YouSaid · the spoken record

Abuzed Omar Dorda

lines on the record
135
first
1997-09-24
most recent
1999-09-24
sittings or episodes
3
sources
un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

  1. This provision runs counter to the general understanding of the initiative, that the purpose of the trial of the two suspects is to reveal the truth in the tragic incident of Pan Am flight 103, and not to exact revenge on two Libyan citizens who are merely suspected, without evidence. It is the understanding also that the ultimate venue of all the trial procedures would be in a third country: in the Netherlands, and not anywhere else. The agreement by the various parties to the holding of the trial in the Netherlands is a political solution that came about as a result of political action. The place where the sentence should be served, if, God forbid, they are convicted, should be the same place as the trial. This is part of the political solution.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  2. That is only some of the poison in the honey: the world has heard that the United Kingdom and the United States have agreed to have a trial in the Netherlands. Now they talk about Scotland, the United Kingdom and the United States. We shall clarify this presently. The letter then states, in paragraph 4, that, “If found guilty, the two accused will serve their sentence in the United Kingdom”. Moreover, the intended agreement states in article 16 (2) (b) that the accused would be transferred to the United Kingdom “for the purpose of serving a custodial sentence imposed by the Scottish Court following the conviction of the accused”. That contradicts the initiative; I cannot believe that anyone understood the initiative to mean anything other than that the trial would take place in a third country.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  3. (S/1998/795, annex II) However, the initiative adopted by the Security Council, which in essence is a political initiative, is based on what was adopted by the regional and international organizations whose letters were cited in the preambular part of Security Council resolution 1192 (1998). Here we would like to refer in particular to the content of the joint letter from the Secretaries-General of the League of Arab States and of the Organization of African Unity, annexed to document S/1997/497. Any text that would make it possible to transfer the two suspects to any place other than the Netherlands, under any circumstances, runs counter to the regional initiatives accepted by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  4. Security Council resolution 1192 (1998) referred to the joint letter dated 24 August 1998 from the Governments of the United Kingdom and of the United States, contained in document S/1998/795, to which is annexed the text of the intended agreement between the Governments of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and of the United Kingdom. In its article 16 (2), that agreement refers to the “transfer [of] the accused from the premises of the Scottish Court [in the Netherlands] to the territory of the United Kingdom ..., “(a) ... for the purpose of trial by jury in Scotland”.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  5. This demand in itself proves that those two countries have no evidence to support the accusation of our two citizens. On what, then, is this suspicion based? It is a suspicion still in search of evidence and witnesses. The best quotation we can cite in this respect is the statement made by the freedom fighter and leader, President Nelson Mandela, last week in Washington: “I know of no system of jurisprudence anywhere in the world where the accused is required to produce witnesses for the prosecution.” On the whole, in the text to which I have been referring, Libya sees interference in the work and procedures of the court, a limitation on the rights of the accused to defend themselves, and an abrogation of Libya?s legal rights guaranteed under international law and custom governing procedures and the provision of proof.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  6. It also suggests that Libya has done nothing in 21 that connection, whereas Libya has responded fully to all of these resolutions. Paragraph 4 of resolution 1192 (1998) states that “the Libyan Government shall ensure that any evidence or witnesses in Libya are, upon the request of the court, promptly made available at the court in the Netherlands for the purpose of the trial”. To ask Libya to provide evidence and witnesses contradicts logic and law. It is not Libya that has accused the two suspects. It is the United States and the United Kingdom that claim to possess evidence which justifies their suspicions. They alone have the responsibility to provide the evidence and the witnesses for the prosecution in order to prove their case.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  7. During the review session last March, the same adversary and the same arbiter prevented the Council from studying the Judgments of the International Court of Justice, officially referred to it by Libya, under the pretext that these Judgments needed to be studied by legal experts in their two countries. This stark contradiction in positions and criteria we leave to the judgement of the Assembly, and we have no doubt that it will reach the right conclusions. Security Council resolution 1192 (1998), adopted on 27 August 1998, suggests that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has not implemented the requirements of Council resolutions, as in paragraph 1 it “Demands once again that the Libyan Government immediately comply with the above- mentioned resolutions.” This refers to resolutions 731 (1992), 748 (1992), 883 (1993).

