YouSaid · the spoken record

U Thant

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS U THANT

lines on the record: 57
first: 1957-09-24
most recent: 1960-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

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“The gathering at this momentous session of the General Assembly of an unprecedented number of Heads of State or of Government itself is a tribute to the new importance of the United Nations forum in world affairs.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The world has never so desperately needed an organization whose existence expresses not a Utopian fantasy but the biggest international reality of all. It symbolizes humanity's collective need for peace for the sake of survival, a need which overrides the national or ideological interests of any Member State. 121. The Congo affair has marked the start of a new phase in the evolution of the United Nations. It is our fervent hope that it will emerge as the world's indispensable agency for pouring oil on troubled waters. We must admit that the world is entering a period of acute crisis, with the cold war at its peak, but the most interesting and perhaps hopeful sign is that all significant campaigns involved in the cold war are being fought out in the United Nations.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The terms of reference given to the Secretary-General by the Security Council had been fulfilled, 119. My delegation has every confidence that the Secretary-General is sincerely and efficiently discharging his functions assigned by the United Nations. We have noted that each time a controversy has arisen about his Congo mandate, the Secretary-General has referred the dispute back to the Security Council. We are satisfied that all his authority is based solely on the decisions of the Security Council. In these circumstances, my delegation does not see any need at present to modify his office or his functions or to reorganize the Secretariat. Any such course is not only bound to retard the efficiency of the United Nations operations, but is sure to weaken the Organization itself. 120.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“My delegation, therefore, considers it essential that the present enterprise should not be allowed to break down. We feel that the United Nations must, in some sense, assert its legitimate authority in the Republic of the Congo, or lapse into humiliating passivity. 118. In assessing the success or otherwise of the United Nations operations in the Congo, we must look at the results in the context of the tangled events of the past few weeks. It will be recalled that the breaking point in the situation was reached about the middle of August. By that time the United Nations Force had virtually secured the primary objective for which it had been sent there: the Belgian troops had left — although there are still indications that many of them have come back as technicians — and a United Nations contingent had established itself in Katanga.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Events in the Republic of the Congo will no doubt have their impact on the evolution of other African States, and the United Nations operations there are a test of how far this world Organization can contribute towards the restoration of law and order in the new Republic. The United Nations involvement in the Republic of the Congo must be viewed as a test case for this Organization. Its future is certainly at stake. My delegation wishes to see the United Nations making a perceptible advance towards the conception of a world order. If it fails to make any headway in its primary task of restoring law and order in the young Republic, then the Organization is likely to relapse into the immobility and impotency experienced at one time by its predecessor, the League of Nations, before its total collapse.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The United Nations forces had neither the mandate nor the responsibility to cope with the next phase — the growing internecine strife among the Congolese, which from time to time assumed the character of civil war. This strife, at one time, threatened to become an international conflict. It is a matter for gratification that many leaders of independent African States, with full consciousness of the gathering war clouds over the heart of the African continent, which they rightly feel to be their own, rallied to the help of the United Nations and averted a major catastrophe. 117.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“However, my delegation still entertains the hope that the two parties concerned will enter into "pourparlers", as to whose desirability there has been general consensus of opinion in this world Organization, before any internationally supervised referendum is envisaged. President de Gaulle, who is responsible for France's great achievements in other parts of Africa, can surely evolve a formula for Algeria, a formula based on the same principle of self-determination that has been applied to the other territories. 116. The developments in the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) have graver implications for the United Nations than anything that has gone before. It will be recalled that the original purpose of its intervention was to replace the Belgian troops and to hold the fort while order was being restored.