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Martino

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS MARTINO

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82
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1956-09-24
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1994-09-24
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3
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un-general-debate

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  1. (Official Records of the General Assembly, Eleventh Session, Plenary Meetings, 588th meeting, para. 94) And today, so many years later, it is an honour for me to reaffirm the same profound conviction and to pledge to this Assembly the total dedication of Italy and its Government to the ideals embodied in the United Nations Charter.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  2. Few of us would disagree with the comment of Alfonso the Wise, King of Castile, a medieval patron of astronomy, who is quoted as saying, in effect, "If the Lord Almighty had consulted me before embarking on the Creation, I would have recommended something simpler." While rereading the first address Italy delivered to this Assembly at the eleventh session, I was deeply moved, and not only because it was given by my father. Rereading it, it made poignantly clear the far-reaching changes since 1956, both on the international scene - from decolonization to the end of the cold war - and on the Italian domestic political scene. In that address, he defined the United Nations as "the most complete expression of that education of the human race, acquired, as Lessing said, through suffering and error".

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  3. The strengthening of international security is closely related to the fight against terrorism and organized crime. From 21 to 23 November this year, Italy will be hosting in Naples the ministerial World Conference on Organized Transnational Crime, under the auspices of the Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Branch of the United Nations. Italy is also actively participating in the preparation of the World Summit for Social Development, to be held in Copenhagen in March 1995, by contributing its experience in the three crucial issues on the agenda: combating poverty, unemployment and discrimination. We live in an exciting but complex world.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  4. When these rights are seriously violated, despite all efforts, we are in favour of recourse to a fair judicial process. In the same spirit with which we welcomed and contributed to the International Tribunal on crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia, we support the creation of an international criminal court for the adjudication of all violations of human rights, wherever they may occur. This court must be allowed to inflict the appropriate punishment, with the exception of the death penalty, which Italy has consistently opposed. We are particularly pleased that, after years of hard work, the International Law Commission has completed a draft statute for the court, and look forward to contributing to the Assembly’s debate on the matter.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  5. With regard to conventional weapons, I wish to take this opportunity formally to announce the terms of Italy’s moratorium on the export of anti-personnel mines. The moratorium will apply to all transfers and be applied until new international regulations become effective. This commitment imposes an economic cost, but one that my country is willing to pay. We urge all Member States to adopt similar national moratoriums until the international regime has been finalized. But let us not forget that conflicts, especially internal ones, are also created through the violation of fundamental human rights. That is why we are in favour of strengthening the mechanisms to monitor and protect those rights by fully implementing the High Commissioner’s mandate and strengthening the Centre for Human Rights.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  6. We would also like to encourage the trends towards re-establishing peace in Angola on the basis of the Peace Accords and the pertinent Security Council resolutions. An area that has seen great progress in recent years is the further strengthening of disarmament and non- proliferation. The implementation of existing agreements is a difficult task for our diplomacies, but the drive towards more advanced forms of disarmament and arms control is relentless. We look forward confidently to negotiations to ban nuclear testing and to halt the production of fissionable material. Progress in this field should also contribute to the indefinite and unconditional extension of the Non- Proliferation Treaty.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  7. Italy intends to make its efforts to ensure that this region sets an example of tolerance, economic cooperation and democracy. As one of the main architects of the peace process in Mozambique, Italy is pleased with the progress achieved in recent months. Elections are now set for 27 and 28 October this year. We will continue to collaborate with the United Nations and other donor countries in the reconstruction of Mozambique. We also hope that regional cooperation in southern Africa will help improve economic conditions in Mozambique, thereby strengthening the process of peace and democratization. We hope that Mozambique will become another United Nations success story, like the peace-keeping operations in Namibia, Cambodia, El Salvador, Guatemala and elsewhere.