YouSaid · the spoken record

Prince NORODOM SIHANOUK

lines on the record: 244
first: 1958-09-24
most recent: 1983-09-24
sittings or episodes: 6
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Above all, we are prepared—and gladly prepared—to give up all foreign aid if that is the price to be paid for an honest and lasting understanding between our friends of both blocs. 50. Cambodia has been an organized State for fourteen centuries; its economy and finances have always been such as to enable it, not perhaps to modernize itself at an ultra-rapid rate, but at least to live in freedom and happiness. A cessation of all foreign aid would not spell the death of our country; it would simply mean that more time would have to elapse before we covered the distance that separates us from modern nations. 51. It must be clearly recognized that for us—as for most of the other small, so-called "under-developed" countries—honour and freedom are possessions which we prize and are determined to defend. 52.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“After all, one need not be a Japanese to realize the dangers presented by these nuclear tests which have been multiplying over the past few weeks I 48. Is it logical that our poverty, and the aid we receive from Powers of both blocs, should expose us to contemptuous reproach? The idea was recently put forward, in the Western Press, that we neutrals constituted the "bad conscience" of the great countries, and that it might be asked what would happen to us if the great Powers of the two blocs reached an agreement. 49. On this point I must say plainly that, although we are poor, we are not accustomed to beg. We are ready to dispense with all foreign aid, if that is necessary for the preservation of our dignity.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“what seems to us the right or least undesirable solution, or even put forward, ourselves, a solution that we consider possible and reasonable. 46. Is it logical that we should be censured for being conscious of our solidarity with all the peoples of the earth, for trying, on occasion, to make our feeble voice heard—particularly on matters of direct concern to us, as when we search for means of escaping involvement in a cold, lukewarm or hot war that is leading our neighbours to self-annihilation or prompting them to seek our own destruction? 47. Is it logical that we should be upbraided for venturing to speak on disarmament, on the ground that we are not rich enough—or mad enough—to make weapons ourselves?”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“All we want is to do our duty, so that we may give proof of our realization that we belong to mankind, and of our desire to continue a peaceful existence in a world which talks so much of war. Nothing morel 45. That we are neutral does not necessarily mean that we are abstentionist. Should we deem it right to support a proposal made by one or another bloc, it is our duty to do so, even though as a result our neutrality and non-alignment be impugned and we be classed as tools or playthings of imperialism, of the right or of the left as the case may be. When we are called upon in this Assembly to take a stand with regard to problems which affect each one of us and the fate of mankind as a whole, we must assume our responsibilities. We must state our views, opt, if necessary, for.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“And, since it is fully conscious of its small size, there could be no question of its having a superiority complex. 41. That being so, it may well be asked what importance Cambodia attaches to its presence in the United Nations. 42. The fact is that the United Nations is our only refuge, our sole support, our only comfort, however insubstantial these may be in an epoch so prodigal of disappointment. In coming here, we have no desire to make propaganda, to give anyone lessons In ethics, or to communicate truths that have been revealed to us alone. 43. Our sole desire is to be in some sort a simple citizen of the world, called upon to sit in a quasi- universal parliament, and to do our duly scrupulously, assuming our responsibilities in a serious spirit but without any passion, hatred, prejudice, complex or excessive zeal. 44.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Thus we have noted, in the most responsible newspapers and from the pens of the most objective of journalists, observations of this sort: "The Belgrade Conference endeavoured to confer upon those taking part in it a kind of mandate to act as arbiters of world policy"; "Twenty-four nations are trying to form a consortium for intervention in world affairs... They feel they have a call to teach • others... We see them falling victims to a superiority complex"; and so on and so forth. This illustrates well enough the feelings of the aligned towards the non-aligned countries. 40. In these circumstances, Cambodia feels compelled to state that it has not come here with the intention of setting itself up as an arbiter, censor or judge, or even as the "world's conscience".”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“As last year, and in my capacity as Head of State of Cambodia, I have ventured to take part in the general debate of the United Nations General Assembly at this sixteenth session; I am, however, fully aware of the delicate and difficult nature of the role which Cambodia, as a non-aligned country, has to play. We come to New York and the United Nations with a somewhat invidious reputation, owed in large measure to the recent Belgrade Conference. 