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“There is now a vast chasm between the President and the Algerian nationalists struggling for their birthright of independence. The President wants negotiations only on the issue of a cease-fire and envisages self-determination in the form of elections under the supervision of French armed forces. The Algerian nationalists understandably cannot accept these conditions. It is difficult to imagine that the Algerian nationalists, after six years of revolution against the French, would ever agree to exercise their vote under the sole control of the French army. The only way out of this impasse seems to be to seek to implement the principle of self-determination through the agency of some form of international action.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The great danger, of course, is that countries, not only those adjacent to Algeria, but others, may be sucked into the Algerian war if it continues. Algeria, in fact, is no longer a French problem, nor even an Algerian problem; prolonged war has turned the country into an international powder keg. Either President de Gaulle offers proper negotiations on the necessary guarantees for self-determination to the Algerian nationalists, or the war will be intensified, and more and more of Africa will be drawn into the blood bath. No African Government, however desirous of good relations with France, will be able to maintain even official neutrality much longer 115. The indications are that the war will be resumed even more fiercely and bloodshed will increase.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is certainly regrettable that the Government of France is now engaged in two wars, both equally far from glorious. In Algeria, it fights the Algerian nationalists. In France, it is fighting French editors, writers and intellectuals. And so far, it has wort more victories on the second front. Since April of this year, several French newspapers and journals have been seized; several books and publications banned or confiscated and authors arrested. Its successes in defending its honour against unarmed writers, however, is poor compensation for its continued failure to defeat the Algerian nationalists in Algeria. After six years of pacification, the Algerian nationalist forces are stronger, better organized and better equipped than ever.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Earlier this year, the Constitution was amended and the Community of today is, in all essentials, similar to the Commonwealth, all its members being independent and equal in status. 113. I recount these facts just to highlight the contrast between the French treatment of Algeria and of its other colonies. The smooth transition from the French Union to the French Community and the revision of the Constitution of the Community to meet the requirements of the present era reflect President de Gaulle's realistic and statesmanlike handling of the problem of its colonies. However, the President's handling of the Algerian problem is far from gratifying. While the President has not abandoned the principle of self-determination, which this world Organization has advocated, he has emptied the word "self-determination" of all its meaning. 114.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This offer was made on the condition that rejection of the French Constitution by any territory would mean its immediate secession and the cutting off of all French assistance. Of the eighteen territories offered this choice, Guinea rejected the Constitution, thereby severing its connexion with France completely. The remaining seventeen all approved the Constitution, and of them, twelve chose to become autonomous units within the French Community. The other five, consisting mainly of small territories, decided to maintain the status quo. Of these, only one is in Africa, this being French Somaliland. The French Community, it will be noticed, fell short of the British Commonwealth, in which it is possible for a completely independent State to remain a member.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Therefore, on 20 July of this year, twenty-five Asian-African nations, including Burma, requested [A/4418 and Add.1] the inscription of the question of Algeria on the agenda of the Assembly at this session. 112. While dramatic changes have taken place in what was once called French Africa, the problem of Algeria, to our regret, still remains unsolved. It will be recalled that in September 1958, eighteen French territories, not including Algeria, were each given the offer of, first, full integration with France as a Department of the French Republic; second, retention of its present territorial status, with the right to representation in the French Parliament as hitherto; or, third, membership in the new Community as a fully autonomous unit.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Let me now deal with the situation in Algeria, which continues to cause deep concern throughout the world. Many representatives who preceded me have dealt with the problem more or less comprehensively, and therefore I will not attempt to narrate the events which have taken place since the question came up before the fourteenth session of the General Assembly. The hostilities continue unabated with grievous suffering and loss of human life. Over a million Algerians remain displaced and regrouped in various parts of Algeria. Impartial observers have testified to the hardship and distress of the Algerians detained in internment camps and prisons. The situation indeed continues to embitter international relations and increase international tensions, thereby constituting a threat to the peace of the world.