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  8. On Thursday, 27 August, as we expected, the Security Council approved the draft resolution, motivated by a feeling that it was a positive development, without pausing to discover the poison that was slipped surreptitiously into the honey. The letter sent to the Secretary-General, together with its detailed and complicated legal attachments, was approved without giving even the members of the Security Council a chance to study them. Libya then requested the Council to postpone acting on the resolution because it and its attachments required consideration by the competent Libyan judicial authorities. These documents had not at that time reached Libya and had not even been translated into Arabic. The adversary and the arbiter in the Council prevented the Council from responding to Libya?s request.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  9. Our intuition proved right and our suspicions were confirmed. On Monday, 24 August 1998, the United States and the United Kingdom addressed a joint letter to the Secretary-General to which they attached the text of a draft agreement between the Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Government of the United Kingdom, together with the text of a bill which the United Kingdom intended to enact as law to enable the Scottish Court to conduct the trial in the Netherlands. On Tuesday, 25 August, the two countries submitted a draft resolution to the Security Council. On Wednesday, 26 August, the draft resolution was formally submitted to the Council.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  10. At that time, before the official position of the two countries was made public and as a test of the seriousness of the other party, Libya stressed the need for certain considerations. First, we requested a guarantee that the two suspects would not be handed over or moved to either the United States or the United Kingdom. Secondly, we asked for a guarantee of their legal, religious, social, personal and health rights throughout the various phases of the trial. Thirdly, we requested that the Libyan judicial authorities and the defence of the two suspects should handle all technical, legal questions relevant to the legal aspect of the trial. We were now talking about a legal and not a political matter. The legal and judicial authorities of the countries concerned had done so with regard to their side of the question.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  11. At that time — the last week of July — we drew attention to the fact that Libya was concerned that the other party might have taken its approach for certain short-term reasons: first, to circumvent the two Judgments of the International Court of Justice; secondly, to pre-empt the decision taken at the Ouagadougou summit; thirdly, to forestall a potential resolution at the Durban summit; fourthly, to continue the sanctions imposed on Libya; fifthly, to distance between the international community and support for Libya by misleading it into believing that the other party had already accepted the proposals of regional and international organizations; and sixthly, to take the whole question back to its starting point.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  12. At the time, Libya expressed a number of fears and concerns to which it drew attention and warned against the Security Council approving any formula that did not address such fears and concerns in its enthusiasm of feeling that there was a positive development on the issue.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  13. Kofi Annan, to welcome this development in the event that it became an official position. To prove and confirm its seriousness, Libya suggested to them that the Secretary- General should look into the matter once it became an official position and contact all the parties to seek to reach a practical and serious formula that would respond to the interests of all the parties and could gain their approval. Our intention was that if such a formula were submitted to the Security Council, its approval would be assured and its implementation would thereby be a foregone conclusion.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  14. This initiative, which enjoys full recognition, remains the best framework for the solution of the border dispute between the two countries and the normalization of relations between their two peoples. I should now like to provide an account of the latest developments in the dispute between my country and the United States and the United Kingdom over the Lockerbie question. In this regard, I shall deal with the latest, not the oldest, of these developments. On 21 July the media announced that the United States and the United Kingdom 20 were considering the possibility of accepting the two suspects for trial in a third country, which may be the Netherlands. Libya contacted the President of the Security Council and most of its members, as well as the Secretary-General, Mr.