imperative that the Statute of the International Criminal Court enter into force as soon as possible. A global enforcement mechanism which addresses impunity could also serve as a deterrent to genocide and crimes against humanity, some of which I have just articulated. Ireland will shortly assume the chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, an important political forum for enhancing democratic values and stability throughout the continent of Europe.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  16. Ireland is fully committed to the fight against drugs and to supporting the efforts of those countries which are already very much affected by this heinous traffic. Full respect for human rights is of fundamental importance to the achievement of all our other goals. As this millennium draws to a close, a series of the most barbaric violations of human rights imaginable in Bosnia, Rwanda, Kosovo and now in East Timor are testaments to our inhumanity to one another. The Secretary-General has produced a compelling report (S/1999/957) to the Security Council on the protection of civilians in armed conflict. We must address, with the utmost speed and seriousness, the Secretary-General's recommendations which are aimed at creating, in his words, a “climate of compliance” with international human rights and humanitarian standards, as set out.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  17. Ireland recognizes their unique situation and supports further work on an index which would reflect their vulnerability. The special session should give a renewed impetus to the Barbados Programme of Action — a Programme that I salute. The small island States, particularly the poorest, must not be further marginalized. For our part, we have placed a new emphasis on small island developing States in our multilateral aid programme. We are also working with our partners in the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries towards a successful conclusion — a just and equitable conclusion — of the post-Lomé negotiations. The scourge of drug trafficking is a global problem which affects us all.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  18. The goal of poverty reduction, the primary focus of this strategy, cannot be met without concerted international action to stem the haemorrhage of resources caused by this burden. Ireland regrets the decline in flows of official development assistance to what can only be described as historic lows. This situation must be reversed. Developing countries, especially the poorest among them, need international solidarity now more than ever. The forthcoming special session on small island developing States is an important opportunity to focus international attention on countries with which Ireland has a natural affinity. Remote from major markets and ecologically fragile, they face the twin challenges of globalization and climate change.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  19. We need to extend it to more countries, with a greater degree of flexibility, and maybe a little bit of imagination. Ireland wishes to see the strongest possible link between debt relief and poverty alleviation. It is the poorest and most marginalized who have borne much of the burden. I saw this in recent visits to a number of these countries in Africa. We recognize the strength of international concern about the debt of poor countries, including the urgent demands for debt forgiveness. The Irish Government decided last year to direct resources to both bilateral and multilateral debt relief, and also to make it integral to Ireland's overall development cooperation strategy.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  20. Servicing this debt deprives many of these nations of scarce resources, resources which are required to meet the most basic human needs, and some of the debt repayments based on the moneys given to some of these countries are nothing short of disgraceful. The launch of the joint World Bank/International Monetary Fund Heavily Indebted Poor Country Initiative two years ago gave hope that substantive action would at last be taken to relieve the debt crisis, particularly the large and growing burden of multilateral debt. Some progress has been made, but, unfortunately again, in the nature of those institutions — and I do not say it by way of great criticism — there is a slowness in their movement. That is why the Initiative has benefited so few of the countries to which it is directed.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  21. We received a timely reminder of these efforts a few days ago from President Chiluba of Zambia in his excellent address to the Security Council. But these efforts deserve and require the support and commitment of the international community. The Secretary-General's report on conflict prevention in Africa has set out clear goals and proposals on the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa, and we must all ensure that real progress is achieved on these issues. Countries emerging from conflict situations, in particular, face the need to rebuild lives and livelihoods. 26 Many of these are among the poorest Member States. In that context, I wish to highlight the extent of the debt burden on developing countries, particularly on the heavily indebted poor countries — the so-called HIPC countries.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  22. The dilemma which I earlier described is also illustrated clearly by the response to crises in many parts of Africa, as has been outlined by so many other speakers, and by the previous speaker in particular, my colleague Foreign Minister Godana of Kenya. This response has in the past been totally inadequate, leading in turn to further conflict, human suffering and neglect on an even greater scale. I welcome the steps recently taken towards national reconciliation in a number of the African countries, including, as was mentioned by the previous speaker, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The patient diplomacy and determination of individual African leaders has laid the groundwork for the resolution of a number of recent conflicts.