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“One may very well question if the People's Republic of China is sincere. It seems to my delegation that it is a pointless question, since the word "sincerity" has long been dropped from the vocabulary of diplomacy. The only criterion that should be applied to Peking's proposal is the more reliable one of whether it serves China's long-term interests. It is obvious that the People's Republic of China cannot afford, with her very ambitious industrial revolution and all the colossal cost it entails, to become a nuclear Power also. Development in the one field implies some retardation in the other, in view of the vast handicaps it has to go through. The best way for the West to find out if Premier Chou En-lai was indulging in mere propaganda or not would be to take his proposals at their face value and initiate discussions on them. 111.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As the Latin Americans are very desirous of maintaining peace in their region, and as the Africans are very anxious to keep their region free from big power rivalries, most Asians also welcome any move from any quarter to keep Asia free from military entanglements. In this context, Premier Chou En-lai’s statement that there must be created in the Far East and in the whole Pacific area a zone of peace, free from atomic weapons, deserves very close attention. There is no need to go into the merits of the proposal as such. A non-nuclear Pacific would be a greater step towards a peaceful world than a nuclear Pacific, in view of the fact that the People's Republic of China has very great potentials for the manufacture of atomic weapons, and the United States of America is already a leading nuclear Power. 110.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In the light of these facts, the rejection by this General Assembly on 8 October of the proposal [A/4474] even to include in the agenda the item "Representation of China in the United Nations" is a demonstration of our inability to read the signs of the times and our refusal to face realities. 109. Modern diplomacy is in most cases a series of conditioned reflexes. Whatever proposals come from Moscow or Peking are sure to be denounced by the West as propaganda. And whenever the West comes up with a really worth-while proposal, it often gets the same treatment from its antagonists. This is regrettably true of the very abrupt Western dismissal of Premier Chou En-lai's statement last July that China would be prepared to conclude a peace pact that would clear Asia and the Pacific of nuclear weapons.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Such a ban was at one time in sight, and we were heartened that the big Powers had begun to speak the same language. There was hope in the air, but the collapse of the Summit Conference once again poisoned the atmosphere. 108. The disarmament problem changes its character with every day that it passes. Once it could be framed in terms of the existing nuclear Powers getting rid of their nuclear weapons. Now it is becoming a question of preventing potential nuclear Powers from manufacturing nuclear weapons at all. The Peopled Republic of China is now the most important of these Powers. Even without outside assistance, that country is almost certain, in the absence of political agreements, to have its own bomb within a couple of years.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We believe it to be of paramount importance that effective contact should never be broken among those most directly concerned with this pressing problem. 107. Against the background of this gloomy situation, a silver lining is discernible. It is a fact that a fair measure of agreement has been reached on matters of principle as well as of substance. Agreement has been reached on several aspects of nuclear test control, and every endeavour should be made to maintain this progress, both in and outside the United Nations. A willingness to accept the other side's good faith is as great a stride forward to peace as a signed treaty itself. A ban on testing, which will halt the arms race, is an essential preliminary to a disarmament agreement.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As a peace-loving country, we deeply regret these unhappy developments. All the patient and painstaking endeavours of years by eminent statesmen throughout the world — and among them I deliberately include Premier Khrushchev and President Eisenhower — to reduce to practical day to day terms the truism that there is no alternative to peaceful coexistence, were swept away when the Summit Conference collapsed. With it, the possibility of armed conflict has correspondingly increased." 106. The collapse of the Summit Conference, of course, disrupted negotiations on disarmament, which is the most pressing problem of our time. My delegation associates itself wholeheartedly with the resolution adopted by the Disarmament Commission calling on all those concerned to resume negotiations on general and complete disarmament.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The Soviet Union and its allies put the blame entirely on the flight of the United States U-2 aircraft over Soviet territory and to the United States Government's assumption of responsibility for it. The United States and its allies maintain that the U-2 flight was used only as an excuse, and that the Soviet Union had never any intention of letting the Summit Conference succeed. The Prime Minister of the Union of Burma. U Nu, in the course of his statement before our Chamber of Deputies on 22 September 1960, observed: "As we understand it, the U-2 flight constitutes a violation of international law. The American justification for the flight is new, and to us unconvincing. Having said this, however, we are bound to add that the U-2 flight, in our view, did not justify calling off the Summit Conference.