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Mahathir

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS MAHATHIR

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147
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1982-09-24
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1995-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. Israel, on the one hand, is given what amounts to carte blanche to do whatever it likes, because of the support and protection of the super-Powers, which are in a position to frustrate any attempt by the international community to find a solution based on justice. It is obvious that in the absence of an even-handed policy on the part of the super-Powers the United Nations will be unable to act. Israel's borders will continue to expand its borders, annexing Arab lands as it wishes, and any action that Israel takes, however horrendous, will be justified in terms of safeguarding its national security. The Palestinian people, on the other hand, have no legitimate recourse, as does Israel, given the limited resources at their disposal. At the same time, they have to confront hostile news media, dominated by Zionists.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  2. Since Israel owes its existence to a decision taken by the United Nations in 1948, and since that decision was honored and upheld by the major Powers, it is incumbent upon those same Powers, if not upon Israel, to honor and uphold subsequent United Nations resolutions on the same issue. The clock cannot be turned back and we have to accept the reality. So, too, are the Palestinian people a reality with their own history, their own traditions, culture and national identity. It is also a reality that the Palestinians have been reduced to a nation of refugees, who, for two generations, have been born in refugee camps, hounded, persecuted, bombed and vilified. We are actually witnessing a holocaust inflicted on the Palestinian people.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  3. Namibia must be returned to its people on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without any "linkage". It is unacceptable that Namibians should be held hostage because of the so-called misdeeds of a totally different nation. The question of Palestine is another issue on which the United Nations has failed to make any impact, despite the fact that this subject has appeared regularly on the agenda almost since the founding of the Organization. Because of the failure to resolve this central issue, the whole of the Middle East region remains in a constant state of turmoil. The problem of Palestine began with the creation of Israel, at the expense of dispossession of the people of Palestine.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  4. During the Berlin blockade a vast airlift was organized to break the blockade, South Africa's counter-blockade must be broken in the same way and with the same determination by the rest of the freedom-loving world. Sooner or later this travesty of a Government that sits in Pretoria and its hateful apartheid policy must go. Let us all help to make it go sooner rather than lacer. Let us be determined to give all possible help by blockading South Africa and helping to ensure that supplies and aid reach the front-line States. It is time for countries which profess lofty principles and which are always ready to condemn and even subvert third-world countries for alleged suppression of freedom to practice what they preach. South Africa must be freed.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  5. Besides, if we are really determined there is much that we can do to alleviate this suffering and bring about quicker results. The blades in South Africa and the front-line States realize what they are facing. The colonial Powers had so structured the economy of those States as to raider them completely dependent on South Africa. Retaliation by the Pretoria regime is thus easy and effective. It is made even more effective by the willingness of South Africa to sabotage lines of communication, particularly of the land-locked States. In this South Africa is being helped by rebels nurtured by certain countries. The non-aligned summit conference in Harare decided upon the setting up of a solidarity fund for southern Africa, but the support of the Western world and Japan is necessary if the aid is to have any substance or effect.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  6. Recent developments in South Africa prove beyond any doubt that Pretoria will not be persuaded to abandon its policy of apartheid. Indeed, the regime is categorically and adamantly committed to maintaining and enforcing apartheid, therefore to pursue further a policy such as "constructive engagement" will only mean sending the wrong signals to Pretoria. The way forward now is to embark seriously on sanctions. There have been arguments from certain countries that sanctions are ineffective and will only impose economic hardships on the front-line States and worsen the situation for the blacks in South Africa. It is admitted that sanctions would not be painless for neighboring African States and for the blacks in South Africa, but surely the indignities that they have suffered for so long under apartheid are incomparably more painful?