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  23. We fully support the deployment of the international force for East Timor under the leadership of Australia. Ireland is among the contributors to this force. We are facing a humanitarian disaster in both East and West Timor. All East Timorese refugees, wherever they are, must be allowed to return to their homes. The response that is now being made will go some way to restoring the credibility and authority of this Organization at a time when the restoration of that credibility and authority is so urgently required. In Ireland we will be continuing to support, in every way we can, the work of the United Nations and, of course, the international humanitarian agencies in East Timor.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  24. Had those seeking to frustrate and overturn the process initiated by President Habibie last January succeeded, they would have denied the democratic rights of the people of East Timor, posing a very serious challenge to the credibility and authority of the United Nations. I welcome the decisive action taken by the Security Council which led to the adoption of its resolution 1264 (1999), although I regret that this action could not have been taken more speedily. I pay sincere tribute to all involved, and in particular to the members of the Security Council mission who went to Jakarta and Dili in very very difficult circumstances. I pay sincere tribute to all involved. All of the provisions of Security Council resolution 1264 (1999) must now be fully implemented in all respects, as it says, and as is required by it.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  25. Men and women of my own country were among that very brave group of people, and I salute them. Ireland, together with our European Union partners, is fully committed to seeing that the people of East Timor enjoy the independence which they have freely chosen. The poll itself took place peacefully in a fair and free manner — we witnessed it first hand — and reflected, as I understand it, the views of the people. It was, however, followed by systematic and ruthless attacks on the population. We have condemned these atrocities in the strongest terms. The perpetrators of crimes against humanity must be brought to justice. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs. Mary Robinson, has called for an international commission of inquiry, and, of course, we all fully support this, as I understand it.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  26. Greater empowerment of the Secretary-General is one practical step that we, the Member States, should take. We should seize the opportunity provided by the Millennium Assembly next year to reaffirm our commitment to the goals and principles set out in the Charter, in a pragmatic, action-oriented and forward-looking manner. We can learn, as has been said by previous speakers, from the crisis in East Timor. As the Personal Representative of the European Union Presidency, I witnessed at first hand the consultation process on 30 August. I wish particularly to pay tribute to the outstanding work of the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET). It has received criticism, and I reject that criticism. I saw the work at first hand. They were an unarmed force — a group of very brave men and women.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  27. I believe that this provides the key to resolving our dilemma. We have not used sufficiently the possibilities that already exist under the Charter, not only in the area of peace and security, but also in the social and economic fields. I would suggest that we should scrutinize its provisions and use them imaginatively. That could make possible a reinvigoration of the United 25 Nations, injecting a new sense of purpose and a new dynamic. I believe we should similarly look to see how we can support the Secretary-General in his immense labours. His report on the work of the Organization has diagnosed accurately the challenges that exist and has genuinely pointed out what needs to be done. He has powers under the Charter, and he should be encouraged to use them to the full.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  28. It is simply unacceptable that the United Nations should be starved of the resources that are vital to this conflict prevention. Where conflict prevention fails, more fundamental questions relating to capabilities for crisis management arise. How is it possible, for example, that the international community finds itself repeatedly incapable of taking effective action? How has it come to pass that questions are being raised about the adequacy of the Charter itself? Or that the constraints impairing the effectiveness of the Organization have led to searching elsewhere for effective response? It is indeed a paradox that, in a world of unprecedented interdependence and technological capabilities, we should be confronted by such a dilemma. The Charter, I think, has been fairly described as a “living document”.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  29. At the same time, the incidence and scale of natural disasters has increased, adding to the pressures facing the already overstretched relief agencies. We need to take up the challenge which the Secretary-General set out in his thought-provoking address earlier this week — to think anew about how the United Nations and the Member States respond to the political, human rights and humanitarian crises affecting so much of the world. We are all haunted by the collective failure to prevent humanitarian disasters — including genocide — as well as the outbreak of conflict in many regions. The case for better prevention strategies is overwhelming. Even the costliest policy of prevention is far cheaper, in lives and resources, than the least expensive use of armed force.