39. Western observers and the Western Press have either condemned the meeting of the non-aligned countries out of hand or commented ironically with more or less success, on its results.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I wish first to say how deeply moved I am at the thought that our Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, is no more. On behalf of Cambodia and its people, I desire to pay a formal tribute to the illustrious man who has fallen in the service of justice and peace. He was the friend of the small countries that are fighting for survival in a world where the law of the stronger is asserting itself ever more forcefully. He was an invaluable conciliator, a mediator of consummate tact, always available to help in the settlement of international disputes. More than once has Cambodia had occasion to value his lofty understanding and his testing concern for impartiality. His memory will remain with us for all time. 38.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“What will be the reaction of the hundreds of millions of people who long for peace, freedom and justice, if the representatives of the great Powers meet only in order to agree to continue to disagree? 78. On behalf of my country of Cambodia, I should now like to address to the new President of the General Assembly our very sincere congratulations on his election. We are particularly glad to see this manifestation of the world's esteem for Ireland, a nation which is proud and courageous and treasures its independence. 79. Lastly, I should like to convey to all the delegations here present our warmest wishes for the success of their work.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“My compatriots were undoubtedly very keen on this new kind of international diplomacy, with its Summit Conferences and meetings at the highest level. They were, however, greatly disappointed by the collapse of the recent Summit Conference in Paris which destroyed their hopes for peaceful and friendly coexistence and reopened the cold war, to the growing alarm of the isolated, small, “unclassified” nations like our own. 76. Hence we consider that the Heads of State and Heads of Government who are with us here this year have a formidable responsibility for the success or failure of the work of the United Nations at this fifteenth session. If we are Unable to give the peoples whom we represent definite assurances concerning an early and happy conclusion to the discussions on vital problems, the result may well be catastrophic. 77.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In our view, the participation of Heads of State in the annual sessions of the General Assembly constitutes a two-edged weapon with regard to world problems calling for a solution. The presence of Heads of State may expedite the solving of those problems; but it could also be Very dangerous, if the words uttered and the acts performed led to no practical results. 74. The presence of. Heads of State at the United Nations has given rise to great hopes in all nations' and among all peoples. It would be disastrous if those hopes were to be disappointed. 75. In the past, international diplomacy was carried on mainly by ambassadors, whose actions could be disavowed. In recent years its conduct has become the prerogative of Ministers for Foreign Affairs, then of Heads of Government and finally of Heads of State.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“If the granting of official aid is to entail obligations which run counter to our convictions, our real interests and our honour, and leave us open to contempt, we would prefer to be the wolf in Aesop’s fable rather than the dog! 72. In short, I wish to make it clear that I am biting, not the hand which feeds our people, but the other hand, which seeks to contrive their death. 73. I hope that members of the Assembly will be kind enough to allow me to express some ideas with regard to the organization of this and future sessions of the United Nations General Assembly. The traditional aspect of the Assembly has been radically changed by the decision of Heads of State and world leaders to take part personally in the debates.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This latter form of assistance, which is never referred to and the mere mention of which arouses indignation, can take a number of forms: direct subversion, or the support or artificial creation of rival groups, or the bribing of men who are supposedly influential (enough to achieve the secession of certain provinces, to destroy neutrality and the national regime, or, again, the conditioning of public opinion through the purchase of part of the national Press. 71. Despite all my goodwill and my feelings of friendship towards those countries which have granted us official aid, I cannot ignore this assistance for which we did not ask and which is a direct threat to our independence, territorial integrity and national unity.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We are sincerely grateful for the aid given us by the great and wealthy Powers, but the only assistance we can accept is that which will help to improve the lot of our people and enable us to emerge from our under-developed state. Many representatives are perhaps unaware of the fact — known, however, to a number of small nations which have received aid — that the friendly assistance provided for in official agreements is too often accompanied by clandestine assistance of a much less friendly nature. 70.