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  15. This will have disastrous consequences sooner or later. Furthermore, it is a violation of the Charter, the principles of international law and all international norms. In the Horn of Africa the situation in Somalia is still a source of great concern. My country has consistently made efforts to assist the competing Somali factions solve their differences. We will continue those efforts with a view to reaching a solution to ensure Somali national reconciliation that is satisfactory to all Somalis. The Jamahiriya, which has the honour of presiding over the group of Sahel and desert countries, has submitted a serious initiative for the settlement of the dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  16. Their presence poses a danger to the peoples of the region. The world is still witnessing a continuation of old disputes and conflicts such as those in Cyprus, Afghanistan, Angola and Somalia. These conflicts have persisted for too long, despite all the efforts made to resolve them peacefully. The international community should increase its efforts to settle these disputes and end the suffering of their peoples. The people of Iraq are suffering from international sanctions which are unprecedented in their severity and cruelty. These sanctions have resulted in human tragedies which could never be accepted by principled human beings. Other countries have exploited these sanctions in order to achieve their own selfish political purpose of destroying Iraq, violating its territorial integrity and breaking up its unity.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  17. It is a source of satisfaction that in July this year we issued a joint statement with Italy which eliminated many aspects of the legacy of the past and laid down a solid basis for cooperation to serve the interests of both countries and peoples and contribute to the strengthening of peace and stability in that strategic part of the world. We believe that this is a model that should be emulated in other arrangements, including European and Mediterranean partnerships. Among the issues on which the peoples of the Mediterranean should cooperate and act in solidarity is the foreign military presence in the region. We in Libya would again like to express our concern about this presence. We again call on foreign States to dismantle their military bases around the Mediterranean and withdraw their fleets from its waters.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  18. And Why? These and other, similar questions will not be publicly acknowledged by the parties concerned, but that does not mean that there is no answer. Islam is the victim. Muslims are the targets and victims of terrorism, alongside the rest of third world peoples. God Almighty addresses his Prophet and Messenger in the Koran by saying: “We sent thee not, but as a mercy for all creatures.” (The Holy Koran, XXI:107) Verily spoke God. The Prophet of mercy preached the religion of mercy, not terrorism. My country has always sought to make the Mediterranean a region of security, cooperation and peace.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  19. Upon the disappearance of the international opponent, the former Soviet Union, they chose the Muslims to be the new enemy. At this juncture, let us ask the following questions, though we know in advance that they will go unanswered. First, who recruited, transported, financed, trained and armed those who fought in Afghanistan during the presence of Soviet troops there? Secondly, who called these people mujahidin when they fought against the Soviets in Afghanistan? And who now calls them terrorists? How and why did yesterday?s mujahid become today?s terrorist? Thirdly, where do the leaders of the organizations which plan and supervise the implementation of terrorist actions in their homelands live? Sisterly Algeria is not the only example. Fourthly, who protects these people? Who finances them? Who arms them? Who trains them? Where?

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  20. In this respect, we wish to note that some people insist, in and out of context, on linking Islam and Muslims to terrorism. This in itself is another kind of 19 terrorism. The very name of Islam is derived from the word salaam, which means “peace”. A person is considered a Muslim when others are safe from his words and his deeds. The greeting of Muslims, when coming or going, is assalamu alaikum, meaning “peace be upon you”, and the answer is “and the same to you”. It seems believable that, as has been demonstrated in some works and studies, certain people can determine their own identity only by identifying their enemy. Now that the ideological enemy, embodied for several decades in the communist ideology, has disappeared, they have chosen Islam as their new alternative adversary.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  21. Should we turn a blind eye and a deaf ear to what is being committed by that country or those countries against humanity as a whole? This, too, is terrorism. Terrorism will be eradicated only when its causes, not just its results, are addressed; not by committing similar terrorist acts. We cannot fight terrorism with terrorism. As one Arab poet says: “Practise what you preach. Great shame on you if you do not.” We in Libya condemn terrorist acts, their perpetrators, their sponsors and those who finance them. We are ready to cooperate with all countries that truly want to put an end to terrorism. Libya, in a letter to the Secretary-General dated 9 January 1992 (document A/46/840), was the first to call on the United Nations to convene a special session of the General Assembly to be devoted to international terrorism.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  22. threats and attacks against peoples and violation of their territorial waters — this is terrorism. Attempts on the lives of national leaders are terrorism. The downing of a Libyan civilian airplane over Sinai was terrorism. The downing of the Iranian airplane in the Gulf was terrorism. Forcing the Security Council to react to a missile that fell in the sea and preventing it from reacting to missiles that were intentionally launched against a pharmaceutical plant in a peaceful city, Khartoum, and from sending a mere fact-finding mission — this is terrorism. In this respect, we forcefully support Sudanese demands for investigation and compensation and condemn this terrorist aggression. Are we supposed to condemn terrorism only when it touches a certain country or countries?