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  8. We also salute the subsequent transfer to the Palestinian authorities of jurisdiction over the issues covered in the Washington Agreements. Italy is pleased to have contributed to the resumption of negotiations that led to the Cairo Accords, through our participation in the international temporary presence in Hebron to implement Security Council resolution 904 (1994). Italy reaffirms its commitment to contributing politically and economically to the reconstruction of the Palestinian territories. The Israeli-Jordan Accords of 25 July represent a milestone in the construction of a new Middle East on the basis of peace and cooperation. We hope that all these developments will stimulate progress in other negotiations between Israel and its neighbours. 8 In the Mediterranean basin, serious instabilities and tensions are spreading.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  9. The partial lifting of sanctions against Belgrade, which we have advocated from the beginning, will encourage the Serbian Government to pursue its new, more constructive policy. This includes the agreement to allow international monitors to ensure the effective sealing of the border between Serbia and Bosnia. In our ongoing commitment to find a solution to the intractable crisis in Bosnia, we have been trying to involve other important international forums, starting with the G-7, enlarged to include Russia, in joint efforts to foster a political solution. With regard to the Middle East, Italy welcomed the signing of the Cairo Accords, concluded on 4 May, which authorized the start of self-government in Gaza and Jericho.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  10. I should like to address the European Presidency’s statement and memorandum on our current international policies, limiting myself to those issues which more closely concern Italy for historical and geographical reasons. Italy warmly welcomes the acceptance by the Croatian-Muslim federation and the Serbian-Montenegran federation of the peace plan submitted to them on 6 July. That plan provides a realistic solution to territorial disputes and constitutional issues and ensures that Bosnia and Herzegovina will retain its international identity. Unfortunately, the repeated rejection of the plan by the Bosnian Serb leadership is a source of deep disappointment. This has made tougher sanctions against Pale inevitable in order to force it to reconsider its position.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  11. My recent letter to the Secretary-General on developing and strengthening cooperation between the CSCE and the United Nations was a follow-up to these decisions, as was the establishment of relations between the CSCE and numerous United Nations agencies working in areas of common concern. One specific proposal is to attribute primary responsibility to the CSCE for issues concerning stability and security in its area, without impinging on the statutory powers of the Security Council. Peace-keeping is an area that requires closer cooperation. The two Organizations should adopt a standard set of principles for the peace-keeping activities undertaken by individual States or third parties.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  12. Through the local CSCE missions, the CSCE Presidency is also attempting to foster a political solution to the Moldova-Trans-Dniester and Tajikistan crises, while it actively supports the efforts of the Chairman of the Conference on Nagorny Karabakh, Ambassador Eliasson. At the 1992 Helsinki Summit the CSCE declared itself to be a regional arrangement under Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter and adopted specific guidelines on peace-keeping. The ministerial meetings in Stockholm and Rome led to the United Nations-CSCE Framework Agreement in March 1993 and to the CSCE’s being granted observer status at the United Nations.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  13. We are actively promoting peaceful solutions to several regional crises. In the former Yugoslavia we are engaged in restoring long-term missions, appointing Ombudsmen for the Bosnian Federation, instituting a CSCE mission in Sarajevo and admitting The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to the CSCE. We have lent our good offices to Ukraine, where a CSCE mission will be instituted, and to Georgia for the crises in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The CSCE Presidency has also worked towards facilitating the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltic States and finding a solution to the problems of citizenship and status of non-citizens in that area.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  14. We are convinced that the leaders of the free world must avoid squandering the unique opportunity for world peace and prosperity offered 7 by current historic developments. They must resist the pressure of interest groups and be ready to serve the general interests of their nations and the nations of the world, which today more than ever require the opening of markets and the liberalization of trade. This will be the role of the World Trade Organization. In this spirit, we endorse the principles of the agenda for development and are ready to help establish the guidelines for their implementation. The fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations Charter will provide an opportunity for fostering such a process. I should now like to address the United Nations General Assembly in my capacity as Chairman-in-Office of the CSCE.