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“That view attributes to the small nations truly remarkable qualities of Machiavellianism, duplicity and irresponsibility! Cambodia, which is neutral, is too well acquainted, by experience, with the disastrous consequences of rivalry between the great ones of the earth to dare to try to use it for its own ends. 68. The celebrated magazine Time which takes a great interest in our country, wrote with somewhat dubious humour: "Sihanouk unveiled a second rule of aidmanship; always bite the hand that feeds you." We are used to such amiabilities and have passed beyond the stage of indignation. Need I say that this acrimonious statement bears no relation to truth, so fax as either we or the other under-developed and uncommitted countries are concerned? 69.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As I draw to my conclusion I am aware how much I have abused the time and patience of the President and the members of the Assembly, particularly in view of the fact that, as the representative of so small a country, I should probably have shortened my speech by two-thirds, I beg forgiveness, and ask indulgence for my possibly over-bold remarks on the subject of blocs and the great Powers. 67. In this connexion I should like to try to dispel a misunderstanding. Certain newspapers of the "free world" have alleged that the neutral or neutralist countries are taking advantage of the rivalry between the two camps and playing them off against each other With diabolical skill, thereby reaping immense moral and material benefits.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In most cases such assistance is measured by the value of these countries as pawns in the blocs’ struggle for influence, the extent of their docility or willingness to join one of the blocs, or their potentialities as threats or sources of trouble to them. 65. May we now congratulate our powerful friends, and particularly our Soviet friends, on their amazing scientific progress, which will shortly enable man to undertake the conquest of space. This progress, however, brings home to us the tragic irony of the fact that men, whose power is continually increasing, show So little wisdom in their behaviour and persist in slaughtering each other merely because they have different conceptions of how to achieve happiness, or for other and even less valid reasons! 66.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Lastly, coexistence means that the rich and powerful nations should increasingly come to the aid of poor and weak ones, and that they should do so in a truly disinterested spirit of solidarity and not with the aim of propaganda or subversion. If the super-great Powers are to carry on peaceful competition, the finest and noblest sphere of activity in that line is, I think, assistance to peoples victimized by hunger, epidemics and the convulsions of nature. 64. Up to now, the volume of the assistance given to the under-developed countries has been in proportion neither to their population, nor to their poverty and their need, nor yet to their determination, their efforts to build for the future, or their deserts.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“For us, the people of Cambodia, coexistence should in the first place be genuinely peaceful; in other words, it should entail not only the renunciation of generalized, total war, but also the renunciation of localized trials of strength, of small wars waged through intermediaries, Such as our country has known and such as Laos, the Congo and many others are experiencing. 62. Peaceful coexistence also means the absolute renunciation of any attempt by one country to impose its policy or its ideology on others. It implies the renunciation of efforts, by corruption or indoctrination, to de-nationalize members of any country’s population and to induce them to betray their country’s interests, disregard the deepest feelings of their people, and seize power by violent means such as "coups d’état” or revolutions. 63.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In that connexion we have been very glad to hear leading statesmen express their desire to put an end to the arms race and turn to peaceful competition. The adjective "peaceful" is undoubtedly attractive at first Sight, and unquestionably represents an advance over the principally military nature of the existing competition. Nevertheless, this new competition contains the seeds of ideological struggles pregnant with trouble. Moreover we do not consider that the achievement of ideological uniformity is a desirable aim for humanity. 60. Our people has adopted a form of Buddhist social democracy which is peculiar to it, entirely corresponds to its aspirations and enables it to make definite material progress, without at the same time forsaking its traditions or a conception of life which nothing in the world would persuade it to abandon. 61.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In my humble opinion, there is only one solution which would enable that end to be attained: genuine, effective and strict neutralization of those countries, unhappily placed, by an accident of geography, between the two rival blocs, together with the abandonment of all pressure, interference or subversion on the part of foreign Powers. 58. I beg representatives to forgive me if I prolong my speech by describing how Cambodia envisages peaceful coexistence. I do not think these explanations will be useless, for although peaceful coexistence is a topic of the day it is very possible that not all those who proclaim their devotion to it interpret these two words in the way that we do. Peaceful coexistence should not consist merely of mutual toleration, or of shaking hands with him who remains the enemy while hunting for his weak points. 