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Al-Jaber

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS AL-JABER

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1969-09-24
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1971-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. We would like to take this opportunity to express the hope that he will continue in his present responsibilities at this crucial stage, which necessitates granting the Secretary- General wider powers, as part of strengthening and developing the United Nations so as to ensure faithful implementation of the principles of the Charter. 163. Let our deeds match our aspirations in reaffirming the principles of the world Organization. Let us show zeal in our dedication to the United Nations, whose message is that of the human person with all his material and spiritual values.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  2. The United Nations cannot be strengthened and developed unless we all work together in the spirit of one international family, transcending our individual interests and having as our sole aim world security and prosperity. 161. We in Kuwait believe in the principles of the Charter because we believe in the right of nations to live in peace and security, and because we yearn for world peace based on justice and the abhorrence of aggression, occupation and domination. 162. Our faith in these values is closely linked to our great appreciation of the role played by our Secretary-General, U Thant, in safeguarding the goals of our Organization.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  3. peoples and States and witnessed laws being violate --nd the principles of the Charter trampled underfoot, mt, although it rejected what it saw in both thought and word, it remained unwilling to act to safeguard the rights of a man, a people or a State. 160. The effectiveness of the United Nations and its success in fulfilling its mission as the instrument of world peace and for the elimination of the causes of international tension are largely linked to the willingness of its Member States to react to the principles and purposes of the Charter and to respect the will of the international community. The world Organization in its present form is a mirror which reflects the conduct and the will of the Member States.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  4. The first choice can only enfeeble and emasculate the United Nations. And the second choice can result, in the Middle East, only in further turmoil ever recurring and ever menacing the peace of the world; and, elsewhere, only in giving would-be violators of the rule of law the coveted assurance that they may do so with impunity. 158. It is a severe test that now faces the United Nations. The very being of the international order may well depend upon what the United Nations will do from now on. 159. Let us so act as to give no cause for future generations to say that our generation saw the truth but lacked the will to put it into effect. Let us so act as to give no one cause to judge that our generation saw injustice being inflicted on .

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  5. It has passed the stage of publicizing, and focusing the spotlight of world attention on Israeli policies. It has passed the stage of issuing warnings that are not accompanied by indications of its determination to put them into effect. 155. It is now incumbent upon the international community, having passed all those stages, to embark upon the course of adoption of punitive measures in accordance with the Charter, in order to compel Israel to show respect for the rules of international law and United Nations resolutions. 156. For, otherwise, the United Nations has only two choices: either to go on repeating what has been proved by experience to be unproductive, or to give up and acquiesce in the fait accompli, and accept Israel's intransigence as final and unchangeable. 157.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  6. would necessitate that the Organization should consider the application of Article 7 of its Constitution"-a measure which would entail the suspension of Israel's voting privileges in the World Health Organization as well as the services to which Israel is entitled as a member. 154. The international community has passed the stage of reaffirming its principles;. It has passed the stage of investigating Israeli policies and practices and determining flagrant Israeli violations. It has passed the stage of declaring certain Israeli measures legally invalid. It has passed the stage of demanding that Israel rescind those measures and desist from taking similar ones in the future. It has passed the stage of expressing its regret and its concern. It has passed the stage of pronouncing censures, of deploring, of condemning.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  7. Confronted with the sterility of the first method, namely, the reliance on moral pressure exerted by world opinion to influence Israel and cause it to alter its policies voluntarily; and confronted also with the futility of the second course, namely, the warning that effective enforcement measures would be adopted, some international organizations have begun lately to consider a third course, namely, the adoption of punitive measures. 153. Readiness to take the first step along this road was indicated a few months ago by the World Health Organization, whose Assembly warned, in resolution WHA 24.33 of 18 May 1971, that the continuation of “Israel’s violations of basic human rights...

