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1978-09-24
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1985-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. If the latest African meeting, the nineteenth session of the OAU Assembly, held at Tripoli, bore the stamp of the Sahraoui equation, it is comforting to note that once again Africa showed proof there of its traditional wisdom. My country, Mali, which is honored to have constantly benefited from the confidence of Africa in all its attempts patiently to search for a solution to that delicate problem, will continue its efforts to ensure that our continent, as in the heroic epochs of resistance and struggles for independence, will in unity complete the elimination of the after-effects and last vestiges of the colonial system. That noble mission must be the concern of all African States, forced us not to forget that the OAU remains above all the symbol of anti-colonial resistance.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  2. Africa, in its traditional wisdom, had already at the fifteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, at Khartoum, recognized that to be the only solution. But it was only at the eighteenth session, at Nairobi, that unanimous agreement was reached by the parties to the conflict to the organization of a general and free referendum on self-determination. One could have thought, therefore, that the real dangers inherent in that conflict had been eliminated because the path of wisdom and realism had finally been taken by the protagonists, thanks to the vigilance and firmness of Africa. But to think that was not to understand sufficiently the demons of history.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  3. That independence will only be deserved, in view of the great sacrifices made by the courageous Namibian people in the defense of the ideals of the United Nations. It is on behalf of those ideals of justice, equity and peace that the Government of the Republic of Mali has committed itself to the quest for a peaceful solution to the problem of the future of the Sahraoui people. We have on several occasions set forth and analyzed here the various steps taken by Africa and the many initiatives taken by the head of State of Mali to bring about a satisfactory solution to this painful-because it is fratricidal-conflict. The question of Western Sahara, which bears the imprint of incomplete decolonization, cannot be solved without free expression by the Sahraoui people-that is to say, the exercise of true and inevitable self-determination.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  4. The position adopted by the United Nations, to lead Namibia to independence, is based on the purposes and principles of the Charter. If it has provoked the wrath of South Africa, as was to be expected, it is even more valid. It is up to the Namibian people and to them alone to seek and apply the appropriate political formulas to guide them in carrying out their national duty. Any attempt to subject its independence to other purposes will only lead to the preservation of foreign interests. The Government of the Republic of Mali hopes that between now and the end of the current session of the General Assembly, an independent Namibia, with its territorial integrity intact, will take its rightful place in the United Nations.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  5. The duty incumbent upon us is to commit ourselves resolutely to correct implementation of the relevant resolutions on Namibia. The implementation of those resolutions which pertain solely to the independence of that Territory cannot have any impact on or link with commitments entered into by States bordering on South Africa, in the exercise of their sovereignty, to ensure the security of their peoples in the face of precisely the warlike incursions of South Africa. Mali's people and leaders vigorously oppose that grotesque machination, which is only a fallacious amalgam aimed at delaying the process of independence for Namibia. For Mali, the presence of Cuban forces comes within the exclusive sovereignty of Angola and cannot be an element for negotiation between South Africa and those who are fighting-that is, the heroic SWAPO combatants.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  6. The methods for implementing that plan were the subject of long and patient negotiations between Pretoria and, respectively, the United Nations and five Western Powers. An exceptional opportunity was thus presented to us to abide by our commitments in regard to the maintenance of international peace and security. But Pretoria remained frozen in its total lack of understanding for the requirements of peace. Each time that a glimmer of hope appeared on the horizon for Namibia's accession to independence, the racist regime of South Africa snuffed it out through successive recantations-some involving fantastic allegations in regard to the partiality of the Organization, others putting the emphasis on the presence of Cuban troops in Angola.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  7. The United Nations by legitimately assuming trusteeship over that Territory committed itself to helping the Namibian people to complete the re- conquest of its homeland. The steps taken in accordance with that commitment have been essentially of two types: the first was the recognition of SWAPO as the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, because it is the only organization which has palm in blood the price of the dignity of its homeland; the second led to the adoption by the United Nations of recommendations and decisions pertaining to the Namibian issue, including Security Council resolutions 385 and 435, adopted unanimously, which contain a plan to settle the crisis.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  8. Since then, the recommendations made to that end by many political, economic and social governmental and nongovernmental organizations have taken on new meaning, on this twentieth anniversary of the arbitrary imprisonment of Nelson Mandela, whose vision of freedom is the same as that of those great men who by their courage and actions gave meaning to life. The banning of the apartheid regime from United Nations activities is only poor consolation for those who are truly committed to defending the basic rights of man and peace. Chapter VII of the Charter has a wealth of resources for isolating and destroying that hateful system of It is that system which is preventing a just and peaceful solution to the problem of Namibia.