50.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I appeal for greater fairness to us, since, although there are small grounds for that allegation, we on our side are justified in expressing our apprehension about the threat to our peace constituted by the serious deterioration of the situation in the neighbouring countries. Furthermore I venture to appeal to the Assembly for effective assistance to the peace-loving peoples of the States of what was once Indo-China, so that they may recover and maintain the peace and stability which with all their heart they desire. 57.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Ho Chi-minh". In 1955, after we had proclaimed our neutrality, the same newspapers, together with a number of Western politicians, prophesied for us a disastrous collapse within an even shorter time. Yet seven years have passed, and each year has seen some consolidation of our independence and neutrality; while within the same period many countries, neighbours or non-neighbours of ours, have, unhappily suffered serious misfortunes. Our enemies, in order to explain the success of our neutrality, allege that the countries surrounding us have had the courage to commit themselves in our place and thus to draw upon themselves the hostility of the communist world! 56.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Furthermore, how can there possibly be a genuine political alliance between nations whose peoples are separated by levels of living ranging from opulence to dire poverty and even a state of perpetual hunger? 54. Recent events in Cuba, Japan, South Korea and Laos have confirmed this trend towards a position of neutrality, towards a refusal to participate in the dangerous game proposed by the great Powers. Is this attitude, adopted by more than one third of the human race, absurd and cowardly, or is it simply a manifestation of the instinct of self-preservation and of a very human love of liberty? 55. In 1953, when France transferred to Cambodia the remaining powers it had retained, certain newspapers reflecting Semi-official opinion predicted that our country would not survive longer than four years "by the grace of Buddha and Mr.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is nevertheless true that the concepts of neutrality and non-attachment have great attraction for the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America who have experienced colonialist and imperialist domination and are rightly suspicious of so-called defensive military organizations and of political organizations serving as a mask for resurgent imperialism. 53. The committed nations, which dislike seeing their propaganda beat in vain; against the firm determination of the third bloc to remain neutral, should show somewhat more understanding for the peoples that refuse to align themselves. Then, perhaps, they might realize that their chief subjects of concern are very different from those of the peoples whose primary problem consists in escaping from their state of under-development.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Not only has there been external pressure, but within the two countries — contrary to the deepest wishes of their peoples — factions have been brought into being which agitate or conspire to promote association with the East or with the West, and this is seriously described as pro-Western and pro-communist neutrality’ 51. Cambodia knows and practises only one kind of neutrality; and the entire Cambodian people hopes that the great Powers will, not only in word but indeed, recognize this neutrality, which is our only guarantee of survival as a free and independent nation. 52. The very concept of neutrality is questioned in the Western world. Certain newspapers claim that neutrality is an absurdity, and non-commitment a form of cowardice.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As a consequence, the two blocs would by joint agreement expunge Cambodia and Laos from the list of areas in which they are competing for influence, and regard these two States as buffer States whose function would be to prevent direct contact, a permanent cause of conflict. We should remember that France and Great Britain, the two great colonial Powers of the last century, sometimes resorted to the establishment or maintenance of such buffer States between their external possessions. That example, which has proved its usefulness in the past, deserves to be borne in mind today as a means of averting calamity. 50. Since the Geneva agreements of 1954, the possibility of neutralizing Cambodia and Laos has repeatedly been mentioned. In fact, however, there is great reluctance to admit that this neutrality can be effectively established.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Desiring thus to minimize the danger of friction between the contending blocs in this critical area of the World — South East Asia — with a view to establishing calm conditions for peaceable but weak peoples, Cambodia believes that it would be in the general interest for Cambodia and Laos to constitute a neutral zone, whose very strict neutrality would be seriously and formally guaranteed by the great Western Powers — the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and their Asian allies Thailand and South Viet-Nam — on the one hand, and by the socialist Powers — the Soviet Union, the Peopled Republic of China, and their ally North Viet-Nam — on the other.