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1956-09-24
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1965-09-24
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  1. The General Assembly resolution of 1948 [194 (III)] is frequently invoked in this respect, and just as frequently misquoted. 162. Moreover, I do not believe that Arab spokesmen are in a fitting moral position to be sanctimonious about United Nations resolutions. The Arab States not merely refused to implement the partition resolution of 1947, but by the force of arms tried to annul it. The Arab aggression in Palestine against Israel and the United Nations is the one and only reason for the existence of the Arab refugee problem. Yet, in spite of that we permitted the return into Israel of more than 40,000 Arab refugees on humanitarian grounds in order to permit the reunion of families. 163.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  2. They came to us naked, sick and without skill, but they have become a vital factor in our development. 159. There has been a great homecoming of our people, hot, as has been suggested here, of people dragged through Zionist machinations from comfortable and happy homes elsewhere; in the main, those that came were destitute refugees. They are our own brothers, and we have welcomed them and given them a new life with us, whatever the sacrifices and burdens that it entails, and we will continue to do so. 160. As to the solution of the Arab refugee problem, objective observers have said over and over again that there is one factor and one only standing in the way, and that is the political policy of the Arab leaders. 161. I reject the contention that when I say this I am saying something contrary to any United Nations resolution.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  3. Three years after the war, these wretched remnants of Europe's Jewry, six million of whom were slaughtered by the Nazis, were still the unwanted people of the world. They had no seven Jewish States to receive them. They had only the reborn State of Israel. 158. Those Arabs on the other hand who left our country did not go into strange lands; they crossed the borders into the same countries from which the invading armies came. They speak the same language, they hold the same religion, they are of the same culture. Why are they not absorbed, as we absorbed our refugees; as we housed and employed the 240,000 Arabs that are in Israel today; and the half million Jews that left the Arab countries and were forced to leave everything behind them?

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  4. And then came the call by the Arab leaders to the Arab population in Israel to leave immediately, promising them that within a matter of days they would be back to divide among them the spoils of the Jews who would have been thrown into the sea. 157. We are the last people to be insensitive to the question of refugees. We are the classic people of refugees. Over the last twelve years we have accepted over a million refugees into Israel, of whom over 500,000 came from Iraq, Yemen, Egypt, Syria and other Arab lands. No Jews came out of the country represented here by Mr. Shukairy because no Jew is allowed or has ever been allowed ever to live there. Three hundred thousand Jews came from displaced persons' camps in Germany, Italy and elsewhere.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  5. In 1947, when the United Nations by a more than two-thirds majority took its decision [resolution 181 (11)] on the establishment of the Jewish State, it was we who called upon the Arab population in the country and the Arab States to implement this decision in peace with us. Instead, on 15 May 1948, seven Arab armies marched across their borders, to "correct the error" of the United Nations, with the proclaimed purpose of destroying the resolution by force of arms, of wiping out our cities, villages and population. We had to meet the invading armies virtually unarmed, and the flower of our youth fell upon the battlefields defending their homes and families and the honour of their people. Their graves are scattered across our countryside. 156.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  6. The years of dispersion form one of the most tragic chapters in human history, but also a unique chapter of faith and determination — the story of a wandering people, scattered all over the world, always remembering where it came from and never for a moment giving up its hope and determination to return. Massacres, hate, humiliation, discrimination — that was our lot. We withstood all that only because we never gave up hope for national independence and individual dignity. And did. the desert in Israel bloom as long as we were in exile? Did trees cover the Judean hills, were marshes drained? No — rocks, desert, marshes, malaria, trachoma — this is what characterized the country before we came back. 155.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  7. If the United Arab Republic is not prepared to implement the Security Council’s decisions on the question of shipping in the Suez Canal, then how will it base its right, if elected to the Security Council, to tell others that there must be no war or threat of war, that all questions must be resolved by peaceful negotiations, and that Security Council decisions must be observed? 154. Now, what is the error in the Middle East that certain Arab spokesmen desire to see corrected? Is an independent Jewish State in that area an accident or an innovation? Every mountain, every valley in our country, as mentioned in the Book of Books, tells of Our belonging, of our being there.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  8. Referring to Israel in a speech before the Executive of the National Union at Damietta on 8 May 1960, President Nasser said: "We hereby proclaim our determination to retrieve our rights by the force of our arms." 153. I ask: Is this according to the United Nations Charter? Is this in accordance with his call for peace? Is economic boycott, as practised by the United Arab Republic against Israel. in keeping with the Charter and with his lofty pronouncements of peace on earth? And do decisions of the Security Council bind the United Arab Republic, or does it enjoy a special status?