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  30. As the first United Nations Secretary-General to emerge from within the international civil service, his personal commitment to the United Nations and its founding principles is evidenced in his efforts to steer the Organization into the new millennium. My colleague Foreign Minister Halonen of Finland set out the views of the European Union on the main challenges facing the international community today, and, of course, Ireland fully associates itself with our respected Finnish Presidency's remarks. The responsibility of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security has been severely tested this year. In Africa, in the Balkans and, most recently, in East Timor, we have seen bloody and vicious outbreaks of violence which could have been avoided.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  31. Mr. President, I congratulate you, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. Your experience as the Namibian people's chief representative in New York during your country's struggle for independence and your role in guiding Namibia into the family of nations will serve you well in directing the important work of this session. Our thanks are also due to Foreign Minister Opertti of Uruguay for his dedicated efforts in leading the Assembly over the past 12 months. I, too, would like to warmly welcome our three new Members to the United Nations, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. In January of this year, my Government had the privilege of hosting a visit by Secretary-General Annan.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  32. Finally, and important though international solidarity may be, the reality is that for us in Ireland, as elsewhere, the primary responsibility rests with ourselves. May I recall here the words of a well-known author which have inspired very many: “Mankind must remember that peace is not God?s gift to his creatures; peace is our gift to each other.” With the Good Friday Agreement, we in Ireland have enjoyed the gift of peace. We do so in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. The challenge now is to ensure that it is passed to our children and to our children?s children. I know that the members of this Assembly will be with us as we address and take up that particular challenge.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  33. I think that was an indication of the type of commitment he has and will continue to have in the Northern Ireland peace process. Finally, I would like to underline the central and crucial roles played by my own Taoiseach, Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern, and by British Prime Minister Tony Blair in the closing days of the negotiations. Their particular role was historic and, in my respectful view, heroic. 40 I want to say that, in the spirit of the Charter of this Organization, we are ready to reciprocate the solidarity of the international community by way of sharing the lessons of our experience with others, should that be considered helpful. It would be a source of immense additional satisfaction to Ireland, as a committed Member of the United Nations, if the Good Friday Agreement were to be helpful to conflict resolution elsewhere.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  34. The support and solidarity, through the process of our partners in this Assembly, and, in particular, of our partners in the European Union — the President of the Commission and the Presidencies of the European Union — have been unparalleled in their contribution, as were the warm and encouraging words of the Secretary-General of this Organization. We deeply appreciate it. I want in particular to record our very special gratitude to the President of the United States, Mr. Bill Clinton, for his personal commitment to the cause of peace in Ireland and for the exceptional solidarity with the peace process he has displayed at all times throughout his presidency. He took the opportunity, when he addressed this Assembly last Monday, to mention Northern Ireland and Ireland on three or four or five occasions.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  35. That was the approach that secured the Good Friday Agreement. If one side “wins”, everybody loses. I should like to take the opportunity to pay tribute to the role of the international community in bringing about the Good Friday Agreement, in particular that of the independent chairman, former Senator George Mitchell of the United States of America, former Prime Minister Harri Holkeri of Finland and General John de Chastelain of Canada. Their contribution was immense, and General de Chastelain?s contribution continues to be.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  36. It is a great, historic rapprochement between nationalism and unionism. All the participants in the negotiations together have achieved a great thing. But it is vital that we say to one another, as I am now again saying to the unionist community, that we recognize that a new era has dawned, in which all the old shibboleths and the old rhetoric must be replaced by a new dialogue, by a new partnership. It is precisely in this spirit of the new politics that we must approach the inevitable difficulties that will arise from time to time, including at present those relating to the establishment of the “shadow” executive in Northern Ireland and to decommissioning. It is in the interests of all of us who support the Agreement that we resolve the difficulties to the satisfaction of all concerned. If one side “wins”, everybody loses.