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  9. That right to freedom is part of the whole series of rights that the Charter acknowledges for all peoples and that have been codified, particularly in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. But, like Israel, South Africa does not understand these principles, which have international scope, for the system which it has made into a system of administration, denies man his very existence. This unacceptable system is disturbing the harmony of international relations. In its resolution 36/172 B the General Assembly proclaimed the year 1982 the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  10. However, we must remember this: the Palestinian fighters have left Beirut but their destiny is not buried there. They left Beirut with the strong determination to impose their national identity. The repercussions of the situation in Palestine have on four occasions almost led mankind to perdition. In the face of the persistence of that danger and the imminent outbreak of even more serious conflicts, the relevant General Assembly resolutions on the convening in 1983 of an international conference on Palestine demand attention as very valuable proposals in the accomplishment of our compelling duty to restore peace to the Middle East and finally enable the Palestinian people to enjoy its inalienable right to freedom.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  11. Those proposals were reaffirmed once again by the non-aligned movement during its recent Extraordinary Ministerial Meetings. They are being increasingly accepted, even by Israel's friends, including the most fervent ones. They are the backbone of the recent plan, of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, which the Government of Mali supports. Israel's brutal rejection of those proposals is not at all surprising. This systematically rigid attitude is part of the Zionist logic based on defiance and arrogance. The leaders of the PLO, with their usual grandeur, have solemnly declared that they adhere to those realistic proposals. Israel, on the other hand, rejects any solution which might stop the massacre in the Middle East and enable all the peoples of that region to live in peace, honor and dignity.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  12. It is high time to come to our senses, because Zionism just like apartheid and both are by their very essence generators of tension-will expose mankind to a new conflagration. Let us therefore act together to guarantee the collective security of all the nations of the world. There is no other solution for the Middle East crisis, and especially the Palestinian question, than that set forth at this very rostrum a year ago, at the 23rd meeting of the thirty-sixth session, by the head of State of Mali, who, even at that time, welcomed what was still called the Fahd plan and advocated, first, withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories and, secondly, recognition and guarantee of the exercise of the national rights of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the PLO, its sole authentic representative.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  13. The Zionist aggression in Lebanon is the consequence of the unpunished acts of Israel which therefore continues to defy the international community every day-as though the odious aggression of June 1981 against the Iraqi people were not enough and as though the arrogant annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights were a minor event. Today it is the Lebanese and Palestinian civilians who are the innocent victims of the blind violence characteristic of the policy of the Zionist State. The Security Council should have, for the cause of peace, drawn from Chapter VII of the Charter its inspiration and justification for action to induce the Government of Israel to respect the elementary rules of international law.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  14. But the peoples that do not have short memories have spoken up everywhere in the world, including in Israel itself, against this repetition of the massacre of an entire people. What took place in Lebanon disturbs and frightens us, because there is no greater incitement to crime than the apathy of those who, under the dangerous illusion that only the neighbor's house is burning, accept the inadmissible role of hearing and seeing no evil. In international relations, indifference is the most serious complicity, because it makes it possible for evil to progress and worsen.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  15. Thus the challenges that we have committed ourselves to meeting are in fact taking on frightful dimensions. The thirty-seventh session of the Assembly is being held at a time when Palestinian people is experiencing the most tragic situation in its existence. The Zionist war machine has been unleashed against the Lebanese and Palestinian peoples with unequalled furor. The siege of Beirut, the invasion of that city, the systematic destruction of Palestinian refugee camps, hospitals and schools and, lastly and above all, the Sabra and Shatila massacres lend the war in Lebanon the character of genocide, a crime against mankind. That outright aggression against Lebanon is a premeditated act of war against the sovereignty and integrity of a State Member of the Organization. The horrors that have been perpetrated bring back terrible memories.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  16. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea has been adopted, but with its chances of implementation blocked. The North-South dialogue on the coming into being of the new international economic order has foundered on national egoism. The racist, illegal Pretoria regime has strengthened its alliances, heightened its repression against South African patriots and violated, with increasing brutality and even more bloodshed, the sovereignty and integrity of neighboring States. Some Member States persist, in their delirium of power, in their attempts to break the will of peoples for independence. The United Nations will not at this session be enriched by the admission of one of the nations still under domination-although we had every reason to hope that that would be so.