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  15. To the extent that democracy protects and promotes personal liberty and economic freedom, it has a decisive impact on development by encouraging the strongest force behind economic growth and personal development - individual creativity. A prosperous democracy will be free of the internal tensions that have caused so many of today’s conflicts. The United Nations will foster a more peaceful world by promoting freedom and justice in addition to continuing its peace-keeping functions. In today’s world, the issue of trade is of paramount importance. As I like to say, trade unites us; politics divides us. At the Naples Summit, Italy, in its present capacity as Chairman of the G-7, strongly advocated the further dismantling of barriers to world trade in order to foster the creation of wealth.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  16. To this end, Italy has submitted one of the most realistic and comprehensive proposals to the Ad Hoc Working Group. We hope that the General Assembly will reach a consensus on the methods and timetable for a truly equitable reform. Many members question whether the pre-eminence the Organization has given to peace-keeping in recent years has not drained the other fundamental objectives of the United Nations - namely, economic and social development - of initiative and resources. The Secretary-General has wisely acknowledged these concerns in his recent agenda for development. Mr. Seniloli (Fiji), Vice-President, took the Chair. As that document states, peace is only one of the dimensions of development. The others are the economy, the environment, justice and democracy.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  17. I welcome the support expressed for an emergency humanitarian instrument by the Presidents of the United States, the Russian Federation and Argentina, and believe that our ideas and proposals follow the same orientation. Entrusting peace-keeping functions to regional organizations is another option for crisis management. My Government has moved consistently in this direction at the national level and in its capacity as Chairman-in-Office of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Italy attaches particular importance to an effective and efficient functioning of the Security Council. The matter of equitable representation on the Security Council and of increasing its membership requires thorough examination.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  18. The new United Nations base in Brindisi is particularly significant in this regard. However, we cannot ignore the high costs of the proliferation of primarily internal conflicts. The budget for peace-keeping operations currently amounts to approximately $3 billion, three times the regular budget of the Organization. The Presidency of the European Union has noted this particular aspect of peace-keeping operations. We must strengthen preventive diplomacy in order to avoid over-extending our capabilities, becoming ineffective and risking financial collapse. In the wake of the crisis in Rwanda, my Government is promoting the establishment of a task force for rapid intervention in humanitarian emergencies. This matter is now being considered in the appropriate forums and the results will be presented to the United Nations.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  19. Unfortunately, the hopes that were kindled by the end of the cold war, with its promises of peace and stability, have not been met in international reality. At the same time, there is little doubt that today we are facing fewer global risks, despite local conflicts, intolerance and racial and ethnic strife. It is thus our task to embark on a new age of cooperation, democracy and development, in which the United Nations must play a central role. Today, the General Assembly can become the link between expectations and commitment. Italy will continue to play its part in peace-keeping, as it is already doing in eight different missions, including logistical support for the operation in former Yugoslavia and training centres and permanent bases for peace-keeping forces on its territory.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  20. Our contributions to United Nations deliberations, peace-keeping operations and aid through multilateral channels are tangible proof of Italy’s faith in the project drawn up at San Francisco almost 50 years ago. Our newly elected Government will remain steadfast in this approach to supporting the United Nations and building upon the historic opportunities offered by the new international situation. Let me emphasize that, now more than ever, Italy is firmly committed to fostering personal, political, and economic freedom, protecting individual rights and liberties and enforcing the rule of law. These are the preconditions for peace and prosperity and the reasons why Italy is presenting its candidature to the Security Council for the period 1995-1996.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  21. Mr. President, I am delighted to begin by congratulating you and your country, Côte d’Ivoire, on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. I also wish to thank your distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Insanally. Let me also take this opportunity to congratulate the Sovereign Military Order of Malta on its admission to Observer status in the General Assembly. My statement fully endorses and follows on that of the German Foreign Minister, who spoke in his capacity as Chairman of the European Council. 6 From the very beginning of its membership in the United Nations Italy’s foreign policy has been guided by its active support for the Organization’s principles and functions.