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  23. It is due to a desire to preserve their interests and to gain greater political and economic advantages. When we talk of terrorism, we should know our subject. Our talk must be objective and we need to agree on a single definition of terrorism. We should apply the same criteria and the same rules and laws. We must also implement the same measures and procedures. We cannot condemn terrorism and fight it when it hits a certain country, then turn a blind eye when it hits other countries or other peoples. The occupation of Lebanon, the surrounding of its capital and the attack on Qana were acts of terrorism. The aggression against Libya in 1986 and earlier was terrorism. The invasion of Grenada was terrorism. The kidnapping of a head of State is terrorism. Maintaining military bases on other peoples? territory is terrorism. Navies?

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  24. Suddenly, those who fought against these freedom fighters and backed those who enslaved them are ready to roll out the red carpet for them, organize the greatest receptions and award them the highest medals. This General Assembly embraces a number of such leaders every year and, only a few days ago, gave the fighter and leader Nelson Mandela an outstanding reception. Libya is proud to have been among the countries that supported these leaders during their struggle. Libya takes pride in their victories. Libya took that position at a time when those who now claim to fight terrorism used to describe those leaders as terrorists. Libya knows that the change in these countries? attitudes following the triumph of revolutionaries and freedom fighters neither reflects principled morality, nor aims at atoning for past mistakes.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  25. By posing as fighters of terrorism, they are trying to cover the terrorist crimes they have committed and still commit against other countries and peoples. Their history is no more than a series of terrorist acts against other peoples, which have reached the stage of total annihilation of entire peoples. These self-styled fighters of terrorism have attempted to brand movements of liberation and the struggle for freedom and against occupation as terrorist. They still describe all fighters for freedom and independence as terrorists. But they fail miserably when most fighters for the freedom and independence of their countries eventually triumph.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  26. Washington has destroyed the weapons that Iraq once had and has imposed embargoes on other countries to prevent Iraq from importing arms. The real danger to security in the region and the entire world comes from the Israelis, who possess hundreds of nuclear warheads. So long as nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction are not destroyed in all the countries that possess them, any lesser effort will represent a great attempt to deceive the whole world. Since the dawn of time, humanity has been afflicted by a phenomenon that has been exacerbated in modern times: national and international terrorism. The annals of history record terrorist acts, their victims and their perpetrators. If we peruse these records, much is revealed. They show that those self-styled fighters against terrorism were the first to perpetrate terrorism.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  27. They continue to develop their nuclear capabilities with the financial and technical support of the United States, the very country that, under the pretext of saving the world from chemical weapons, threatens to attack any Arab country, including my own, merely for building a pharmaceutical plant. The recent destruction of the Sudanese pharmaceutical factory under such flimsy pretexts, later proven false, is still fresh in our minds. 18 Nobody should be deceived by the utterings of the rulers of Tel Aviv to the effect that the Arabs and their weapons are a source of danger. Neither Libya nor any other Arab State constitutes a threat to the peace of the region, let alone the whole world. These are countries that neither produce nor export weapons.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  28. So long as the United Nations remains paralysed by the blatant interference of the powerful, who exploit it only to serve their own interests and prevent it from acting when there is a question of deterring or repulsing aggression by their allies, this glaring injustice will continue to push the Middle East towards the abyss. The achievement of the universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the expansion of nuclear-weapon-free zones are facing major obstacles. In the Arab East, the rulers of Tel Aviv still refuse to adhere to the NPT. They refuse to place their nuclear facilities under the control regime of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  29. No support for the occupation and the settlement policy or undermining of the balance of power will help to establish peace. The displaced Palestinians living outside their land are far more numerous than those who live on Palestinian territory. What kind of peace is it that prevents a people from returning to their territory, their homeland? The continued occupation of the Syrian Golan since 1967, the occupation of southern Lebanon, and the way in which the Security Council has been prevented from implementing its resolution 425 (1978) are further proof of the weakening of the United Nations as a result of the intervention of the major Powers. In this respect, we would ask: Why does the Security Council insist on the implementation of some and not all of its resolutions?