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The small, poor, under-developed countries like ours consider it, generally speaking, more urgent to cover the distance which separates them from the modern and prosperous countries, than to participate in quarrels which do not concern them, to take part in conflicts which in any case are beyond their scope, or to nurse the vain and reckless delusion that they can play a historic role in world development. For our part, we leave it to the great Powers to write the history of the world; our modest ambition is simply to contribute, in all sincerity and as far as our small means allow, to a better understanding between the peoples and to the maintenance of peace. 49.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Some people will perhaps accuse small countries like Ours of showing selfishness, of thinking of nothing but their own situation and of refusing to participate in the ideological trends which divide the world. But are not the great Powers themselves concerned above all, and in all their actions, with their own interests? That is perfectly natural. We for our part believe that, in view of the crucial problems which face us, we are entitled to remain outside blocs and so-called defensive military organizations that in practice often tend to draw peoples into ventures which do not concern them and in which they stand to lose everything and gain little. 48.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“However, the Cambodian people has rallied to a throne almost two thousand years old and has expressed its determination to fight to the last breath in defence of its independence and territorial integrity. 46. Our neutrality, our freedom and our independence are today intact; but this does not lull us into believing, that We have reached the end of the ordeals in store for us as a result of the desperate struggle of the two ideological blocs in this part of the world. At present we are experiencing a period of relative calm, which removes us from the international limelight. Our one hope is for a continuation of this period, so that we may be able to work peacefully on the building of our nation. 47.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Although the situation undeniably arose out of external interference by both blocs, it has become obvious that, in order to avoid the danger of atrial of strength, the only sound and reasonable way of disposing of this new and dangerous source of disturbance Is through the neutralization of Laos, accompanied by international guarantees of its unity and territorial integrity. 45. Since the formal proclamation of its neutrality in 1955, Cambodia too has been the object of the most open pressure and of innumerable demands from certain committed countries. We have had to face unjust and unjustifiable territorial claims, armed incursions, economic blockades, criminal outrages, incitements to revolt and secession, and incessant provocation by Press and radio.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Laos does not deserve to be brutally and cynically sacrificed, on the altar of neurotic anticommunism, by certain foreign rulers or agents who favour secession and can contemplate unmoved the abandonment of the North of the country to communism and the creation of an illusory anti-communist stronghold in the South. 43. I can assure these strategists that their plan of division is doomed to failure, for Southern Laos is in fact just as vulnerable to infiltration by the Pathet Lao as Southern Viet-Nam is to that by the Viet-Minh. 44. The world has its eyes upon the Congo crisis. Nevertheless, I should like to draw the attention of the Organization to the danger which the present situation in Laos represents for the maintenance of peace in Asia.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But we are so close to Laos by reason of religion, customs and way of life, and the feelings which unite us are so sincere and disinterested, that we venture to express the hope that an end will be put to the external pressure which is now being exerted in order to drag the peaceful kingdom of our neighbour into one bloc or the other pressure which threatens not only peace in this part of the world but the very unity and independence of a nation reborn to freedom in 1954. 42. In this connexion, we must express our distress and apprehension at the increasingly overt manoeuvres, ranging from outside encouragement to direct support, of the rebellion against the legitimate Government of Vientiane.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We would certainly not say of any man, no matter how neutral he may be, that he will never err; but what we are convinced of is that a directorate would be able to act only with the unanimous consent of its three members, which in the present state of the world is out of the question, and that its action could only be the result of wrangling or of shabby compromise. 41. May we apologize now to our Lao brothers for referring here to their country, in whose domestic affairs we have no right to intervene.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This proposal is interesting from several points of view, but we cannot entirely agree with the distinguished Head of the Soviet Government, for the following reasons. We believe that we must avoid the splitting-up of our Organization into rival clans — a process which increasingly prevents the United Nations from playing its proper role, particularly as sole guarantor of the survival and independence of the small nations. This division, if extended to the office of the Secretary-General, might well paralyse it. 40. It seems to us on the contrary that the Secretariat with its present structure, headed by a strictly neutral person standing above all disputes of interest or compromise, offers the best possible guarantee of impartiality for the uncommitted nations.