    1994-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 49 (1994)

  22. President, that the sixteenth session of the General Assembly will measure up to the challenge of the times and will, under your able guidance, stand the test and jealously guard its great heritage of ideals so as to hand it down intact, and perhaps even enriched, to further generations. One thing is certain: the future of the United Nations is in our hands and depends solely on us. For its part the Italian delegation pledges all its endeavours to safeguard it.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  23. It is in this building that the hopes of troubled mankind, aghast at the spectre of a new war, are centred. The world knows, to echo the words of President Kennedy that "Mankind must put an end to war, or war will put an. end to mankind" [1013th meeting, para. 40]. It knows that this is still the only urbis pacis the only real citadel of peace on earth. The very fact that in times of greatest international tension, when the fate of the world seems to hang on a slender thread, all mankind looks to the United Nations as its last sheet anchor, shows that this Organization really possesses great moral strength. 81. I am sure, Mr.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  24. The primary task of the Organization is to discourage, impede and halt any threat to world peace; but this task is closely linked with economic and social action to combat poverty and improve the living conditions of mankind. 80. In concluding my remarks, I should like solemnly to reaffirm the complete and unreserved support of the Italian Government for the principles underlying the United Nations and our firm determination to contribute to their defence and implementation. In bequeathing them to us, the founders of this Organisation have bequeathed us a priceless legacy. Once again, as far back as 1945, when it was first established, and later at the time of the Korean crisis, the Suez crisis and the Congo crisis, the world looked to the United Nations as to the only pillar of peace.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  25. We feel that the United Nations would do well to explore further the opportunities for expanding co-operation especially in those regions where appropriate action and methods of consultation could promote a greater flow and better use of economic and social assistance. My Government is fully aware of the magnitude of the problem and of its moral and. political scope. We therefore propose to increase our efforts in order to assist those countries which are now in the process of development. Of course, we can do so within the limits of our economic possibilities and of our basic commitment to develop the depressed areas of Southera Italy. We also hope that ..every effort will be made by all of us here to expand and intensify this Organization's economic and social activities.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  26. To that end, Italy has also substantially increased its contribution to the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, Italy's over-all economic effort, up to the end of 1960, had already reached the figure of $930 million. 79. The last session of the Economic and Social Council showed the growing importance of social and economic factors; and the declaration adopted at Belgrade at the conclusion of the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, concerning the strengthening and development of our Organization, reflects the belief of those countries that it is these very economic and social activities of the United Nations which had and will have the greatest impact on the civil progress, of the less developed nations.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  27. The need -for a balanced expansion both of production and trade has gradually emerged in recent times as the key to the development of all countries irrespective of their stage of economic level. This need did not fail to obtain a response in the United Nations. 78. Italy has already made a substantial contribution toward the goal of economic interdependence and general co-operation and is now taking an active part in the many activities that the United Nations is carrying out in all spheres of economic and social development — be it the expansion of trade and increased financial assistance or intensified efforts in the field or pre-investments or the utilization of human resources.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  28. This plan, in form and in substance, seems to us, within the framework and in accordance with the principles of the United Nations, to provide a basis for negotiations which, by paving the way for disarmament through security, could usefully contribute to the establishment of a new and better world order. 76. Allow me to make a few comments on economic problems which, in my view, are no less important than the political ones for the survival of mankind. 77. The United Nations is the largest body in which countries with different patterns of production and different levels of economic development can air their problems and exchange opinions with a view to taking common action to promote economic growth and social progress throughout the world.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  29. I confess that it is hard for me — and perhaps not only for me — to regard this as a contribution to disarmament rather than as a new and powerful incentive to the armaments race. 75. My country, however, notwithstanding this bitter and frightening situation, considers that every effort should be made to leave the door open for an agreement. At Geneva we took part in the disarmament discussions and concurred in the efforts towards a true agreement. We even tried to curb our impatience and that of others and to spur ourselves and our friends on to persevere in the undertaking, however arduous it might appear. And it is in that same spirit that we now lend our support to the plan laid down by President Kennedy.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  30. We cannot fail to face two unpleasant facts which, alas, do not seem to aim at promoting the climate which is essential for a constructive resumption of negotiations on disarmament and international security. The first of these facts is the torpedoing of the negotiations which, in the space of three years, had almost resolved the difficult task of preparing a draft treaty. The second is the unilateral violation of the moratorium on nuclear tests, accompanied by the proclaimed intention of endowing the arsenals of the communist world with 100-megaton atomic warheads. But what most alarms and even terrifies people are the reasons which the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union has given for his decisions. He has stated plainly and explicitly that "the resumption of nuclear tests is in the interests of the Soviet Union".