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  9. In the course of this debate « number of Arab spokesmen have attacked my country and tried to rewrite the history of the events which attended its birth. I do not propose taking up the time of the Assembly by replying to any of these representatives individually or correcting the manifold distortions in their statements. I will confine myself to a few general observations, for the sake of the record and for the benefit of those delegations which are not familiar with the background. 152. The President of the United Arab Republic spoke of an error in the Middle East that is to be corrected. May I be allowed to quote here only one of his many pronouncements illustrating the method of correction he Evidently has in mind?

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  10. Israel welcomes the plea by the President of Ghana for the recognition of the political realities in the Middle East and is willing to accept his suggestion for finding means to make it "impossible either for Israel to attack any of the Arab States or for the Arab States to attack Israel" [869th meeting, para. 85]. We were also struck by the wise words of the Prime Minister of Nepal, when he said that "the solution of the problem confronting the Middle East lies in the direction of recognizing and accepting the political realities that prevail there today" [878th meeting, para. 208] and called for a "realistic and practical solution" [ibid,] of the Arab-Israel conflict. The President-elect of Uruguay, too, issued an eloquent call for a negotiated peace. The Foreign Minister of Guatemala and other representatives made similar pleas. 151.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  11. My delegation listened very attentively to the principles of peace, negotiation, preservation of the United Nations Charter, as professed from this rostrum [873rd meeting] by the President of the United Arab Republic. We accept these praiseworthy principles. And so I here ask the President of the United Arab Republic: Is he prepared to do as he advises Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Khrushchev to do, namely, to meet and negotiate? Is he prepared to meet Mr. Ben-Gurion, the Prime Minister of Israel, for negotiation of peace, or at least an agreement on non-aggression? And we put the same question to the King of Jordan, the Prime Minister of the Lebanon and all the other Arab leaders. On behalf of my Prime Minister, I say he is prepared for such a meeting without any preconditions, immediately, here or at any other place proposed to him, 150.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  12. Israel, on its part, is committed to a policy of disarmament; not only is it so committed generally, but it has also adopted a specific policy in this field. One of the planks in the Israel Government’s programme, as approved by Parliament, is the complete disarmament of Israel and the Arab States under mutual inspection and control. We are not impressed by lofty speeches on world disarmament and peace by leaders who do not practice at home what they preach abroad. Our area, the Middle East, is a troubled area and an under-developed one. Neither Israel nor its neighbours can afford an arms race; the needs of the men, women and children of all our countries cry out against it. 149.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  13. The real reasons for failure in this field till now are fear and the lack of confidence. Cannot the Powers concerned agree to the assumption that all want peace and disarmament, and then accept the practical suggestion made by Mr. Macmillan [877th meeting] for a technical study? My delegation would respectfully make one further suggestion: give the technicians a limited time — say, three or six months — and during that time let the Powers agree to a complete moratorium in the cold war, in words and deeds. Let the cold war cool off. Let us give the technicians, or rather the world, a fair chance. What risk do we run if this is accepted? The experiment may fail — but maybe it will succeed? We dare not give up hope; the alternative is too frightening. 148.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  14. In the fateful debate on disarmament there is one encouraging aspect: the general admission that nobody could now win a world war. This may be a basis for the hope that no side will willfully begin a war. But a war caused by miscalculation in this atomic age can destroy all mankind, and it would really matter little to us what the post-mortem findings might be. The vital aim is that civilization remain alive. 146. It is extremely frustrating and terrifying for us, the small nations, to listen to the debate between the great Powers, for they are dealing with the fate of all of us. 147. Is it not tragic irony that nothing seems to create such tension as the discussion of peace, disarmament and coexistence? My delegation is inclined to accept the explanation, put forth by several representatives, for the lack of progress.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  15. My delegation wishes to express its sincere hope that the leaders of the Congo will find a way of pooling all their energies and talents for the constructive work so necessary for the welfare of their people. 