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“However, Burma does not aim at setting up a new grouping of neutral or unaligned States, for, by the very nature of things, this would mean bloc policy, which in turn would result in a further splitting of an already divided world. 105. Once again, the session of the General Assembly opens in an atmosphere of increased tension. We are now witnessing a general deterioration in international relations, especially among the great Powers, and the protracted disarmament negotiations have yielded very little result. The Paris Summit Conference, on which the entire world had placed such great hope, collapsed before it could get started. As all of us are aware, different reasons have been assigned for the collapse of the Summit Conference.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“At the outset, let me reiterate Burma's firm conviction that the main obstacle to the settlement of international problems and the achievement of a genuine world peace is the unmitigated persistence of the so-called cold war, the chief feature of which is the sharp division of the world into two hostile ideological camps, each one suspicious and fearful of the other, and both scrambling to entice new recruits into their respective ranks. Under such conditions an alignment with either of these two power blocs would do a grievous disservice to the cause of peace. On the other hand, Burma believes that peace cannot be achieved through passive neutralism, which would mean a withdrawal from the battle for peace. Hence, Burma has consistently pursued, and continues to pursue, a policy of strict but active neutrality.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This session is also highlighted by a feature of very great historical significance: the admission among us of seventeen new States — sixteen African States and Cyprus — all of which recently won their independence. On behalf of the people and the Government of the Union of Burma, I wholeheartedly welcome their admission and offer to them our very sincere congratulations on their newly won status. The emergence of these new States in Asia and Africa and their membership of the United Nations will certainly enhance the authority and effectiveness of this world Organization. 104.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Since this is my first intervention in the general debate, let me take this opportunity of extending through the Vice-President, the very warm felicitations of my delegation to Mr. Boland on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifteenth regular session. His election is a dear manifestation of the very high esteem in which the Members of the United Nations hold him personally and the courageous and virile country of Ireland which he represents. 102. The proceedings in the Assembly at this session are the focus of extraordinary attention all over the world, both for the extreme urgency of most of the problems listed on the agenda and for the participation in its work by a number of distinguished Heads of State or of Government. 103.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“keeping China out of the United Nations, and refuses to hear China's case in this world Organization. Without recognition, negotiations are impossible, and without negotiations the United Nations will stumble from crisis to crisis until we all stumble into war. 103. It shall be the constant endeavour of my delegation to help in averting such a catastrophe.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“My delegation will not support any measures whereby the United Nations assumes the functions of a co-belligerent on one side, in any armed conflict, without hearing both sides. 102. This principle should be applied with greater force to the present crisis in the Far East. The United States, for which we have the highest regard, for its valiant history, its noble traditions and its dedication to the principles of freedom, tolerance and democracy, has all along urged the virtues of negotiation while it is at the same time refusing to recognize the People's Republic of China. The great country of the United States has been praising the United Nations as the only hope for mankind and as the most effective instrument of international conciliation, while at the same time it is.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Of course my delegation is distressed at the employment of force by the People's Republic of China to get rid of this menace dose to the mainland, but for the sake of objectivity it must be admitted that the provocation is there. 99. I do not propose to deal at length with this very serious crisis facing the world, but I should like to crave the Indulgence of this Assembly to go a little deeper into the roots of tensions in the Far East. 100. The function of the United Nations should clearly be to give judgement on a dispute. But to give judgement requires that the evidence of both parties be heard. It is certainly not the function of the judge to make any decision until the defendant as well as the plaintiff has been allowed to state his case. 101.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The Central Government of the People's Republic of China controls the mainland of China more firmly than any other Chinese government has for the past hundreds of years. Many countries have consistently refused to recognize this Government and some of them are closely allied with the refugee Government in Formosa which has never concealed its ambition to reverse the result of the revolution and re-establish itself on the mainland. It is as plain as day light that this policy, if not revised, would inevitably lead to an open dash. Yet, it is at matter for regret that the United States allowed Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek not only to ding to the off-shore islands, which have no value for the defence of Formosa, but also to fortify them and to reinforce them until one-third of the Nationalist troops are now stationed there.