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  7. None of us denies that morally what is happening in South Africa is totally indefensible; yet it exists because a few rich and powerful nations that could do most to dismantle it will not participate in any meaningful way to end this diabolical system. Those nations, while cm the one hand condemning apartheid, on the other continue to give it sustenance by refusing to abandon policies based on "constructive engagement" and "gentle persuasion", which have clearly failed; yet those same nations have been known to apply naval blockades when solving their own problems. Apartheid is a system which has institutionalized racism for the purpose of establishing and maintaining the domination of a white minority over a black majority.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  8. While we hear so ranch criticism of the ineffectiveness of the United Nations from certain quarters, those quarters remain strangely mute on some issues where the United Nations has indeed failed - failed not due to lack of trying but simply because of obstacles which render many United Nations resolutions on those issues unimplementable. Simply put, it failed because of the attitude of the big Powers. We are outraged that in spite of our efforts for so many years to bring an end to the system of apartheid in South Africa it still exists, flouting every concept and principle of human decency.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  9. Rules and procedures built around such a basic concept of the equality of States must not be tempered with, for that is one of the fundamental pillars upon which the United Nations was established. Whatever our dissatisfaction may be with the United Nations, membership of the Organization requires us to accept certain basic principles and to operate in accordance with agreed grotsid rules. The issue is not control through majority voting rights? it is rather the time-consuming and painstaking process of seeking understanding and consensus to resolve problems that face the general membership.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  10. While we commend the efforts of the Group of 18 to reduce the staff levels in the Secretariat and to rationalize the Organization's administrative and budgetary procedures, we cannot agree with any rationale that obligatory contributions by any Member country can be withheld in order to force the acceptance of conditions unilaterally decided by a country's own national legislature. However unpalatable existing rules and procedures may appear to be to each Member country, any effort to amend such rules must be undertaken within agreed procedures and in accordance with the system in place. Any hint or suggestion that a Member country, however big or small, could unilaterally impose conditions would only bring about difficult precedents inconsistent with the spirit and the Charter upon which the United Nations was founded.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  11. Its efficacy must be reviewed periodically in order to enhance its role, but the motive for improving the United Nations must always be premised on the precepts enshrined in the Charter. While the United Nations appears not to have escaped the effects of a world in recession, actually to attribute the current financial crisis to late payments by Member countries would be a gross distortion of facts. The present cash-flow crisis has been the result of the withholding of regular contributions to the Organization on the one hand and an over-staffed Secretariat on the other.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  12. It is not coincidental that some of the nations that founded and pioneered the United Nations grew more disenchanted with this Organization in the wake of the increasing membership resulting from decolonization. It was then that talk about the "tyranny of the majority" and about "automatic" third-world majorities against the interests of certain nations began to emerge. At the same time it also became fashionable, as it were, in some quarters to malign and denigrate the United Nations with charges of "bloated budgets" and "extreme" and "useless" resolutions. Indeed, it is simplistic and even damaging to the Organization to pretend that the United Nations needs no improvement and could not be made more effective. Certainly, over the years some "fat" has accumulated which needs to be trimmed.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  13. Most important, we should not allow ourselves to be proxies, basing our decisions on ideological attachments or bloc interests, without regard for the principles involved. There are also some among us who pay lip-service to these principles but who, when it suits them, remain strangely mute when they are trampled upon. A few among us also disregard principles, violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of weaker, smaller States, seeking recourse through arms and military power. Let us -the small nations - as Members of this Organization exercise our responsibilities with maturity, sobriety and a sense of justice and fair play.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  14. If the Organization falls short of expectations, the responsibility rests heavily on the shoulders of those same powerful nations, which perhaps expect the United Nations to be a creature in their own image, serving oily certain perceived ends, for certain perceived interests. To be sure, the responsibility also lies with the smaller developing nations. Considerations based purely on ideological or political lines cannot contribute to meaningful solutions. As small developing countries, we must remain sensitive to our responsibilities, just as we would wish the developed and powerful countries to base their decisions on the merits of a particular issue, governed by principles which are central to the ideals of the United Nations. There is a need for us to temper the majority we enjoy by what is relevant, practical and realistic.