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  30. The imposition of restrictions on international trade and the legislation of extraterritorial laws require serious action on our part to confront and put an end to them. Member States are called upon to support and vote in favour of the relevant draft resolution to be submitted to the General Assembly at this session and not to recognize such unilateral laws, which undermine the lofty principles of the United Nations Charter, flagrantly violate the rules of international law, encroach on the sovereignty of Member States and blatantly interfere in their internal affairs. The question of Palestine is still awaiting a solution. All developments, past and present, serve only to confirm what my country has repeatedly stated: Occupation by force and the dictation and imposition of surrender can never lead to peace.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  31. The report further indicates that Africa?s problems, including political instability in some parts and economic underdevelopment in most of the continent, were caused by those who drew the political borders of African countries. We call for the cancellation of Africa?s debts and for the continent to be dealt with on new and fair bases, not just as a source of raw materials and a market for the consumption of manufactured goods. The responsibility for all that has happened and is still taking place on the African continent falls to those who caused it in the first place. Therefore, it is high time for the States that colonized Africa, exploited its resources and enslaved its peoples to apologize to the continent and to pay full compensation for all the losses it has incurred as a result of colonialism.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  32. The reform of the Council should, first and foremost, respond to the needs of the developing countries, which constitute the majority of the United Nations membership, and to the need to avoid selectivity. Despite the efforts of African countries and their Organization, conflict is on the rise and economic conditions are further deteriorating on that continent. Whatever development or increase in income they achieve goes to servicing debts that weigh heavily on them all. In his report on the situation in Africa, the Secretary-General explains that this situation is the result of the policies adopted by the colonial Powers at the 1885 Congress of Berlin to partition the continent. These policies remain the root cause of conflict in Africa.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  33. The reform of the United Nations will remain incomplete without reforming the Security Council to eliminate the privilege of the veto power. Historically and in terms of justice, equality and democracy, there is no longer any justification for that power. My country was the first to call for the abrogation of the veto power in the second half of this century. Moreover, it is essential to remove the current imbalance in the membership of the Security Council, not by granting certain countries permanent membership, but through an increase in the number of its members, based on the principle of full sovereign equality among States and the application of the principle of equitable geographical distribution in both categories of Council membership: permanent and non- permanent.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  34. The mandated powers of the General Assembly, in particular, should be expanded to allow it to play its rightful role, which is based on equality among all its members and on the fact that they all deliberate on an equal footing, including in their consideration of questions of international peace and security. It would be helpful in this respect to establish a mechanism to enable the Assembly to oversee the work of other organs, including the Security Council, and to hold them accountable to it. Any wealthy country in arrears that cares about the United Nations should pay those arrears immediately and unconditionally, because they are to blame for the 17 financial deterioration affecting the activities of the Organization.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  35. The United Nations is the only Organization which enjoys universal membership. That is why it is the sole forum qualified to deal with urgent international, political, economic and social problems. To address these questions effectively, it is essential, first and foremost, to observe the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which must govern both the work of the Organization and the conduct of its Members. Our commitment to the principles of sovereign equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and abstention from the threat or use of force requires us to oppose the ambitions and practices of certain countries that seek to impose their hegemony and influence and to monopolize privileges.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  36. Allow me at the outset to congratulate Mr. Opertti on his accession to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. His election is a tribute to his friendly country and an expression of confidence in his ability to shoulder this great responsibility. I also take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko for his skilful guidance of the deliberations of the previous session of the General Assembly. Furthermore, I would also like to express my country?s high appreciation to Secretary- General Kofi Annan for his initiatives, which have helped ease tensions in a number of regions, and for his efforts in making a series of serious proposals for the reform of the United Nations and to reactivate its role, thereby allowing it to perform the functions entrusted to it by the Charter.