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“We know that the Government of the United States would regard an attack on the-off-shore islands as an attack on Formosa, and we also know that Moscow would regard an attack on the People's Republic of China as an attack on Soviet Russia. It is true that the diplomatic talks between the United States and the People's Republic of China are now going on in Warsaw, but there is very little indication that the talks will remove the roots of the antagonisms We are witnessing once again one of the turbulent confusions which have surrounded one crisis after another since the Korean War. 98. All the published statements and speeches emanating from several Interested sources appear to have ignored all the factors which have brought about the present crisis and which make any real solution so difficult. The facts are plain.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“In this gigantic human endeavour, how to become partners instead of patrons is the key question for the donors. 96. Let me now deal with the most critical situation faced by the United Nations since the Korean War. f am referring to the extremely serious development in the Far East. Incredible though it seems, the world is on the brink of a major war over a couple of islands off China that can mean nothing to any country other than China. 97. On behalf of my delegation, I have dealt briefly, during the discussion on the adoption of the report of the General Committee [754th meeting]. with the imperative need for the United States to re-examine and reappraise its Far Eastern policy, and therefore, I shall not attempt to reiterate the arguments I had presented on that occasion.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“In giving aid to underdeveloped countries it is important to bear in mind that the purpose is not for the fulfilment of cold war objectives, but just to give the less fortunate people a more abundant life. On behalf of my delegation, let me say that more than two-thirds of the world's population are far more concerned with their attempt, by a twentieth century industrial revolution, to raise their extremely low standards of life. Unless the rich nations become involved in that great revolution, they are going to miss the real point of the second half of the twentieth century. The problem does not end with the drastic reduction of armaments and the offering of aid to less fortunate countries. The more essential factor is the question of relationship between the donors and the recipients.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“And it may not be too much to hope that in co-operative, constructive Work above the clamour of political conflict, beyond the reach of clashing ideologies, the tensions which plague us today might recede and be forgotten in the joyous task of working together for the good of humanity. 95. The common stand taken by the United States of America and the Soviet Union in regard to the imperative need to help the under-developed countries is certainly a matter for universal gratification. My delegation considers that the most important problem facing the world today is how the rich and the poor nations are going to live together. This is a division of the world more lasting and potentially more explosive even than that between Communists and non- Communists. Yet the issue was hardly ever discussed until now.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It lies within our power to open up the avenues to knowledge for hundreds of millions of people by making illiteracy a thing of the past. It lies within our power to harness our rivers, to improve our agriculture, to develop our industries, to house our peoples decently, and to raise the physical and social well-being of the almost subhuman two thirds of the human race. 94. Such a co-operative effort by the United Nations could capture the imagination of the whole world. It could provide an outlet for the fulfilment of man's longing to engage in creative works of peace and progress.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“There are millions of people in the world who do not have enough to eat and enough to cover themselves with, and whose children cannot go even to the primary schools. It seems comic to talk to them about the virtues of democratic ideals and the dignity of man. Both proposals, therefore, deal with the crux of the present-day world problem. 93. My delegation has no doubt that the Members of the United Nations could, by co-operative endeavour, achieve very substantial results in the sphere of public welfare. The means to do it exist. The knowledge exists. The techniques exist. All that is required is a decision on our part to dedicate our energies to this most constructive and exciting venture of all time. It lies within our power within the coming decades to stamp out diseases which unnecessarily kill millions of humans each year.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“My delegation does not see any reason why this proposal, like the United States’ proposal, should not receive universal acceptance. As I have stated earlier, a security system based on a massive balance of terror is not only precarious, but is also extremely wasteful of money, talent and energy. We cannot but deplore the vast expenditure of funds and effort for weapons that become outdated almost as soon as they are in production and that we hope will never be used. How much better it would be if we could utilize the resources for urgently needed schools, houses, hospitals, roads, libraries and economic aid to under-developed countries. 