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  17. Indeed, as the Secretary-General himself recalls in his brilliant report "The past year has seen an alarming succession of international crises as well as stalemates on a number of... international issues". Hence the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly has opened in the atmosphere of a terrible, distressing vacuum. It is therefore easy to understand why the recent twelfth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, in which many distinguished personalities participated, concluded without even reflecting the hopes that had been placed in it. And, worse still, while it was meeting Beirut was crumbling under Israeli bombs and new so-called conventional weapons were appearing on the battlefield, which thus served as a testing ground.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  18. Well may it be proud also at having contributed to a sharper perception of the danger represented by the arms race, especially the danger of atomic weapons, and at having placed the individual at the center of its concerns by stressing the magnificence and protection of his basic rights. Thus, in spite of pitfalls, in spite of certain sharp setbacks, in spite of uncertainties that have often characterized the international situation, at each of the previous sessions the Assembly has attempted to pay its share for the safeguard and maintenance of peace. The feeling has prevailed that where we lacked immediate solutions to international problems, dialogue did enable us to discharge our international responsibilities with respect for our fundamental interests. But this is where our hopes stop short.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  19. New forces have strengthened its action and given new dynamism to its structures. The virtues of wisdom and realism have often dispersed the clouds which, streaked with lighting heralding lethal thunderbolts, darkened the international horizon. Where agreement was sometimes lacking, hope at least was allowed. That is why the United Nations can quite rightly be pleased at having made its appreciable contribution to the national liberation struggles. It can take pride in having prepared international development strategy decades tor low-income countries. It can also be proud at having created hopes for the establishment of a new international economic order.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  20. He has already reflected in stirring terms in his report on the work of the Organization and in his speeches the meaning of his fight for justice and equity and also for the strengthening of the system of collective security of the United Nations, an irreplaceable instrument for world peace. The United Nations is neither called upon nor able to provide magical solutions to international problems. But we had become accustomed year after year, in spite of certain negative factors, to winning victories over ourselves which reflected our deep dedication to the ideals, goals and principles of the Charter and to have our awareness of our international responsibilities heightened day by day. In the course of the past decades, the United Nations has given particular meaning to its ascent towards universality.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  21. Kittani, that worthy son of the third world, of Iraq, a country which is a friend of my own, who acquitted himself so ably in they should like also to reiterate to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, the best wishes of the Government of the Republic of Mali, which reaffirms its full readiness to co-operate most sincerely with him. One of the long line of individuals who devote their talents and their political courage to the cause of peace, he bears with him the faith and hopes of the third-world countries which are resolutely committed to preventing the bipolarization of the world.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  22. Hollai is an experienced diplomat with a long and full career; because he has dedicated part of that career to defending, in this very Organization, the fundamental objectives of the Charter, the Republic of Mali, a friend of his country, the People's Republic of Hungary, places great hopes in his well-deserved election which will, we are convinced, contribute to enriching our common action in maintaining peace, respect for the sovereign equality of States and the peaceful coexistence of all nations. Of course, I cannot conceal the legitimate pride that my delegation takes in the wide-ranging and positive action accomplished so skilfully by Mr. Hollai's outstanding predecessor, Mr.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  23. Solutions to fundamental questions basic to the balance of the world which were at one time within our reach crumbled because of the resurgence of warlike activism and last- minute intransigence. That is why the eyes of the world, a world which legitimately expects from us just and lasting solutions for its stability, its security, its economic, social and cultural progress, are fixed particularly upon the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. Because we know that Mr.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  24. A year ago, during the thirty-sixth session, President Moussa Traore, head of State of Mali, affirmed from this rostrum that "The aspiration of our peoples to live in dignity and in spiritual, moral and material tranquility is thus being increasingly jeopardized". Alas, the past year confirms that statement which should be a source of fruitful meditation and deep reflection for us. In fact, 1982 will above all confirm the prevalence of relationships of force in international relations. The international community has been shaken by political, economic and military crises which treaten the very foundations of human civilization. The past year, more than any other, seems to have been a year of disillusion.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  25. On 26 June 1945 men of good will signed at San Francisco the finest instrument of peace that has ever existed, the Charter of the United Nations. They did this because of their horror of war, to spare future generations the torment and untold sufferings, through their love of peace, that vibrant love which animates us all, the peoples of the world.