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  31. But I shall refrain from doing so and shall simply recall here that it was the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union who made a solemn appeal to the conscience of the entire world when he stated: "If in the present circumstances a State should resume nuclear testing, the consequences of this action would be hard to foresee", and he added that it would "assume a heavy burden of responsibility in the eyes of the peoples of the world". 73. On 4 November 1958, in this very Hall, we unanimously approved a resolution [1252 (XHI) endorsing those principles. Would we be prepared to repudiate them today? Such an attitude would fail to reflect the deep-seated conviction of our peoples. Nothing has changed, technically speaking, since the day on which we took that unanimous decision. 74.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  32. At the same time, the Italian delegation cannot but restate its conviction that any proposed agreement for the suspension of nuclear tests or for the reduction of armaments and armed forces would be meaningless in the absence of suitable guarantees. 72. The Italian delegation hopes that the present inconsistency between the readiness to sign a joint statement on the principles of disarmament and the Soviet Government's decision to resume nuclear tests will soon be overcome. It would not be hard to quote entire pages from speeches made three years earlier by Soviet statesmen and diplomats in the United Nations and elsewhere prompting separate negotiations on the cessation of nuclear tests as a necessary precondition for disarmament, and roundly condemning any Power that would dare to be the first to break the moratorium.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  33. These initial measures, which could even be adopted immediately, as they present no inherent difficulties, would be of great psychological value and would mean a substantial step towards solving the disarmament problem. 71. The thorny but vital question of controls, so well defined in the statement of principles, nevertheless impels us to associate ourselves with the reservations put forward by Mr. Stevenson and reiterated in his letter of 20 September. The latest happenings with regard to the nuclear test talks as well as the previous experience concerning the Ten- Nation Committee on Disarmament, considered in the light of Soviet statements on control, justify this caution.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  34. The present balance of terror should therefore be replaced by a system of guaranteed co-operation which will permit economic and social development for all peoples based on freedom and respect for individual opinions. 70. With these considerations in mind, the Italian delegation heartily welcomed the United States-USSR statement of agreed principles of 20 September 1961 [A/4879], These principles enunciated for the safeguarding of disarmament negotiations fully reflect our views. We have always held that a programme for general and complete disarmament, in order to cope with the realities of present and future situations, should be combined with limited but progressive measures designed to promote that "gradual approach" to the problem, to which President Kennedy referred in his address to the Assembly [10i3th meeting].