144. A suggestion has been made that the office of the Secretary-General should be reorganized and should be composed of three Secretaries instead of one. It has further been suggested that each of the three should have a veto power. In my delegation’s view this practice would lead to paralysis. We have the Security Council with the veto power on decisions, and we are now asked to create a system of veto power on implementation. My delegation therefore associates itself with the view that the present system must be retained. 145.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  16. It is only the United Nations which should be entrusted with the task of assisting the Congolese people to solve these intricate and tragic problems. Although we may not always be in perfect agreement with the Secretary-General, it is my Government's opinion that he has most conscientiously carried out his task in the Congo. 142. My delegation believes that technical assistance to all new countries should flow through various channels: the United Nations, other multilateral arrangements, and bilateral agreements. But in a troubled situation like that in the Congo it is, we believe, advisable that every kind of aid should go through United Nations channels. This, of course, must be the situation regarding all military aid to the Congo. 143.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  17. At the outset let me make the position of my Government and people clear. It is: the Congo for the Congolese. 140. My delegation believes that the Congolese people, and they alone, have the right to decide under what type of constitution they want to live. Moreover, we support the opinion that the fragmentation of the new States is not in the interest of the African peoples themselves. Nobody who is sincerely a friend of the African peoples would want to gain any political or economic advantage at their expense, and only their enemies can wish to bring their continent into the orbit of the cold war. 141. The United Nations must do everything possible to prevent outside Powers from making the Congo, or any other African country, a hunting ground for their political interests.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  18. One should add to this a similar contribution on the part of the vast and rapidly increasing national product of the Soviet Union and other industrialized countries outside the Bank. This, together with the possible sayings of the developing countries themselves, could no doubt completely transform the present situation and ensure in a not too distant future a happier life of ever-growing opportunity for men everywhere on our earth. 138. This may sound extravagant, until we translate it into terms of human welfare for the greater part of mankind. That welfare cannot be achieved by congratulatory speeches on Independence Day, bid; only through a dramatic, pooled effort by the leading industrial countries. 139. Allow me to turn now to the situation in the Congo (Leopoldville).

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  19. I would merely mention that in the last five years production in the United States has increased 25 per cent; and, what is more startling, in Western Europe it has increased 48 per cent in this period, thus making that area a major economic force in the world, 137. The Governor of the Bank of Israel, in a recent address at the Conference of the Board of Governors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, pointed out that if 2 per cent of the annual gross product of the industrialized nations that are members of the Bank could be diverted into building up the under-developed nations, this would represent an amount of $17,000 million a year — an amount which would impart a real momentum to the forward march of the under-developed countries.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  20. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and other international agencies are making splendid efforts to meet these needs, but the resources at their command are insufficient to win the race against population pressures. What is required is an initial injection of development capital on so massive a scale that it can put into motion self-perpetuating local forces of economic growth. It is ironic that at present the most spectacular expansion and the most rapid rise in the standards of life are taking place not in the backward but in the advanced countries — and the gap is widening every day instead of narrowing. No trickle of new capital can arrest this growing imbalance and promote a better equilibrium.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  21. “… "(d) Until such time as their own scientific manpower is adequate, new and developing States would be well advised to seek the help of scientific advisers and experts from friendly countries and international agencies to help them develop a scientific practice and tradition..." The Conference appealed to the more advanced countries to extend such aid. 135. The Israel delegation will return to this subject in the appropriate Committee during this session. It may be possible for the General Assembly to adopt a resolution embodying some of the ideas which I have here outlined. 136. Now, while it is true that science and technology can provide the keys of knowledge, a major part of the capital needs for development must still be provided from outside sources.