    1998-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 53 (1998)

  37. Since it is the only intergovernmental body with a mandate to discuss any question or matter under the Charter, including the maintenance of international peace and security, Libya would like to underline the wide-ranging and repeated calls for the need to invigorate the General Assembly and enhance its powers so as to increase its effectiveness in confronting the ever-changing challenges that face the international community. Lastly, I wish to apologize for having taken up so much of the Assembly’s time.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  38. In this respect, we should like to underline the need to adhere to the proposals of the Non-Aligned Movement, which are based on full, sovereign equality among States; seek to apply the principle of equitable geographical distribution; and respond to the demands of the developing countries, which represent the majority of the Members of the United Nations. The General Assembly is the United Nations organ that truly embodies the universal and democratic character of this international Organization.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  39. My country, which a quarter of a century ago called for the abrogation of the veto power, would like to emphasize now that any reform of the Security Council that does not rescind the veto power would be meaningless. There is no longer any historical or objective reason for maintaining this power. It is not justifiable by any standard of righteousness, justice and equality, and even under the standards of democracy, to which certain countries pay lip service. At the same time, we believe that the reform process will not be useful if it does not take into consideration the interests of all countries and peoples. That is why my country will support any initiative that would do away with the present imbalance in the 28 membership of the Security Council.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  40. We would not have known that had we not been told by those who are being pressured to pay the extra 5 per cent. The fact that they told us — the Libyans — clearly shows that they are dissatisfied and that they obviously are refusing. They cannot say no. But we can say no. Within the framework of the reform process, it is essential to have a complete review of the situation of the Security Council. By virtue of our experience with the Security Council — an experience I have just commented on — we know and appreciate the importance and necessity of reforming the Security Council and expanding its membership. We believe that the reform should focus first on improving the methods of work of the Council — its mechanisms — thus making it impossible for any one country to hamper the work of the Council or make it irrelevant.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  41. The fact that the United States has reneged on its contractual commitments to the United Nations by not paying its assessed contribution to the budget is the cause of the financial crisis from which the Organization has suffered for years. If the United Nations is to be reformed, that State must pay all of its arrears without conditions and promise to pay in future, on time and without pressures that aim to make the United Nations a hostage of the will and policies of that country. We know that that State is now pressuring members of the General Assembly to make up for the lowering of its contribution by 5 per cent. We know that nothing has been decided yet regarding changes of assessment or contributions. This is what we call sitting on top of this unipolar world. This is what we are warning the world of.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  42. The crime took place in my country. They say that a crime took place in Scotland? Fine. But another crime took place in Tripoli and Banghazi. Are their people citizens, and our people are not citizens? We are also citizens of our own nation-State. They have mere suspicions. We have facts not suspicions which were actually shown on American television screens. We believe that the reform of the United Nations is of the utmost importance to us. However, optimum results of this reform cannot be achieved unless the financial situation of the Organization is put on the right track and, most importantly, Member States must pay their assessed contributions.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  43. We, who personally were victims of the American raid, resorted to the American judicial system here in the United States and brought a legal suit before an American court. Despite all the evidence, the American judicial system rejected our case. This negative experience with American justice would surely discourage anyone from accepting to be tried by such a judiciary, especially if the opposing party was the American Government. I personally tried to institute a lawsuit and had American lawyers. My house is destroyed and erased from the Tripoli map. I have scars on my face, yet the case was rejected. And now we are to trust it and send our citizens before it? How? We cannot forget that crime. We will always call for those who decided, planned and implemented it to appear before competent Libyan courts for trial.