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  35. Li stressing the urgency of disarmament in an age when technology conditions the lives of nations as a whole, both in the civilian and the military fields, we are none the less aware that such priority is conditional upon a complementary but equally important requirement, as the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom pointed out this morning [1018th meeting], that is the simultaneous establishment of ai adequate security system. 69. This system should be the cornerstone of any effective and fruitful international reconstruction. Our inclination to proceed towards general and complete disarmament can be justified only in so far as, in our progress towards the ultimate goal, we can be certain of safeguarding an international justice which will guarantee that all par-Lies respect their undertakings.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  36. Anyone who would today passively agree to a different course might find himself tomorrow the prisoner and victim of his own weakness. 67. In the view of the Italian delegation, the problem of disarmament today is more crucial than ever for the preservation of world peace. This belief springs from the awareness that the solution to all the delicate problems that vex us can be more easily found once a bold step has been taken towards a system which, by progressive stages, can bring about general, complete and controlled disarmament. 68.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  37. It is hard to counsel acceptance of the view that what is lawful for one party is not only unlawful for the other but actually a threat to peace. In this respect the case of East Berlin is of considerable relevance. Originally its status was governed by the same agreements as those which gave rise to the regime in West Berlin. But whereas any discussion of the de facto absorption of East Berlin into East Germany was taboo — even though its inhabitants were so eager for a different arrangement that a sort of Chinese wall had to be erected to prevent their exodus to West Berlin — the citizens of West Berlin are denied any contact with West Germany Sic voc non vobis. 66. From this .rostrum we wish to renew our appeal for negotiations, with the hope that there will be no misunderstanding as to its meaning.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  38. But he forgot to mention where responsibility lies for the failure to reunify Germany. Reunification by means of free elections, which was also reaffirmed in principle at the Conference of Foreign Ministers held at Geneva in 1955, was never permitted precisely by the Soviet Union. 64. Mr. Gromyko, who yesterday so solemnly and firmly assured us that the Communist countries had chosen that order of their own free will, forgot to mention the reason why the inhabitants of East Germany have always been prevented from expressing their free will. It is simply because they have never had the opportunity to do so, that even today a barrier still stretches across the Brandenburg Gate in the centre of the city of Berlin. 65.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  39. Some time before the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries held at Belgrade, the Italian Government, through its Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, who had returned from a journey to Moscow, voiced the belief that the time was ripe for direct negotiations between the Powers concerned. This belief still holds firm. But, in our minds, negotiation means the exchanging of views in search of a solution that would take into account the interests of both sides, and not the unconditional acceptance of all the requests advanced by one side. We have a different word to define that type of exchange: we call it capitulation or surrender, not negotiation. 63. Yesterday the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union pointed out the danger to world peace stemming from the present partition of Germany [1016thmeeting].

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  40. Besides, when the United Nations was first established and when, on the expiry of the first Secretary-General's term of office, the General Assembly was faced with a similar problem — since the Security Council could not agree on a new nominee — it solved it by taking, immediate action. In the present international situation it is imperative that we should assume the responsibilities that the General Assembly, at an earlier session, had no hesitation in assuming. 61. In dealing with the grave problems that cloud the political horizon I have already had occasion to mention the question of Berlin. Let me now make a few brief comments on that subject. 62.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  41. We therefore know that the Security Council is competent to make a designation which the General Assembly is asked to ratify. But while awaiting that designation, which we hope will be made as speedily as possible, can we just stand back and implicitly abdicate our right to adopt any further valid decisions simply because there is no one to implement them or to continue to carry out decisions already taken in the past? Do we consider that the problems confronting us are not urgent and that we can complacently postpone their consideration indefinitely? Such an attitude would, in our opinion, be irresponsible and would certainly fall short of the expectations of public opinion in our respective countries. We therefore have no choice but to find a provisional head for our executive.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  42. But, by accepting the "troika" principle, we would be taking the serious step of sanctioning what would amount to irresponsibility on the part of the Secretariat, as it is obvious ^ that you cannot censure a person to whom you have accorded the right of veto. In essence, the so-called "troika" system would introduce the veto — which would turn the executive organ into a deliberating body — not merely into the Secretariat but, as a matter of fact, into the General Assembly as well, and that would clearly be unacceptable. 