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  22. Also in attendance were representatives and observers from United Nations agencies and from foundations concerned with development and education in new societies. The Conference adopted the Rehovoth Declaration [A/4570], which recommended that: “… "(a) The governments of developing States should regard the furtherance of science and technology as a major objective of their national policies and make appropriate provision for funds t and opportunities to achieve this end. "(b) In the secondary and higher educational systems of new and developing States, accelerated programmes should be undertaken with a view to establishing a body of scientific workers and technical experts.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  23. On the one hand, we had In our midst leading Cabinet Ministers, university presidents, technicians and high government officials of many States, especially from Asia and Africa, whose chief problem is that of supplementing constitutional freedom by a swifter economic and social progress. On the other hand, we welcomed eminent scientists whose achievements have transformed the pattern and prospect of life upon earth. These two groups of men — the statesmen of developing nations and the leaders of modern science — strove hard to come together in a genuine communion of mind and spirit. 134. Forty nations were represented at the Conference-more than half of them from Asia and Africa.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  24. We are a part, however modest, of the contemporary scientific and technological movement. At the same time, we are one of the thirty-five nations which have achieved their sovereignty since the United Nations was founded, and with most of those new nations we enjoy relations of friendship and mutual respect. The object of the Rehovoth Conference, as defined by its sponsors more than a year ago, was to "explore the capacity of science and technology to advance the life of nations which have not yet reached a momentum of development". 133. Those were the circumstances in which Israel played host for two remarkable weeks to an international gathering of unique composition.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  25. The urgent demands of the newly independent nations in particular make it imperative to increase the resources at the disposal of the United Nations for this purpose. From our own experience we know the beneficial results of United Nations assistance, and, within the limits of our possibilities, we are willing to increase our active participation in this great venture of international co-operation. 132. In an effort to help build a bridge between the two worlds — that of scientific progress and that of national liberation — the International Conference on Science in the Advancement of New States was convened by the Weizmann Institute of Science and the Israel Ministry of Education at Rehovoth, Israel, a few weeks ago. By the circumstances of her history, Israel feels a sense of kinship with each of these two worlds.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  26. The science and technology of our century that have been available to the industrially advanced States must be made available freely and fully to the new nations towards the solution of their acute economic, social and health problems. 131. The United Nations and its specialized agencies are devoting ever more attention to these crucial problems. In particular, through the twin instruments, the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund, skills and "know-how" are being freely shared between nations at different stages of economic progress, and latent resources are being surveyed and readied for development. The over-all scope of these activities is more than double today what it was barely three years ago, but the articulate need for such assistance has grown even faster.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  27. Our freedom will be complete only when we have learned to bring forth from our own soil the food that we need. The cry that goes out from the African and Asian continents today is: share with us not only food, but also your knowledge of how to produce it. The inequality in the world today is not only in the gap of material things, but what is even more frightening, in the gap between those that literally reach for the moon and those who do not know how to reach efficiently into their own soil to produce their daily needs. 130. To satisfy the hunger of the mind is no less urgent than to satisfy the hunger for bread. The question is how the world can organize itself to span the time-lag of generations and share this knowledge with those who need it.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  28. In parts of the world the standard of living and development have reached fantastic heights. We should not be told to go slow in our development; we should not toe told that the advances of the developed countries have taken generations and centuries to attain. We cannot wait. We must develop quickly. As a friend from Kenya who visited Israel said; "Must I walk in an age of jet planes just because those that now have jets were walking generations ago? " 129. This challenge is one not only for the new nations, but for the entire world. Much has been said and done about what I would call "first aid"; the sharing of food; the transfer of surplus to the hungry. But I wish to say — we will never be really free as long as our children need to be fed by others.