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  8. This impatience was expressed more clearly by the Commission on Human Rights in the latest of its resolutions dealing with Israeli policies in the occupied territories; I refer to resolution 9 (XXVII) of 15 March 1971, in which the Commission declared that “Israel’s continued and increasing violations... indicate the necessity of collective action on the part of the international community to ensure respect for the human rights of the population of the occupied territories". 152.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  9. Moreover, Israel's certainty that it would receive continued support under all circumstances from one of the permanent members of the Security Council has served to embolden it to ignore and dismiss disdainfully the repeated warnings of the Council. 150. The General Assembly's request addressed to the Security Council in paragraph 3 of resolution 2535 B (XXIV), to "take effective measures" to ensure the implementation of past resolutions of both bodies, failed to elicit any response from the Council or to produce any effective enforcement measures. Nevertheless, the mere issuance of such a request by this Assembly was a significant sign of impatience with Israel's continuing violation of international conventions and its defiance of United Nations resolutions. 151.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  10. The Security Council selected a different course. It chose to warn that if Israel persisted in its violations, further and more effective steps or measures might be adopted. As members of the General Assembly are aware, the Security Council has issued such warnings on eight different occasions since 1967: twice with respect to Israeli measures purporting to change the status of Jerusalem, and six times with respect to Israeli military attacks on the territories of Arab States. 149. However, the mere repetition of these warnings, time after time, without the actual adoption of any measures indicating the sincere determination to put them into effect, deprived the successive warnings of their credibility and effectiveness.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  11. 4.3.1 at its eighty-third session, and by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights when it adopted its resolutions 10 (XXVI) and 9 (XXVII). 147. But the lesson already learned by the international community from its experience with the racist regime in South Africa soon proved to be equally true in the case of Israel: namely, that a regime based on disregard of the rule of law and on contempt for moral principles is hardly likely to be deterred, by the mere displeasure of world public opinion, from proceeding along its ordained course. Particularly is this the case when such a regime feels confident that the recognized superiority of its propaganda will counteract and prevail over the efforts of international agencies, and that the facts will remain concealed from the sight of the world. 148.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  12. In the course of that search, some United Nations bodies and specialized agencies have in fact conducted certain experiments with alternative methods of shaking Israel's intransigence. 146. First among such experiments was the attempt to give wide publicity to the facts about Israel's policies and practices, and to the reports and resolutions of United Nations bodies regarding them. This attempt was predicated on the belief that such publicity would enlighten world public opinion and might stimulate some international moral pressure upon Israel that might influence its policies and practices. This appears to have been the hope entertained by the Executive Board of UNESCO when it adopted its decision No.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  13. This advice, which can hardly be described as disinterested and non-self-serving, has been heard before by the international community, and it has been consistently rejected, for the international community has recognized that the pursuit of this course, recommended by those who have shown contempt for its principles and disregard for its will, is tantamount to the abdication of its responsibilities and is certain to lead, in the end, to the loss of its authority, if not its very being. 145. Nor has the United Nations been content with dismissing this Israeli counsel. It has actively searched for a way out of the dilemma caused by Israel's continuing refusal to show respect for international resolutions.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  14. However, it does cause some concern about the value of its being content with adopting resolutions, expressing displeasure or issuing condemnations; and it raises questions about what the United Nations should do, now that it has established that general international covenants, universal declarations and particular resolutions are equally incapable of deterring Israel from pursuing its policies or of ensuring the restoration of rights. 142. What should the international community do in the face of this Israeli defiance? This is the challenging question that now persistently faces of all. 143. You have heard Israel's reply, voiced during the present general debate [1946th meeting ] the United Nations should desist from adopting more resolutions on the question. 144.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  15. 139. By those resolutions of the United Nations, the international community has demonstrated that it has no uncertainty as to who is responsible for the aggravation of the problem, and that it has no difficulty in establishing Israel's guilt and no doubts about, the imperative need for rectification of the conditions resulting therefrom. 140. For the resolutions in question contain no less than 38 expressions of the "regret", "concern", "alarm" or "distress" felt by the international community as a result of Israeli actions in the occupied territories. Furthermore, those resolutions no less than 27 times "deplored", "censured" or "condemned" Israel or its policies and practices. HI. Such a record leaves no room for doubt about the position of the international community.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  16. Those resolutions have dealt with Israel's annexation of some of the occupied territories; its forcible mass displacement since the occupation of tens of thousands of the rightful inhabitants of these territories and its forcible individual exile of hundreds of others; its prevention of the return of Arab refugees, displaced persons and expels to their homes; its importation of Jewish settlers and establishment of new settlements on confiscated Arab lands in the occupied territories; and its repressive measures against the population under its control including the imposition of collective punishments, the destruction of homes, the confiscation of property, the subjection of people to prolonged administrative detention, the torture of prisoners and other acts prohibited by the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  17. In the introduction to his latest report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General states: "Ambassador Jarring feels, and I agree with him, that, until there has been a change in Israel's position on the question of withdrawal, it would serve little useful purpose to attempt to reactivate the talks" [A] 8401/Add. 1, para. 219]. 138. Lastly, on Israel's policies and practices in the occupied territories the United Nations has defined its position unequivocally in 52 formal resolutions.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  18. In its turn, the General Assembly proclaimed this principle in two general Declarations issued at its twenty-fifth session and reiterated it with particular reference to the Middle East in its resolution 2628 (XXV) of 4 November 1970, in which it also deplored the continued occupation of the Arab territories since 1967. 137. Likewise, the responsibility for obstructing progress towards a peaceful settlement embracing, inter alia, Israeli withdrawal has been unambiguously defined by the Secretary-General who, together with his Special Representative, has been assigned special functions in an attempt to achieve peaceful settlement.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  19. Similarly, with respect to Israel's occupation of the territories of some Arab States and its policies and practices in those occupied territories, the United Nations has not failed to insist that the occupying authorities should act in conformity with the principles of the Charter. 136. As far as occupation in itself is concerned, the Security Council has repeatedly emphasized "the established principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by conquest" a principle which the Council reiterated for the fifth time less than two weeks ago in its resolution 298 (1971).