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  26. The sovereignty of States, the equality among them recognized by the Charter, the development of the international situation since the end of the Second World War and the necessary democratization of international relations enable us to hope that no effort will be spared to be worthy of the trust which the peoples place in us and to provide ourselves with more effective instruments in order to give dynamism to our action. 173. We have already said that we are at a crossroads in history. Serious events assail us on all sides. Decolonization has not been achieved, apartheid takes innocent lives, brother countries are tearing each other to pieces, the world economy is undergoing an unprecedented crisis. In short, peace has never been more seriously threatened. 174.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  27. As a means of education the press must contribute to the formation of the individual personality. As an instrument of progress, mass media must be at the service of development. 171.. These are the few thoughts which my delegation wished to express in this debate as a modest contribution to any efforts to seek solutions to the major problems of our time. We are pressed for time, for, as was recognized by the non-aligned movement in 1970: "We are at a crossroads in history, and every passing day brings new proof of the exceptional power of the human spirit and points to the dangerous paths into which man may be led by his imperfections". We must apply that exceptional power of our creative spirit to international problems. 172.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  28. The disadvantaged passively receive second-rate cultural works and values which alienate them because they are foreign to them. It is therefore essential to correct this other imbalance, which is detrimental to the South in its exchange of news with the North. 169. The freedom of the press, which is a fundamental right, must cease to be an unrestricted freedom, a commercial product or an instrument of power. The press should not seek only to free itself from control by the political power. It must also be on its guard, perhaps, above all, lest it fall under the in some ways more severe yoke of the economic power, whose subtle enormous and powerful methods are still more restrictive. 170. The freedom of the press must be at the service of man, and this must be its only purpose.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  29. The unequal exchange of information between North and South, the distortions which are found, the concentration of the mass media in developed countries, the increasingly commercial nature of the important press, which in the main practises crisis journalism, are the major themes of the important debate taking place in UNESCO on a new world information order, which we heartily wish to see emerge so worrying is the present dangerous tendency to treat the news from the third world in a distorted way in the service of what are often unworthy ends. The media in the major industrialized countries often give our countries a false and distorted image. The familiar demand for the free circulation of information between the strong and the weak incontestably has negative consequences for the latter.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  30. The critics of today must first be convinced that while it is undeniable that human rights are intangible at the level of principle, the daily modalities are in general a function of many factors, many contingencies, among which are the ethic of each society, the preoccupations of the moment, the political circumstances and the economic and social conditions. 167. These few thoughts should lead the manipulators of consciences and public opinion, which, unfortunately, certain mass media have become, to show more circumspection, more restraint, and more justice. 168. Such a policy, although quite common, is all the more unjust in that there is this imbalance in matters of information.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  31. Moreover, on the national level, the sacred rights of the human person are protected by our laws and above all by our Constitution, in which they are embodied not only in several provisions of its preamble but in an entire chapter, the first. 166. This means that my country, our people and its leaders have no complex as regards the question of human rights, which has suddenly become a useful instrument for the destabilization of young States. No nation, no people, no State, can claim to have attained perfection in such a fundamental and delicate field as this.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  32. There, as in all societies of an old civilization, man is happy because he is never alone, he is never lonely, he is never in despair because he can trust in his family, his clan, his country, to which he remains attached by an emotional and therefore indestructible bond, which is nevertheless destroyed by a certain form of development. 165. My country, Mali, on acceding to international sovereignty, of course, adhered to the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, both of 1966.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  33. Man is but an element of society, the harmonious evolution of which requires respect for the collective right of all the elements which make up that society. In other words, because the right to development is first and foremost a collective right, human rights cannot and must not transcend the right of peoples. 163. The right to self-determination, the right to the free exploitation of natural resources, the right to organize societies according to political, economic and social rules that each people must freely choose—in sum, the right to exist, the right to live, the right to be must be admitted and applied by all. 164. In Mali, a young State but an old country, human rights are part of our ethic.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  34. On the other hand, since there can be no peace and security in the world if the enjoyment by all people of their fundamental rights is not an effective reality, equal rights for all the members of the human family remains the cornerstone of peace and justice in the world. 161. In this connection one should be convinced once and for all that human rights apply to all people, irrespective of race, sex or creed. This implies the effective participation of all people in the development of the society in which they live. Human rights cannot be discriminatory, applicable, for example, to the whites who immigrated into South Africa, but withheld from the blacks, who are the authentic children of the country. 