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“A way out of this situation exists; but it demands that each of us, on entering this imposing house of glass, should leave behind him, at the door, all tactical considerations and feelings of resentment, cease to think as a "Westerner", a "socialist" or a "neutralist", and bear in mind only the word "brotherhood”; for are not all of us — white, yellow or black — born of the same clay and marked out for the same destiny? 39. In this connexion, I should like to explain Cambodia's position in regard to Mr. Khrushchev's proposal [869th meeting] that the Secretary-General be replaced by a directorate of three members, one belonging to the Western, another to the socialist, and a third to the neutralist group.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In short, it is essential for all countries no longer to content themselves with fine speeches about the grandeur and nobility of the United Nations' ideals, but to endow the Organization with the means to play a part acknowledged, with complete sincerity, by each. 37. Not very long ago, certain statesmen referred to the "so-called" United Nations and some serious newspapers wrote of the "disunited" Nations. This is indeed sad; but we must recognize that our Organization is divided, in a way which reflects the division of the world today. It thus departs from its purpose and its ideal, as these were envisaged by men of goodwill at the end of a war which, had it ended in defeat for the democracies, would have set its seal on the enslavement of an immense proportion of mankind. 38.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“However, while some nations are quite ready to rely on the Organization for the settlement of their disputes, many others remain unwilling to accept a verdict not in their favour. 36. Our feeling is that the United Nations will not be wholly fulfilling the purposes it has set for itself, or the expectations of all peoples of the world, until each nation, great or small, is able to call upon it for assistance when it is in difficulties; until each nation, large or small, accepts and scrupulously respects its decisions or else must agree to be exposed to sanctions, and lastly, until its doors are open to all free and independent nations.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“More recently, the United Nations intervened in Laos, though here, unfortunately, it lacked the means to bring about the peaceful and final solution desired by our friend and neighbour. Lastly, the United Nations, summoned to the Congo in order to ensure the maintenance of order, now sees its action disputed, not only by the parties themselves but by several Member States. 35. For our own part, we have had occasion to call upon, the good offices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve our relations with Thailand, and in this connexion we were able to satisfy ourselves of his impartiality in a problem of this kind and to convince ourselves of his ability to help in finding a formula for settlement and reconciliation.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Ever since 1958 we have pressed for the use of the Organization, not as a mere platform for propaganda, but as an undisputed arbiter and an impartial force for the settlement of international disputes with a view to restoring peace, freedom and justice wherever they are threatened or compromised without hope of restoration by normal means, 34. This path, which all peoples of the world would like the Organization to follow, is undoubtedly a difficult one. Nobody has forgotten that, with the agreement of most of its Members, the United Nations intervened In the Korean question, shouldering responsibilities out of all proportion to its regular ones — in the case in point, opposition to, and not participation in, a localized conflict.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“— although they were, necessarily, not entirely satisfactory to all — did have the merit of bringing to an end a frightful war and of representing, to some extent, a victory for compromise and mutual concessions. It is obvious that, without the assistance of the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People's Republic of China, it would have been infinitely more difficult for France and the Viet-Minh to find a practical means of bringing the fighting to a close. 32. Passing now to a more general plane, I will venture to explain to representatives Cambodia's conception of the role of the United Nations. 33.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I believe that we should devote ourselves, above all, to finding a formula acceptable both to France and to the provisional government of the Algerian Republic, a formula which neither of the two opponents would be justified in refusing. 31. We are convinced that a properly controlled cease-fire, and a referendum whose results could not be challenged by either party, would be entirely susceptible of achievement with the good offices and guarantees provided by the United Nations. We express this conviction because otherwise we can see no end to the present war and to the deadlock in which France and the provisional government of the Algerian Republic now find themselves. Moreover we have not forgotten the Geneva Conference of 1954 and the agreements which?”