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  20. It is true that such belated recognition of its inalienable rights is not sufficient by itself to redress the wrongs done to the Palestinian people in consequence of the initial denial of those rights, nor is it adequate to compensate that people for the tragedy it has been suffering for a quarter of a century as a result; nor is it enough to ensure progress towards the creation of opportunities for its actual enjoyment of its human and national rights. Nevertheless, the mere declaration by the General Assembly of its recognition of those rights was a significant initial step in the right direction, which we note with appreciation. 135.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  21. Accordingly, the mistakes committed in the past with respect to the Palestinian people were corrected when the General Assembly declared, at its twenty-fourth session [resolution 2535 B (XXIV)], its recognition of the inalienable rights of that people, and proceeded at the following session [resolution 2672 C (XXV)] to reaffirm that recognition, to proclaim that those inalienable rights included equal rights and self-determination, to emphasize that full respect for those rights was an indispensable element in the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East and to make specific mention of the people of Palestine, along with the peoples of southern Africa, when condemning those Governments that deny the right to self-determination of peoples recognized as being entitled to it [resolution 2649 (XXV)]. 134.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  22. This aspect of the Middle Eastern problem is indeed worthy of the attention of us all and calls for serious and responsible consideration of the obligations it lays on us all. 131. I must admit that, whatever its role may have been initially-whether in the creation of the problem in the first place, or in the adoption of an attitude of passivity towards its subsequent aggravation thereafter-the United Nations has at last begun to correct its attitude, particularly after Israel had finally unmasked itself and revealed its true image so clearly that neither those who had formerly chosen to ignore the facts, nor those who had been deceived by appearances, could fail to see the truth about that country. 132. Thus, the United Nations has come at last to adopt the position required by the principles and purposes of its Charter. 133.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  23. For the conflict in the Middle East-between Israel and the Palestinian people, and between Israel and the Arab States- is, in one of its aspects, a confrontation between Israel and the international community. 128. It is a confrontation between a regime which arose, entrenched itself and achieved territorial expansion through the use of force, on the one hand, and an Organization which came into being in order to prevent the resort to force and to deprive those who do resort to force of the ability to enjoy the fruits thereof, on the other hand. 129. It is a confrontation between a regime which has habitually violated international covenants and the rules of international law and an Organization which strives to promote respect for the law and observance of its principles. 130.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  24. It is also well known that the Arab States adjacent to Palestine, sizable portions of whose territories have been subjected to Israeli occupation for over four years, constitute the second victim in the Middle Eastern situation. 125. And it is well known that the entire Arab area of the Middle East is the third victim of that situation, inasmuch as its security, stability and prosperity are adversely affected by what has been happening in and around Palestine. 126. However, what I wish to discuss now is not any of these aspects of the problem in spite of their importance in themselves and the special importance which Kuwait attaches to them-but rather the effect which the problem is likely to have upon the United Nations and upon the foundations of the international order which this Organization strives to establish. 127.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  25. The problem, which it has become customary to call "the situation in the Middle East", continues to receive our most serious attention, as it has done in past years. This is so not only because of its effect upon the fate of fraternal Arab peoples and sister Arab States, or because of its impact upon the security and prosperity of our region, but also because of its import for the destiny of the international system. 123. It is well known that the primary victim of the problem in question is the Arab Palestinian people, which has suffered dispersion, oppression and deprivation of its basic human rights for a quarter of a century. 124.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  26. It is incumbent upon us to insist on the implementation of United Nations resolutions so as to put an end to these unlawful activities. 120. The recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding the legal consequences for States of the continued illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia constitutes an incentive to the international community to take concerted action so as to put an end to this human scourge. 121. We should also demand withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territories of other States, especially from Indo-China, to enable the people of that region to exercise their right to self-determination in complete freedom and without any foreign pressure. 122.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  27. The United Nations has adequate machinery which can be used to provide disinterested aid with no political or military strings attached. The main organ in this respect is UNDP which is now passing through a transitional phase which we hope will enhance its effectiveness and increase its resources. This cannot be done unless the advanced countries contribute generously so that UNDP may formulate sound criteria for providing aid according to the actual development needs in the recipient countries. 