92. My delegation feels that no proposals deserve more enthusiastic support than the ones made by the United States and the Soviet Union.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“With these considerations in mind, the declarations by the representatives of both the United States of America and of the Soviet Union before this Assembly in relation to the economic development of underdeveloped countries deserve the warmest support of all of us. The Secretary of State of the United States, in effect, has proposed [749th meeting] that the United Nations undertake to mobilize the human and material resources of the United Nations in a world-wide war against the scourges of poverty and disease. He has proposed that the United Nations dedicate the year 1959 to this purpose. The proposal of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [750th meeting] to aid Under-developed countries out of the savings from the proposed reduction of military budgets of the four great Powers also deserves our warmest support.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It is, however, not our business to pass judgement on the internal affairs of other countries. The recognition of this basic fact enabled us to subscribe to the principles of peaceful coexistence. We are convinced that no system of government can be crushed by a hydrogen war, and no political or economic system will just wither away by the massive accumulation of weapons of destruction by its opponents. This leads my delegation to the conclusion that an effective and drastic reduction of armaments is urgently called for, not only to ease tensions and restore an enduring peace, but also to divert the surplus resources to purely creative fields of human endeavour. 91.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“In this connexion, let me present before this Assembly the attitude adopted by my country towards this problem. Burma is dedicated to parliamentary democracy and firmly believes in democratic Ideals and the dignity of man. Burma is thoroughly averse to dictatorship in any shape or form. Burma looks upon free institutions as not only the most desirable of political systems but also as those most congenial to the flowering of the human genius. But tills conviction in democracy and dedication to democratic ideals do not preclude Burma from the knowledge that there are millions of people, in this world who are equally convinced of other types of political and economic systems and who are equally dedicated to their own ideals. Many countries have chosen systems of government very different from our own.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“All organs of mass communication will inevitably engage in a battle of untruth, slander and distortion just to serve the interest of the countries operating those organs. Moreover, no balance of terror can last indefinitely, since all through history men always have ultimately got what they prepared for. It is characteristic of tensions that sooner or later they break or explode. Therefore, the indefinite continuation of this highly-strung state of tension is bound to end in disaster. 90. It is often argued that certain types of political and economic systems are so ruthless, so fanatical and so vicious that an ultimate resort to nuclear war, may be necessary to obliterate them from the face of the earth. The proponents of this kind of thinking maintain that life is not worth living if fundamental freedoms are denied to human beings.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Such a war would mean the annihilation of all that the human race has built, besides the catastrophic end of millions of men, women and children. Such survivors as there might be would envy the dead. 89. A theory has been advanced that a balance of terror would be sufficient to keep nations from using the most terrible weapons of destruction. Leaders in many countries hold the view that this dense of fear will at least prevent the big Powers from putting an end to human history on this little planet. But this so-called balance of terror can at best produce a very uneasy and precarious peace. Fear generates all undesirable states of mind: suspicion, hatred, anger and the impulse to destroy. In every war, cold or hot, the first casualty is truth.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The military bases which are supposed to protect certain countries may have a usefulness in maintaining this so-called "balance of terror", but apart from other considerations there are already unmistakable signs that the feeling of the people of those countries which the bases are meant to protect is rising to a point of opposition to the bases despite some Small advantage to the economy of those countries by reason of their presence. The only conceivable value of the strenuous efforts, for military superiority in the cold war is as a deterrent. It is a commonplace that both the United States of America and the Soviet Union already have weapons of complete annihilation. If ever they should turn the cold war into real shooting war, sooner or later, by' design or by accident, some one will use the most dreadful weapons available.