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  29. Yet, when we today survey our modest achievements, after thirteen years of statehood, we know that they were attained not by grieving; with our memories of the past intact, we bent all our energies on the building of the future. 127. This leads me to the second of the dangers which I have mentioned, and which I am sure is apparent to all our friends sitting here for the first time. How well we all know that independence is not only a culmination of ardent dreams and aspirations. It is not only a victory after a long and heartbreaking struggle. It is all that, but it is also an overwhelming challenge. There are now innumerable problems and dangers to be faced. 128. We, the new countries, have gained our independence in an era of man's greatest achievements.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  30. But a people cannot live only by brooding over the past; it must invest all its energy and ability in the future. 126. I speak on behalf of an ancient people whose past for thousands of years has been full of tragedy, racial discrimination and humiliation. It has been engaged in a continuous struggle to preserve its identity and its very survival — a struggle reaching its climax in our own lifetime, in the Nazi design to reach a "final solution to the Jewish problem" by genocide; that is, by the extermination of a whole people. Not for one moment do we intend to forget all that. Nor have we forgotten that our struggle for our rights in Palestine, under what became in effect a colonial régime, often took on tragic aspects.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  31. As they look about them at their lands, rich with minerals and vegetation-gold and diamonds, bauxite, iron and copper, cocoa and cotton, sugar and rubber — they must come to the conclusion that it was not God's will that they should be hungry. 125. How can we expect Africans to be impressed by the feats of the space age, when so many of their own people still are illiterate? You cannot expect the mother in an African village to be elated over the advance of medicine in the world when she sees her children suffering from trachoma, tuberculosis and malaria. All this must be understood. It is natural that all the suffering and degradation should be remembered by these new free peoples. No people can build its future if it does not remember its past.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  32. But, may I suggest that there are two dangers that face those of us who have emerged as newly independent States: first, lingering in the past; and second, the illusion that political independence will provide automatic solutions for all problems. 124. What do I mean by lingering in the past? It is natural that many new peoples should have unhappy, and in some cases, bitter memories. It is understandable that many of them should feel a sense of grievance against their former rulers and should view their present plight as the legacy of the past. It is to them a painful paradox that, while some countries have problems of surpluses and over-production, they should have been left behind in poverty.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  33. With the admission of sixteen new Members we all feel that we are in the presence of a revolutionary moment in human history. These countries represent millions upon millions of people who are now, for the first time, experiencing sovereignty and freedom in the modern world. Nothing is so debasing as national dependence and inequality, and nothing is so exhilarating as national independence and equality. No nation has been ordained to rule over others, or has been fated to be ruled by others. And I maintain that even the best foreign rule cannot take the place of self-rule. It is because these basic truths are today universally accepted, that the new countries were welcomed in our midst with such genuine joy. 123.

    1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)

  34. It is in that belief and that hope that we urge the United Nations and its Member States to reject outright the claims, doctrines and practices of illegitimate warfare.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  35. The sterile conflict between our neighbours and ourselves creates an unhappy and dangerous situation not only for us but for them, too, and for the world at large. We seek nothing from them but the chance to live in amity, and together with them to develop our region for the common good of all those who inhabit it. 111. We see no justification for the barriers of fear, suspicion and hatred. It is not the existence of any nation in the area that should be a source of worry to any other people there but rather the desolation, disease and illiteracy which prevail within its own borders. Affecting tens of millions of men, women and children, this is the real enemy to be conquered. It is upon the winning of this war that the efforts of all should be concentrated. 112. Israel believes in a future of peace and cooperation in the area.