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“What organization other than the United Nations could act as an intermediary of guaranteed good faith and objectivity, as a “bridge” between adversaries who will not and cannot “lose face”? 30. Unfortunately, France has already made known its position — which is one of refusal, in advance, to participate in the debates on Algeria or to admit the validity of any United Nations decision on the Algerian question. For our part, it is our duty to try to find some effective means of helping to bring about a just and equitable solution of the Algerian problem. A condemnation of France would not serve this purpose, for it was in order to assist France and the Algerian people to attain the dual aim of a cease-fire and a referendum that United Nations aid was to be invoked.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But it is no less certain that the whole world awaits from France an act of greatness in regard to Algeria, an act similar to that just performed by France in respect of its African possessions, an act which will regain for France the friendship of the African-Asian world and of the Arab peoples in particular, 29. Nevertheless, there are grounds for wondering whether it is reasonable to hope for peace in Algeria to be restored without external assistance, although there can be no doubt that the peoples of France and of Algeria both long for an end to this fratricidal war and for a referendum which will determine the status and future of the whole Algerian nation.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As true friends both of the French and of the Arab and Algerian peoples, we fervently hope for their speedy success in arriving at an agreement, for with each passing month the conflict between Frenchmen and Muslims grows more acute and inflicts fresh wounds that will not heal. Nevertheless, General de Gaulle has formally recognized the Algerian people’s right to self-determination. He has also expressed his conviction that, whatever path Algeria may choose, it cannot mean a complete and definitive breaking of its ties with France. We share this conviction and we are sure that, if France grants independence to Algeria while there is yet time, the new State cannot fail to maintain ties of friendship and close co-operation with the former ruling Power, as we ourselves have done.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“For eight years, the former French Indo-China lived through the situation that now exists in Algeria, in which two adversaries, with ever-increasing violence, seek to attain victory through attrition and exhaustion. No one has forgotten that that earlier war in Indo-China was brought to an end only by international arbitration and left behind it terrible after-effects which are still present both in Viet-Nam — still divided — and in Laos. 27. My country, of course, had the great good fortune to preserve its national unity, which enabled it to escape having its fate affected by external events and influences. In fact, eight months before the 1954 Geneva Conference, we succeeded in getting France to restore to us the remaining prerogatives of an independence which had to all intents and purposes been recognized since 1949. 28.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In this connexion, we were glad to hear General de Gaulle speak clearly of an Algerian Algeria, not rejecting the idea of an independent Algeria. But the President of the French Republic insisted, as a prerequisite to negotiations regarding the future status of Algeria, on the cessation of the hostilities between the forces of the provisional government of the Algerian Republic and those of France. 26. We in Cambodia, who experienced the war in Indo-China and know the courage and determination of those who are fighting in Algeria, are convinced that it is an illusion to imagine that they will be persuaded to "lay down their swords”.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Naturally, we regret the difficulties that the United Nations has encountered, but these difficulties serve to strengthen the conviction which we voiced in 1958 — that if each of its Members agreed to lend it greater confidence and authority, the United Nations would be in a better position to render outstanding services to peace, to the protection of independence wherever it is threatened, and to the cause of reconciliation and understanding between the peoples, 24. I must now mention the Algerian affair — for although its end is desired by all nations, and particularly by the African and Asian nations who are not directly involved, Cambodia as a tried and tested friend of France, wishes to record its hope that, after too many years of killing and destruction, Algeria will soon know peace once more. 25.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This joy would be unalloyed had we no knowledge of the difficulties with which our Congolese brothers are at present contending, and of the Algerian nation’s ordeal, whose outcome we have been awaiting for so many years. 22. With regard to the Congo, it is not for us to comment upon the regrettable events taking place there, or to express our views as to the steps which should be taken to solve the problem of restoring peace in the Congo and maintaining that country’s unity. We will simply state that we Cambodians recognize only one Congo, whose capital is Leopoldville; for we consider that the local rivalries which undeniably exist in no way justify external incitement to disunity. 23.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)