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  44. The raid made on the night of 15 April 1986 is not a suspected perpetration of an act, as is the case with our citizens who are suspected by the United States. The raid of 15 April 1986 is an established fact whose consequences can still be seen in the tombs of the martyrs in the famous El-Hani Cemetery and in the remnants of buildings that still clearly show the marks of bombs and rockets. And if all of this is far away in Tripoli and Benghazi, I am here before you and I personally stand as a proof of the terrorism of the United States. These scars here on my face and on my head, and on other parts of my body covered by my clothes, are the result of a bomb that an American aircraft dropped on my house, which was totally demolished that night. My young son, who was less than 10 years old at the time, was also injured.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  45. The United States refusal to allow this side issue — “the question of terrorism” — to be closed is aimed at serving the particular objectives of that country, objectives we have already referred to. Everybody knows that it was the United States which more than once committed 27 terrorist acts against my country, using its fleets and its bombers. The most heinous of these acts was the barbaric raid on the night of 15 April 1986 against the residence and office of the Libyan brother leader, and against other residential neighbourhoods in both Tripoli and Benghazi. In this raid, tens of children, women and elderly were martyred in their sleep. The United States cannot produce one shred of evidence to prove the so-called Libyan terrorism, whereas Libya has dozens of proofs of the terrorism perpetrated by the United States against Libya.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  46. We have also repeatedly asked the Secretary-General and the Security Council to send a committee or envoys to ascertain on the ground the validity of our claims. However, the refusal and objections of the United States prevented the Secretariat and the Security Council from responding to our requests. This is one of the main reasons why we have such strong suspicions about the true intentions of the United States against my country. This has also exposed its political objectives, for the attainment of which it did not hesitate to exploit human blood. We call on the international community, as represented in this Assembly, to work towards reaching a solution as soon as possible.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  47. The fact that the United States Government has accorded Timothy McVeigh, accused in the Oklahoma explosion, the right to change the venue of his trial from Oklahoma, where the crime occurred, to another state — namely Colorado — is evidence of respect for one of the human rights — a respect which should not be restricted only to the citizens of the United States. This is because human rights should be enjoyed by all human beings, irrespective of their nationality. Human rights should not be accorded to some and denied to others. My country, at all levels of official responsibility, has repeatedly condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We have disassociated ourselves from all suspected terrorist practices.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  48. My country calls on all of you to intervene so we can reach a peaceful solution to this dispute, one that would accelerate the holding of the trial for the two suspects before a fair and just court, in an atmosphere free from prior condemnation, in any place agreed upon, or decided upon by the Security Council. The two suspects were advised by their American and Scottish lawyers against accepting a trial before any court in Scotland or the United States. This is because of intensive media coverage and statements by officials in the two countries which have created a climate and public opinion that have convicted them in advance of any trial. This does not accord with their human right to receive a just and fair trial.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  49. Our dispute is with the judge. How can anyone expect the Security Council to solve the problem when our adversaries are both permanent members of the Council and possess the veto power? Once again, our problem is with the United States and the United Kingdom. We have no problem whatever with the Security Council, and the Security Council has no problem with us. Had these two countries accepted the proposals of the regional and international organizations, had they showed respect for the States members of these organizations and for their presidents and representatives, the Security Council would not have hesitated for one moment to accept them. This is what we were told by members of the Council. We are not just saying that.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)

  50. Salim Ahmed Salim, Secretary-General of OAU, and by most of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Council’s members. As we express our gratitude to all of them, we wish to confirm that their support would have never been so forthcoming had we been wrong. Nineteenth, about a week ago, the Council of the League of Arab States decided to call on Arab States to mitigate some of the impacts of the sanctions imposed on my country. We are grateful to the Council and to all our brothers. We realize that this is a step in the right direction and that it is but a mild reaction to their being ignored last July. We ask you for justice. Members of the Security Council are not against my country. They have expressed that in all our meetings with them. They further add that our problem is with the United States and the United Kingdom.

    1997-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 52 (1997)