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  36. The Israel Government subscribes wholeheartedly to these principles and is fully ready to cooperate in measures which may relax existing tensions in the Middle East. 109. The United Nations is entitled to look to the Arab countries of the Middle East that they too act in conformity with those principles. United Nations insistence that the United Arab Republic respect its obligations in regard to freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal might well pave the way to compliance by these Arab States with the Charter's principles of peace as a whole. 110. We are a small people which has suffered much in the past, and which is now trying to devote its energies and resources to rebuilding our ancient homeland in which our children could live secure and productive lives.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  37. The Middle East region has far too long been a breeding ground of tension and trouble. Peace and Stability there are an urgent need. They are possible only if all States within the area comply with the fundamental principles derived from the Charter of the United Nations, and in particular: (a) The principle that no Member State is entitled to claim or exercise rights of war, whether by interference with the freedom of shipping or by economic boycott or by any other means; (b) The principle of respect for the political independence and territorial integrity of all States in the region; (c) The principle that disputes must be settled by pacific means in accordance with the Charter. 108.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  38. The efforts of the boycott committee of the Arab League, located in Cairo, to wage economic warfare against Israel by every means at its disposal, affect dozens of States and hundreds of individual firms elsewhere in the world, and constitute a serious and unwarranted barrier to international trade. This activity likewise is a manifestation of the spurious claim to rights of war against Israel. 106. The record of the United Arab Republic in sowing discord and strife in our area has indeed not been limited to Israel. Within the last eighteen months, as the Assembly will recall, three Arab countries — the Sudan, Lebanon and Jordan — brought complaints against the United Arab Republic before the Security Council; Iraq has fiercely attacked its expansionist policies, and Tunisia has severed diplomatic relations with it. 107.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  39. They run directly counter, too, to the resolution which the General Assembly adopted as recently as the summer of 1958 following on complaints against the United Arab Republic. The General Assembly then unanimously called upon: "... all States Members of the United Nations to act strictly in accordance with-the principles of mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, of non-aggression, of strict noninterference in each other's internal affairs, and of equal and mutual benefit, and to ensure that their conduct by word and deed conforms to these principles.” [resolution 1237 (ES-III)]. 105.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  40. I shall not deal here at any length with Egypt’s vicious attacks on Israel, launched daily and in many languages by Radio Cairo. It is enough to quote the remarkable outburst of President Nasser of 27 July 1959, when he declared that "every Arab was looking forward to the next round in which the decisive battle will take place" in order "to get rid of Israel". 103. Statements of this kind are characteristic of the incessant war propaganda carried on by Cairo, poisoning the minds of old and young. They are in opposition to the solemn and unanimous condemnation by the General Assembly in its resolution of 3 November 1947, of "... all forms of propaganda, in whatsoever country conducted, which is either designed or likely to provoke or encourage any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression;" [resolution 110 (II)]. 104.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  41. Subsequently, on 1 March 1957, a large number of Member States expressed their unqualified support in the General Assembly of Israel’s right to free shipping. 101. It has been a source of encouragement to Israel that in the general debate in this Assembly thus far, various delegations have again upheld the principle of free shipping for all nations in the Suez Canal. The moral authority of this body is deeply involved. Its response to the challenge confronting it will have implications far beyond those of Israelis own immediate interests. We hope that the attitude of the society of nations expressed in this debate will lead the United Arab Republic to put an end to a gross, arrogant and continuing breach of internationally guaranteed rights. 102.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  42. In this connexion we recall that on 20 February 1957, while the General Assembly was in session, the President of the United States, in an address to the American people on the subject of the withdrawal of Israel forces from the Sinai, declared: "... Egypt, by accepting the six principles adopted by the Security Council last October in relation to the Suez canal, bound itself to free and open transit through the Canal without discrimination, and to the principle that the operation of the Canal should be insulated from the politics of any country. We should not assume that, if Israel withdraws, Egypt will prevent Israeli shipping from using the Suez Canal ... ” The President went on to say that if Egypt did thereafter violate its International obligations, "this should be firmly dealt with by the society of nations".