162.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  35. To emphasize political rights at the expense of social and economic rights would be tantamount to depriving millions of people who live in sordid and abject conditions of their freedom to escape starvation, ignorance and disease. Conversely, not to consider civil and political rights is tantamount to believing that man can live by bread alone. Economic, social and cultural rights are inseparable from civil and political rights. They all move towards the same goals: development and peace. 159. On the one hand, since man is the be-all and end-all of development, the right to development—the recognized right of each individual to meet his needs in accordance with his legitimate aspirations and in harmony with the degree of development of the society in which he lives—must be the first human right to be respected by Governments. 160.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  36. The problem of the democratization of international relations, the need for which was affirmed in September 1970 at Lusaka at the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, is thus clearly posed. 157. Respect for human rights is among the questions of world-wide importance, and it must therefore be placed in its precise context and comprehensively if we wish correctly to resolve it. 158. To grasp thoroughly the import and scope of the question of fundamental human rights, we must first of all rid ourselves of ideological contingencies which do not merely circumscribe our consideration, but also tend to permit the notion of a selective approach to take root, while, in fact, the basic rights of the individual cover all aspects of daily life—political, civil, economic and social.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  37. Zones of influence and blind distrust are among the ills in modern international relations, the sole remedy for which, we believe, lies in non-alignment, steadfast and dynamic non-alignment, a non-alignment which goes beyond blocs, a non-alignment which will lead to true interdependence, in which a community of interests will replace conflicts of interest in a world in harmony. 155. Such ambition requires the mobilization of the political will of all. The establishment and maintenance of peace is not a matter for the Powers alone, however militarily developed they may be, or for blocs; it is right and truly a matter for all. 156.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  38. What could be more absurd than to note that more than $500 billion a year continues to be spent on armaments, when a far smaller sum would suffice to bring the Sahel back into bloom, to open schools and hospitals for hundreds of millions of people and to drive back the advance of hunger and malnutrition. 153. But the arms race has demonstrated its own futility, for it has not decreased the policy of zones of influence, prevented the maintenance and strengthening of blocs or extinguished hotbeds of tension. 154. Mankind must necessarily, then, respond to all the different challenges with which it is faced.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  39. In fact, despite international agreements, despite the legitimate concern of peoples, nuclear explosions have not halted during the past year. Existing stockpiles of strategic weapons would suffice, according to experts, to reduce our planet to ashes 1,001 times over. But this is not enough: arsenals are to be stocked with neutron weapons. Chemical weapons, although banned, have rediscovered their patent of nobility. According to the international press, the flash of light recorded by an American satellite over South Africa was that of an atomic bomb jointly developed by South Africa and Israel. 152.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  40. Because this profound reality has not been recognized, because it has been forgotten that the Charter recommends uniting the strength of all to maintain international peace and security, fear continues to hover over the world. The balance of fear has returned in the form of the fear of tomorrow. 150. Ratification of the SALT II Treaty on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons, which we earnestly desire, has been thwarted by the resurgence of international tension. The Disarmament Decade which the General Assembly decided to proclaim at its thirty-fourth session has opened to the clash of weapons. Furthermore, the arsenals are stuffed with engines of devastation as though to clear one's conscience by having, out of a love for peace, prepared for war. 151.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  41. Mali supports the opportune initiatives of the Islamic Conference and the non-aligned movement towards the complete cessation of hostilities and a quest, by peaceful means, of a lasting solution to the crisis. 147. Alliances forged by war have been shattered by the demands of opposing ideologies. While international relations suffer less and less from the clash of ideologies, they are more and more subject to the efforts of nationalism and selfish interests to the detriment of the ideals of peace and justice so dear to the international community. 148. Detente, to be real, must be extended to all the nations of the world, all the peoples of the world because of the correlation of their interests and their equal ability to direct the course of international affairs. 149.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  42. From this rostrum, the people and leaders of Mali, through our delegation, would like to make, in conformity with our traditions of respect for the will of all peoples and for the sacred principles of effective non-alignment, an urgent appeal to all the parties involved in these regrettable crises to replace guns with ballot-boxes and negotiating tables so that the peoples concerned may in full freedom have the opportunity to choose the final solutions to their concerns. 146. Hotbeds of tension have not only continued; they have unfortunately multiplied. The current session of the General Assembly began during the border conflict between Iran and Iraq, two countries friendly to mine, members of the Islamic Conference, and of the non-aligned movement.