119. It is a sad reality in the world today that some nations are still under the yoke of imperialism or subjected to foreign control and racial discrimination. The main organs of the United Nations condemned these practices, which are contrary to human principles.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  28. The recommendations of the first and second sessions of UNCTAD have not been implemented. The passivity of the advanced countries is reflected in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], which is devoid of any binding commitment on the part of the advanced countries to make available annually to the developing countries financial resource transfers amounting to 1 per cent of their gross national product. The developed countries have refused to pledge in an unequivocal manner to carry out the numerous recommendations aimed at accelerating economic and social progress in the developing countries. 117. I cannot help noting in this respect that the foreign aid which has been and is being extended by Kuwait amounts to one third of the State budget. 118.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  29. The Group of 77 emerged within the framework of UNCTAD as an effective element in the field of economic and social development. The events of the past few years have brought members of the Group closer to each other. The Group has become a cohesive force and a constructive element in international relations. The demands of the developing countries are fair and necessary to bridge the gap which separates them from the advanced countries, to promote world prosperity and to strengthen international peace and security. 115. It is important to note that the third session of UNCTAD will be held at a time of crisis, in which the foundations of the monetary order are shaking and while some of the advanced countries are pursuing protectionist trade policies. 116.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  30. We are fully aware of the dangers engendered by the armaments race and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We therefore call for renewed efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament. We would like the funds which are being spent on destructive weapons to be used to combat famine, poverty and privation in the world. We advocate using atomic energy for peaceful purposes and to serve mankind. General and complete disarmament and the prohibition of the use for military purposes of the sea-bed and the ocean floor and outer space will promote the welfare of mankind and its prosperity, and improve the prospects for peace. 113. We attach great importance to the discussions that are being held at the ministerial level in preparation for the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD]. 114.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  31. The exchange of diplomatic relations is the outcome of the good relations which have existed between Kuwait and the People's Republic of China for a long time and which yielded their fruit in the field of economics and trade. In conformity with the political reality of the People's Republic of China, we are in favor of its admission to the United Nations as the sole representative of the friendly people of China, who have always supported the Arab position in Palestine. We are Sponsored by the Kettering Foundation and held at the United Nations, New York, from 25 to 28 May 1970. confident that the admission of the People's Republic of China to the Organization as the sole representative of the Chinese people will improve the effectiveness of the United Nations and the prospects for peace, especially in the region of South-East Asia. 112.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  32. We warmly welcome the admission of the four new Member States, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and Bhutan, to the United Nations, owing to our conviction that the new Member States will strive to strengthen the United Nations and uphold the principles enshrined in the Charter. Making membership open to all States will promote the principle of universality within our world Organization and will enable these States to work within the international family to fulfill the principles and purposes of the Charter and to co-operate on the basis of equality and mutual respect. 111. At the beginning of this year my Government established diplomatic relations with the Government of the People's Republic of China.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  33. 109. Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to express to you, on behalf of the Government of Kuwait, which has close ties and good relations with Indonesia, heartfelt congratulations on your election to your high office. Your election as President of this session of the General Assembly is a true reflection of the prominent role which the Asian continent now plays in international affairs. I should also commend the high status you enjoy in international circles as a statesman with wide experience and an outstanding reputation. I should also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Hambro, for the manner in which he presided over the past session of the General Assembly. He lived up to his high reputation as a Veteran statesman in United Nations affairs and as an eminent authority on public international law. 110.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  34. Whenever any Member violates the Charter and persists in a policy of aggression and expansion, the international community should not hesitate to act in a clear and decisive manner against the offender. This is the only way in which the United Nations can fulfil its mission and discharge its duties according to the Charter.