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  43. In any case, Israel, from this platform, desires to make it clear that it is not prepared to accept, and should not be expected to accept, a situation in which it is singled out for illegal discrimination. Moreover, we believe that the United Nations itself cannot accept this situation. 100. There is value to the principles of our Organization only when they are applicable to each and every Member State, large and small, without exception. The United Nations cannot compromise on principles. It cannot in one instance use all its collective moral pressure and in another exhibit an exaggerated leniency. We appreciate the efforts, so far without avail, of the Secretary-General and certain Member States. We have patiently awaited the effective intervention of this Organization.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  44. To show the international ramifications of such illegal practices and the extensive character of the "unjustified interference" with third parties, let me mention only two facts: Firstly, by now over 330 ships, belonging to twenty-one different countries, have already been blacklisted, and are subject to the Egyptian sanctions referred to by the Security Council in the paragraph which I have quoted. Secondly, the recent incidents concerning the three ships, Kapetan Manolis, Lealott, and Inge Toft, involved interests in no less than ten third countries, namely, Ceylon, Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, Hong Kong, Japan, Liberia, Malaya, the Philippines, Switzerland and the United States of America. 99.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  45. the restrictions on the passage of goods through the Suez Canal to Israel ports are denying to nations at no time connected with the conflict in Palestine valuable supplies required for their economic reconstruction, and ...these restrictions together with sanctions applied by Egypt to certain ships which have visited Israel ports represent unjustified interference with the rights of nations to navigate the seas and to trade freely with one another, including the Arab States and Israel." 98.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  46. This is a far cry from Egypt's declared recognition only two years ago of the rights under the Constantinople Convention of the vessels of all nations to freedom of transit through the Canal. What was a matter of right has now become a matter of courtesy — to be withdrawn, presumably, at will. The implications for the shipping of other countries which may at some time lose favour in Egyptian eyes should be as obvious as they are ominous. 97. Egypt is in effect attempting to exercise a veto over the legitimate trading activities not only of Israel but of many other countries, particularly in Asia and Africa. To quote from paragraph 9 of the Security Council resolution of 1 September 1951: "...

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  47. 96. By undermining the principle of freedom of navigation through the Canal, a potential threat is created for any other country against which Egypt may choose to use its control of this international waterway as an instrument of political coercion. Freedom of passage is indivisible, and the denial of Israel’s rights strikes at the rights of all nations. Already Egyptian spokesmen have been quick to stake new and wider claims. In a letter published in The New York Times of 8 September 1959, the Press Counsellor of the "Arab States Delegations Office" declared that the "Canal is a waterway which belongs to the United Arab Republic and is open, through her courtesy, to world shipping.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  48. (d) The Declaration by the Egyptian Government to the Secretary-General of the United Nations on 24 April 1957 (registered as an international treaty under Article 102 of the Charter), in which Egypt pledged itself to maintain free and uninterrupted navigation for all nations in accordance with the Constantinople Convention. In this connexion the representative of Egypt stated at the 778th meeting of the Security Council on 20 May 1957: "... the Declaration is in keeping with that resolution (that is, of 13 October 1956) and hence with the Six principles, and even with the most difficult of them, the third, which states that the operation of the Canal should be insulated from the politics of any country." All this Egypt has blandly disregarded. 95. The implications of this blockade for the international community as such are far-reaching.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  49. As stated, in article XI of that Convention, even measures for the defence of Egypt which it might take under article X "shall not interfere with the free use of the Canal". (b) The Security Council resolution of 13 October 1956, by which six principles regarding Suez were unanimously adopted. The two principal ones are: "(1) There should be free and open transit through the Canal without discrimination, overt or covert — this covers both political and technical aspects;" "(3) The operation of the Canal should be insulated from the politics of any country." (a) The Security Council resolution of 1 September 1951, which called upon Egypt to terminate its restrictions on, and to cease interference with, Israel shipping.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  50. I wish to stress that interference with the transit through the Suez Canal of goods from Israel is without any precedent prior to six months ago. It constitutes a new policy, one obviously aimed, for reasons best known to the ruler of the United Arab Republic, at inflaming a long-standing issue and creating fresh tensions. 94. The interference with Israel ships and cargoes is a clear violation of: (a) The Suez Canal Convention of 1888, which guaranteed that the Canal would always be "free and open, in time of war as in time of peace, to every vessel of commerce or of war, without distinction of flag. The Canal shall never be subject to the exercise of the right of blockade".

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)