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  37. Great progress has been made, but a great price has also been paid. Each of us in our own way has had to grapple with the instinct to war and division. The experience of Ireland echoes the experiences of so many other States. We realized our desire for independence in the wake of the Great War. Our birth as a State was darkened by the horrors of civil war. We in the South of the island overcame our divisions, channelled our differences into peaceful politics and have significantly prospered. In the North, divisions and fears were not challenged. They festered and brought us almost three decades of violence. The peace process allowed us to challenge and resolve the fears and divisions generating the conflict. The Agreement is a watershed, a harbinger of the new era that coincides with the millennium.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  38. At the heart of that new politics must be a determination to work in a new way for the wider good. All of us have constituencies to represent, but we must find new ways to balance that requirement with the needs of the wider society. That, I would suggest, is what partnership means. That, I would suggest, is what partnership is all about. It also shows how trust and reconciliation are built. If the new politics is to work on the island of Ireland, we must seek to develop, on the basis of mutual respect, new ways of listening to each other; new ways of talking to each other; new ways of understanding each other; and, critically, new ways of working together. We are bringing this century to a close. The existence of this great Organization of States devoted to peace reflects the turbulence of the decade.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  39. Dramatically symbolizing the new era of partnership, David Trimble and my good friend Seamus Mallon, each representing the two major traditions, have been appointed First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. The Assembly has made an encouraging and constructive start. Work is also proceeding on many of the other elements of the Agreement. But institution-building alone, important as it is, will not be enough. The appalling atrocities of last summer, which saw the horrific burning to death of three young boys, the Quinn brothers, and the merciless massacre and slaughter of 29 people in Omagh underline the reality that the Agreement on its own does not guarantee peace. More than anything else, what is also required is what Seamus Mallon calls a new politics.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  40. One of the profound consequences of this democratic endorsement is that never again may the name of the people be invoked as a basis for the shedding of blood in my country and on my island. From now on, it is manifest that the only legitimate force is the force of reason and persuasion. The Good Friday Agreement is a blueprint for our future. Indeed, it may be a blueprint for other regions? futures. But a blueprint can be successful only if it is translated from word to deed. That vital process of implementation is the next great challenge and one that we are all now actively addressing. Some elements of the 39 Agreement are already in place. The new Northern Ireland Assembly has been elected and the 108 members have taken their seats.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  41. If these competing issues were to be addressed satisfactorily, we knew the final Agreement would itself have to be complex, broad-based and balanced. Achieving agreement in these circumstances was a major challenge for all of us involved in the long, tortuous and difficult negotiations. As one of those privileged to have had such a role, I can verify that there were times during the long days and nights in Castle Buildings, Belfast, when success seemed like some distant dream. But the determination of all sides not to be deflected was stronger than any obstacle. On the dawn of Good Friday, the dream of agreement finally became a reality. Critically, the Agreement was emphatically endorsed by the people of Ireland, North and South, in referendums held on the same day, the first time that has happened on the island of Ireland since 1918.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  42. The Agreement is a complex document, a careful set of checks and balances, a parity of pain and gain. Striking that balance of pain and gain on both sides was, in large part, the task of the main political parties in Northern Ireland. Their decisions called for political courage and most serious and genuine leadership, which they gave in abundance. But they could not have been taken without trust and vision, too — trust, where before there was only suspicion, and vision, where before there had only been self-interest. The leadership of these peacemakers in Northern Ireland deserves the warmest commendation of this Assembly. With the participants drawn from the full spectrum of the political landscape, what we were addressing in the negotiations was a complex range of problems and perspectives, each with its deep roots in history.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  43. My predecessors have by custom informed this Assembly of our efforts to help promote peace in Northern Ireland. It is my deep privilege, therefore, to convey an account of a breakthrough of great importance: the Agreement reached by the British and Irish Governments and eight Northern Ireland parties in Belfast on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. The Good Friday Agreement marks a historic new beginning in relations within Northern Ireland, between the North and the South of the island and between Ireland and Britain. It has brought us all a new sense of hope. We have begun the long walk out of the dark night of division and conflict into the bright sunlight of partnership and harmony. As somebody who has spent almost 40 years in political life seeking to encourage such a journey, I am immensely gratified by this development.