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  35. Almost a quarter of a century has elapsed since the establishment of the United Nations as an international Organization, entrusted with the maintenance of international peace and security and the regulation of international relations on an equitable and legal basis. In spite of this lapse of time, the United Nations still does not enjoy the unreserved and complete support of the Member States which will enable it to discharge its duties and fulfil its objectives. It is incumbent upon all States to respect the provisions of the United Nations Charter, to desist from the practice of colonialism in all its forms and to renounce the use of aggression as a means of imposing de facto solutions and the aquisition of territorial gains.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  36. We are also in favour of establishing an international machinery to promote the exploration and exploitation of the resources of the area, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction for the benefit of mankind as a whole, taking into account the special interests and needs of the developing countries. We believe that only such an international machinery will be able to exploit the resources of the area in a rational and complementary manner, and distribute the income derived therefrom equitably among all countries and other parties concerned, while allocating a certain percentage to increase United Nations resources, particularly in the field of international development. 142.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  37. Poverty, hunger, disease and ignorance have been the lot of the ordinary people in the developing countries for centuries past. This poverty and the craving for a better life that it engenders have now become a source of active political discontent. It is the duty of both developing and developed countries to agree on concerted measures for solving this problem. 141. My Government believes that the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof, underlying the high seas beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, should be reserved exclusively for peaceful purposes. We have consistently advocated establishing an international legal regime for the area, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction based on the concept that the area and its resources are the common heritage of mankind.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  38. Human conscience can only rest easy when the apartheid practised in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia is totally eliminated and the right of the majority to live in freedom and dignity is respected. 139. Peace and prosperity are closely linked. The developed countries should shoulder their responsibilities towards the developing countries. It is a source of great regret that the First United Nations Development Decade has failed to achieve its main objectives. The gap between the developing and developed countries is steadily widening. The developed countries have been reluctant to fulfil their obligations, particularly in the field of aid and trade. 140. We are now on the threshold of the Second United Nations Development Decade.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  39. Now, however, the doctrine of the admissibility of making “alterations in the map of the Middle East” provided only that they are not “substantial” — implicit in the statement [ibid.] of the United States President—amounts to a violation of the second principle as well as the first. 135. The world today is burdened with problems that jeopardize the future of humanity. We must find a solution to these problems if we are to enjoy the blessings of stability and peace. 136. In Viet-Nam peace can only prevail when all foreign troops are withdrawn and the people of Viet-Nam are allowed to decide their own future. 137. In the colonized territories of Africa there can be no stability and progress until the people there exercise their inalienable right to freedom and independence. 138.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  40. This would indicate that the United States position towards this vital aspect of the Middle East crisis has now undergone an important change. Two years ago, the United States position was one of the decisive factors which prevented either the Security Council or the General Assembly from issuing a call for complete and unconditional Israeli withdrawal, and contributed instead to a call for complete, though not unconditional, withdrawal. While that position displayed disregard of the principle that military invasion shall not be rewarded in the course of reaching a pacific settlement, it did at the same time evince respect for the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisiton of territory by military conquest.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  41. We find cause for anxiety in the failure of the statement, made by the President of the United States, to emphasize the obligation to withdraw, indeed, its failure to use that word at all. Nor was that anxiety allayed — perhaps it was aggravated — by the statement that “peace cannot be achieved on the basis of substantial alterations in the map of the Middle East” [ibid., para. 65] . This statement, in reality, envisages and condones territorial alterations which may be deemed “insubstantial”, in the course of expressing disapproval of “substantial” alterations. By so doing, it opens the door for acquisition of territory by military conquest, which is precisely what the United States, on more than one occasion, had joined other States in declaring to be “inadmissible”. 134.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  42. How strange it was for the statement of the American President to raise once more the question of “the limitation of the shipment of arms to the Middle East” [ibid, para. 66] so soon after the United States itself had brought the situation of armaments to a new and grave stage by beginning to supply Israel with Phantom jets. 132. To further the military capabilities of the occupying Power, particularly after it had made unmistakably clear its determination to retain possession, under all circumstances, of much of what it now occupies, can only embolden it to maintain the occupation and indeed nourish its avaricious, expansionist desire to annex more of the territories it now occupies. 133.