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“87. The thirteenth session of the General Assembly is convened under the dismal clouds of increased tensions and crises. One wonders if human ingenuity and human wisdom will be able to cope with the increasingly involved problems confronting all of us. The general debate in this world forum of course provides all of us with an opportunity to present our respective views on the nature of these problems and what seems to us the most sensible means of resolving them. 88. At the outset let me, on behalf of my delegation, deal with a peculiar phenomenon of the day which is generally known as a "balance of terror".”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“I make these observations on the developments in the Middle East with the full realization of the inevitable consequences that may result in the absence of any concrete steps towards the easing of tensions. The present competition for supremacy must give way to another kind of competition to raise the living standard of the people and to encourage peace and harmony in this turbulent area. 74. On the basis of what has been said, my delegation hopes that the twelfth session of the General Assembly will bend Its energies towards the easing of tensions and the promotion of the cause of peace.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“In their bid for exclusive friendship with the countries of the Middle East, the big Powers are openly heading towards a head-on clash. There are now indications of outside interference in the internal affairs of some countries in that area. It is indeed a sad spectacle that a very keen race is on between the big Powers for ascendency in that area. In the name of peace and decency, my delegation would earnestly appeal to the interested Powers to respect the national sovereignty of the countries in the Middle East, to canalize all their activities through the United Nations and cease all attempts to dominate, either diplomatically or militarily. 73.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We understand why some countries have chosen systems of governments very different from our own. It is, however, not our business to pass judgement on the internal affairs of other countries. The recognition of this basic fact enables us to subscribe to the principles of peaceful coexistence. 72. My delegation feels that any statement of policy at this juncture would not be complete without a reference to the situation in the Middle East which has of late focused world attention. This strategic area is at present the scene of hectic activities which, if not checked in time, are likely to develop into open hostilities between the two power blocs. The Middle East, fabulously endowed with the world's most coveted raw material — has unfortunately become "the bone of contention” between the East and the West.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“This conviction has compelled Burma to subscribe to the well-known principles of peaceful co-existence and friendship which serve as our guide in our relations with all countries. We firmly believe that only peaceful coexistence with, and friendship towards, all countries with different political, economic and social systems can ensure a sense of security and mutual confidence. 71. Burma is firmly and irrevocably committed to a system of parliamentary democracy. Burma believes in democratic ideals and in the dignity of man. Burma is thoroughly averse to the idea of dictatorship in any shape or form. The Burmese people is determined never to exchange its way of life for any other way of life. But this firm conviction and dedication do not preclude us from viewing the world around us with a proper perspective.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It is the view of my delegation that strict adherence to the declaration on the promotion of world peace and co-operation as set out in the final communique of the Bandung Conference is the only sensible way to prevent a world catastrophe. 70. My delegation does not for a moment believe that any country, big or small, wants war. War as a means of settling international disputes is universally dismissed as completely outdated. War has been rendered obsolete by its own destructiveness. Mankind's only survival depends on his own ability to absorb this lesson. It is the greatest challenge facing man today. It is, in fact, more than a challenge; it is a desperate necessity.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“In presenting the views of my delegation before this world assembly, it will not doubt be relevant to reiterate our well-known policy of consistently throwing our weight on the side of peace and against the forces of war or tensions. My delegation will support any move, made at any time and from any quarter, which in our view is genuinely designed to prevent war and to promote the cause of peace. This stand has been made unmistakably clear by our Prime Minister at the historic Bandung Conference in April 1955. The decisions of the Bandung Conference have served and will continue to serve as our guiding principles in the formulation of our foreign policy and in our approach to world problems.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“My delegation believes that no country wants war and that no country would like to spend astronomical sums for armaments. There is no doubt that all major countries genuinely desire to limit armaments to the barest minimum commensurate with the requirements of maintaining internal peace. But the chief obstacles to this measure are undoubtedly fear and suspicion. In the circumstances, my delegation wants to take this opportunity of imploring the major Powers concerned to rid themselves of these twin evils, to cultivate mutual understanding and mutual goodwill, so that the war-weary world, yearning for peace, will at long last realize its cherished dreams. 69.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)