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  44. On the question of Ireland?s candidature, Ireland believes that all Member States — small, like ourselves, as well as large — should have an opportunity to serve on the Security Council, the body on which the Members of the Organization have conferred primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The Assembly will be aware that Ireland has presented its candidature for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the two-year term 2001-2002. Throughout its membership of the United Nations, Ireland has worked to play a bridge-building role among Member States. As a member of the Security Council, Ireland?s approach would similarly reflect the interests of the totality of the broad spectrum of the membership. I can give the Assembly some good news about Northern Ireland.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  45. I welcome the progress achieved to date. Ireland will continue with other like-minded States to build partnerships among the membership so that real progress can be achieved. We have views in relation to the area of Security Council reform. A reinvigorated United Nations must include a reformed Security Council that reflects the realities and the needs of today?s world. We believe that the Council must work more transparently and that its membership should be enlarged to ensure a more equitable representation. To this end, we have joined with a group of like-minded States in putting forward a number of specific proposals. We will continue to work for an agreed outcome on this issue of crucial importance to the future of this Organization of ours.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  46. The world continues to need United Nations peacekeeping, but its operations must be based on sound mandates and have solid political and financial support. Colleagues have mentioned the question of United Nations reform. Mobilizing the political will to tackle the interrelated causes of insecurity and conflict, I believe, is only the first step. The United Nations as an institution must be strengthened and given the necessary resources to carry through its work. Timely funding by Member States is a prerequisite. 38 Ireland believes that the reform process should not be viewed as a cost-cutting exercise. The wretched expression “downsizing” comes to mind. It is about making the Organization more effective in the discharge of its Charter functions, especially in the economic, social and humanitarian fields.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  47. On the question of peacekeeping, in this, the fiftieth anniversary year of United Nations peacekeeping, I want to pay tribute to the peacekeepers who currently serve the Organization. They do so often in very difficult and dangerous circumstances. Too many have made the ultimate sacrifice. Since 1958, Ireland has been at the forefront of United Nations peacekeeping. In this period, some 40,000 Irish peacekeepers have served with the Organization across the world. Seventy-five of my fellow Irishmen have given their lives. Among Member States, Ireland is currently one of the leading troop contributors. My President, Mrs. Mary McAleese, in one of her earliest official engagements, visited our peacekeepers in Lebanon. Again, this underlines Ireland?s active commitment to bringing peace to that part of the world.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  48. In this context, I welcome in particular the emphasis which the Secretary-General has placed on the need to tackle the root causes of conflict in all their complex diversity. We support his strengthening of United Nations early-warning mechanisms and his prioritizing of preventive diplomacy. The many strengths and capabilities of the United Nations and the regional organizations in the area of conflict prevention must be harnessed and focused to achieve greater use of resources. The General Assembly, for its part, is placing ever greater emphasis on conflict prevention. It has commended not least the efforts of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and acknowledged the contribution of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), a regional organization which Ireland fully supports.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  49. In Kosovo, we are witnessing a humanitarian catastrophe which could replicate the horrors of Bosnia. The international community must take urgent and effective action within the framework of the United Nations to ensure that our worst fears are not realized. Another humanitarian disaster faces us in Sudan. Recently, I saw for myself the terrible suffering of its people. I visited the epicentre of the famine in Ajip in southern Sudan, having spent three hours getting there from a town called Lokichokio in northern Kenya, which was a staging post for aid for that part of the terribly blighted country of southern Sudan. It is not acceptable that we allow this tragedy to continue. One of the essential conclusions, here again, is the need to address the origins of conflict and not just the symptoms. Foresight and adaptability are necessary.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  50. Nobody is and nobody should be above the law. We fervently hope that the Statute will enter into force on the earliest possible date and that it will secure universal adherence. Finally, let me join with those many others who have given support and encouragement to the Secretary-General and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The promotion of international cooperation in this key area must remain one of this great Organization?s first priorities. On the question of conflict prevention, I now turn to the maintenance of international peace and security, which, of course, is the prime responsibility and prime aim of the United Nations. The painful experiences of this decade — notably in the former Yugoslavia, Africa and the Middle East — have prompted much soul-searching and, of course, analysis.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)