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  43. The faults and dangers of American policy towards the Middle East, however, go beyond ignoring the existence of the Palestinian people as a people and rejecting its national rights as such, as well as many of the human rights of its individuals. 130. How strange it is for the question of the Middle East to be raised and discussed entirely within the context of the analysis of American-Soviet relations, as was done in the statement made before the present session of the Assembly by the President of the United States [1755th meeting], as though the situation in the Middle East had no objective reality or character of its own, independently of the vicissitudes of American-Soviet relations. 131.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  44. No formula for a settlement which affects the fate of Palestine or its people can have the slightest chance of working, or be just and therefore worthy of working, if it neglects those people’s rights or ignores their national will and legitimate aspirations. 128. At this stage, I cannot but note with much regret that such neglect of the Palestinian people is at the root of the policy of one of the major Powers towards the problems of Palestine and the Middle East. I refer to the United States of America. This is particularly sad, inasmuch as the United States, which now views with disdain the national right of the people of Palestine to self-determination in its homeland, was once the foremost champion for the principle of self-determination and played a leading role in introducing it into the contemporary international system. 129.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  45. The experience of the past 21 years, and in particular of the past year, shows that forgetting or ignoring the existence of the Palestinian people cannot serve to simplify the Middle East crisis or facilitate its settlement, but, in fact, renders it more intricate and its settlement more remote. People do not vanish just because others prefer to forget that they exist; nor are their rights lost simply because they are forcibly deprived of them for some time. 127. These are truisms which the international community can ill afford to forget or neglect, least of all the major Powers which have endeavoured, since the beginning of the year, to reach a settlement of the problem by way of consultations among themselves.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  46. The essence of the problem is the dispossession and displacement of the bulk of the Palestinian people, the subjugation and plunder of the rest, the deprivation of the Palestinian people, as a whole, of the opportunity to; exercise its inalienable right to self-determination on the soil of its homeland, and the deprivation of Palestinians as individuals of many of their other fundamental human rights. It is this that is the cause of the conflict between the Arab States and Israel. How then can this conflict be settled as long as those conditions which gave rise to it remain? 126.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  47. It is most unfortunate that the general view of that crisis focuses upon this conflict and is oblivious of the other aspects and dimensions. Such distorted vision and conception would in practice make for erroneous approaches. Efforts are exerted to find a settlement for the conflict between the Arab States and Israel without attempting to redress the wrongs done to, or remedy the unjust conditions imposed upon, the Palestinian people, prior to or since the establishment of Israel. 125.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  48. Israel has complied with none of these resolutions and it has continuously violated their respective provisions. 123. Much talk about international ethics by Israeli leaders, and extravagant boasting about the excellence of the moral values alleged to be inherent in Israel’s international conduct, are powerless to disguise the truth that Israel, colonial to the core in its reality and racist in its ideology, system and policies, has, since its birth, followed a course of action which desecrates those standards of international morality enshrined in the Charter and which civilized States aspire to achieve. 124. At the opening of my remarks on the Middle East crisis a short while ago, I intimated that it was a three-dimensional crisis, of which the conflict between the Arab States and Israel is only one aspect.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  49. Suffice it to refer to those adopted since the summer of 1967, which include the following: (a) Ten resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, the Security Council and other organs, calling upon Israel to facilitate promptly the return of all inhabitants of the occupied territories displaced since the war of June 1967; (b) Three resolutions, adopted by the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Commission on Human Rights, calling upon Israel to facilitate international investigation of the conditions of the civilian inhabitants of Arab territories occupied by Israel; (c) Five resolutions, two adopted by the Assembly and three by the Security Council, enjoining Israel to rescind all measures taken by it purporting to alter the status of the City of Jerusalem.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  50. Israeli leadership evinces no embarrassment at the glaring inconsistency of official Israeli attacks on the authority of the United Nations, and the persistent Israeli contempt for dozens of resolutions adopted by its competent principal organs. Their claim to legitimacy is based on the authority of one recommendation contained in one resolution adopted by one of those organs, even though that single resolution was suspended by the same organ less than six months after it was adopted. 122. There is little need here to cite individually the provisions of all those resolutions, including many which were adopted by unanimous or near-unanimous votes, with which Israel has continuously refused to comply.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)