60. Once we have shown the legitimacy and the need of having one Secretary-General,, the course we must take to ensure the smooth running of the only executive organ we possess is revealed in its true light. We all know the rules laid down in the Charter.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  43. It did not occur to anyone at that time that the Assembly's decisions could be vetoed, which would happen, however, once the Secretariat was given the power to obstruct the implementation of its decisions. 58. Secondly, the main executive organ of the United Nations cannot be paralysed at the whim of one party except at the cost of total inefficiency. 59. Thirdly — and this deserves special attention — the General Assembly should, like any political assembly, have to deal with a single responsible individual from whom, in given circumstances, it can withdraw its confidence by a vote of censure.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  44. Moreover, the Charter even then provided in Article 51, for the regional arrangements that were to be concluded in subsequent years, including the Atlantic Pact and the Warsaw Pact. The Charter even envisaged the possibility of disagreement between the permanent members of the Security Council as, in fact, it gave them the right of veto. Why, then, did this right of veto not extend to the activities of the Secretary- General? There were several obvious reasons: 57. First, if Security Council decisions already required the consent, of all the permanent members, it was generally agreed that the work of the General Assembly should be governed by a different principle — that of the two-thirds majority.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  45. Thus any departure from the institution of a single office of Secretary-General, besides jeopardizing the efficiency of our executive, could, we feel, gravely complicate matters by casting doubt on the continued presence in the United Nations of part of its existing membership. 56. At this stage I should like to emphasize that, when the principle of a single Secretary-General was accepted without dispute, the international community was substantially no different from now. Even then there were Member States ruled by the Communist doctrine, while others followed a policy of neutrality and still others favoured active democratic solidarity. So the present tripartite grouping existed even then.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  46. How is it to be dealt with? And how is it to be solved? There are some considerations that I would like to submit. 55. The San Francisco Charter clearly embodies a principle, namely, that at the head of the Secretariat there should be a single individual personally responsible for the implementation of our decisions and for the administrative work of the United Nations. This principle is tacitly reaffirmed upon the admission of new Member States joining the United Nations, and these States not only accept the rules contained in the Charter but also automatically acquire — on the same footing as other Member States — the right to withdraw in the event of reforms should they be considered unacceptable.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  47. This is certainly not the time for high-sounding phrases and general declarations of principle, which are easily made, but for deeds and for deeds alone. And the facts show that just when the international horizon is clouded by the Berlin crisis, just when our Organization is deeply involved in the Congo and just when the responsibilities of the United Nations in such matters as disarmament, assistance to the under-developed countries and support for the independence of countries that have not yet attained that goal have become more pressing than ever, the tragic death of our Secretary-General has robbed our main executive organ of its head. The problem of restoring the efficient functioning of the Secretariat is, in the view of the Italian delegation, the number one problem on which rests the solution of all other questions. 54.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  48. Upon how we tackle the problems which confront us will depend whether we shall turn onto the path of progress in international co-operation or will see the triumph of those negative forces which could shatter once and for all the hopes and beliefs which inspired the founders of the United Nations meeting at San Francisco after the Second World War — hopes and beliefs-that, in subsequent years, led so many new States to join the United Nations. 52. Our responsibility is great because by our actions we can either dissipate this great moral inheritance, showing that it was nothing but an illusion, or can defend and add to it, proving to the world that the ideals of international co-operation are a reality in which we firmly believe. 53.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  49. In offering our heartfelt congratulations upon your unanimous election, Sir, as President of the General Assembly we voice the feelings of a country which is bound to yours by a traditional friendship which goes back across the centuries to distant times when our two peoples met, on the waters of the Mediterranean, to establish fruitful associations. Your wisdom and experience will be invaluable in the constructive and impartial guidance of our debates. 51. It would be a dangerous mistake to shut our eyes to the harsh realities of the present world situation. The General Assembly meets at a moment which might even mark a crucial turning point in the history of the Organization.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  50. All countries, large or small, should make this effort; only thus can we be worthy of those who, through their sufferings and sacrifices, their faith and their hope, have enabled mankind, at a certain point on its weary march, to erect this great institution where mankind’s sincerest and noblest aspirations are expressed.

    1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)