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  43. Of course, organized Africa must be able to count on the very precious support of the international community with the aim of safeguarding national unity, of which the Lagos Agreement of 21 August 1979 is the sole guarantee. 144. It is also the lack of respect for the principles of the Charter—the principles of non-recourse to force, avoidance of foreign military intervention, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the peaceful settlement of disputes—which has given to the crises in Afghanistan and Kampuchea dimensions which go beyond the national borders of those countries. 145.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  44. A glimmer of hope may be perceived in Cyprus. The two Cypriot communities—Turkish and Greek—have agreed to resume the talks on the political future of their country, thus showing that the maturity of peoples, will, always win out over the most subtle political machinations. 142. The situation in Chad continues to be one of the main concerns of OAJ and especially of the Republic of Mali, a member, like the battered country, of the Organization of Saharan States. The fratricidal war which has set in there seriously threatens the territorial integrity and independence of that country, the security and stability of our region and, if we are not careful, may well jeopardize international peace. 143. As with all African conflicts, the solution to that problem must first of all remain an African one.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  45. The international community must vigorously denounce the policy of Judaization of the Holy City which has been undertaken and pursued by the Zionist entity in contempt of international law. There is no doubt that the appeal made and the specific measures advocated on the subject at the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Fez from 8 to 12 May 1979, will find a ready response in the Assembly. 140. Nor has the political situation developed in Korea since the joint North-South communique of 4 July 1972 and the adoption by the General Assembly of its resolution 3390 B (XXX). The events currently taking place in the southern part of that country, which are of concern for more than one reason, call for the early implementation of the five-point peace proposal formulated by the People's Democratic Republic of Korea. 141.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  46. If it had, it would not have set Lebanon ablaze with its expansionist actions; it would not, in its vanity, have declared Jerusalem its eternal and indivisible capital, thus flagrantly and arrogantly violating the provisions of resolution 181 (II), adopted by the General Assembly on 29 November 1947 concerning the future Government of Palestine, and thus also seriously offending the conscience of millions of people who believe in the Eternal. 138. In fact, Jerusalem, because of its historic and religious characteristics, transcends the dimensions of a single State. That thrice holy city, eternal testimony to the spiritual heritage of the three revealed religions, certainly belongs to mankind and must continue to do so. 139.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  47. Suffice it in this context to refer to the resolutions adopted on the question by the Islamic Conference and by the OAU; to the Venice Declaration issued on 13 June by the Heads of State and Government and Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the nine member States of the European Community; the Declaration of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries; and the appeals made everywhere in the world by democratic organizations and high-level international political and moral leaders in favour of recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and its sovereign exercise of that right under the dynamic direction of its political organization and sole legitimate representative, the PLO. 137. Israel has clearly learnt nothing from history.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  48. The Middle East feels it painfully on its flank owing to the expansionist policy of Israel and its lack of respect for the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. 135. We will not cease to repeat that the Palestinian problem is at the heart of the Middle East crisis. To disregard that would be to accept political illusions. Nevertheless, this evidence has not yet enabled the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People to lead the Security Council to face its responsibilities, given the growing deterioration of the situation in Palestine. 136. However, the world has seen the Palestinian reality.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  49. The Malian people and their leaders will never depart from the African positions which they have freely chosen and which, need we recall, are summarized in two themes: first, for nothing in the world will the people and the leaders of Mali be accomplices, not even passive accomplices, in a plot against the right to self-determination of peoples in general and the people of Western Sahara in particular; secondly, the people and the leaders of Mali will be scrupulous in ensuring that the circumstantial and therefore ephemeral dispute among peoples that are friends and neighbours of Mali, peoples that have the same history, the same culture and the same faith, does not dangerously compromise the stability of the region. 134. The sequel to colonization is seen not only in the African continent.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)

  50. My country also asks all interested parties to listen to the voice of reason and to place their trust in history in order to ensure the success of their demands however legitimate they believe them to be—in short, to see to it that that fertile area of Africa is freed from a war the outcome of which is inevitable. 131. As the philosopher said, the greatness of a nation, especially of a nation with a history, is not measured by its capacity to wage war but by its capacity to make peace. 132. For its part, the Republic of Mali is resolved to co-operate loyally in the Ad Hoc Committee. In so doing, however, it will not depart from the principles and political ideals to which it is deeply committed. It will never compromise on the right of peoples to self-determination. 133.

    1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)