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  15. In fact, many nations here owe their independence to the work of the decolonization Committee of the United Nations. To us, the United Nations transcends mere symbolism. In the United Nations lies our hope for a better tomorrow, for justice, peace and stability and for prosperity for all mankind. Therefore it is imperative that the United Nations remain relevant, its role enhanced and not made subject to the interests of individual States or blocs. Despite misgivings that some may have about the United Nations, let us not forget that the United Nations can be only what we all want it to be. The reality is that a few wealthy and powerful nations have always, in spite of charges of "automatic majorities" and "extreme" and "useless" resolutions, had the edge in shaping the United Nations.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  16. With the benefit of hindsight, we all know why the League failed and the consequences that followed. It is perhaps sobering for us to reflect upon the consequences of a United Nations that is so eroded that it becomes progressively more of a meaningless ritual for us to meet here once a year, say our piece, go back and forget about it all until the next session. Unless really constructive steps are taken to remedy the situation, this downward spiral will continue until the very existence of the United Nations is put in question. For, in the final analysis, if this Organization serves no one, why subscribe to it at all? For the majority of us the small developing nations, a world without the United Nations is almost unthinkable.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  17. Ambassador de Pinies's presidency was also of special significance in that it coincided with the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. For the past several years we have witnessed with increasing concern the steady decline of the United Nations. Are we to stand by and watch this Organization sink into an irrelevance from which it may never recover from, or should we not act with the common objective of restoring life and meaning to the United Nations? If we are to judge by what was said by the many important and illustrious world leaders during the commemorative fortieth session held last year, we appear to be unanimous in our concern that this Organization should not be allowed to suffer a fate similar perhaps to that of its predecessor, the League of Nations.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  18. Let me first extend to you, Sir, my delegation's most sincere and heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. It is a source of pleasure and pride to have as President an eminent personality from a country with which Malaysia has always enjoyed warm and brotherly relations. Your unanimous election as President of this Assembly is a recognition of your skill and experience as an outstanding diplomat. It is in the same spirit that I express our gratitude to the outgoing President, Ambassador Jaime de Pinies, for his invaluable contributions and the impartial and skillful way in which he conducted the fortieth session of the General Assembly.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  19. Only frankness, an open mind, a willingness to work hard on the details of issues and to accommodate other views and, above all, a firm commitment to the vision of the Charter—a world of peace, freedom, justice and human dignity—will see us through the critical days that are upon us now. It is in that spirit that the Malaysian Government approaches its duties at, and to, the United Nations.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  20. Other countries may take exception to these laws, but the best way they can help stop the harsh sentences on drug traffickers is by co-operating in the prevention of drug production and trafficking. We appeal to the world community truly to internationalize the prevention of drug trafficking. 120. I have, in these remarks, expressed my views openly and frankly. I do so because I take the United Nations seriously and I do not believe that the general debate at each session of the Assembly should be an exercise in platitudes or politeness. We must mean what we say, and say what we mean. I have tried to do that, although in doing so I may have caused some uncomfortable feelings.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  21. It is also observed that some countries are reluctant to implement United Nations decisions relating to the prevention and control of narcotic drugs owing to various factors, including the lack of political will. This could also be because many countries do not consider their drug problems to be serious, partly because of their outlook and partly because their problems are small. 119. It should be noted that the drug problem not only brings with it criminal implications, but, if left unchecked, can weaken and eventually destroy the social and cultural fabrics of our societies. It also has security ramifications that can threaten the very survival of a nation. It is for this reason that Malaysia has adopted harsh laws to curb the drug menace.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  22. One matter that needs constant serious attention is the drug problem. As we are aware, the drug problem is international or global in character and knows no national boundaries. Thus, no country can handle this problem single-handed. It requires a serious and concerted effort at the international level by all countries and international agencies concerned. 118. The present co-operation at the international level has not resulted in much. There are many reasons for this, of which the lack of commitment and co-ordination among the various countries is a major factor. This lack of co-operation is due in part to the conflict of interest which may be commercial and economic in nature.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  23. The United Nations has only begun to consider this question of Antarctica and all of us will therefore need to proceed cautiously and carefully. Hence, whatever Malaysia's views may be, we will approach the forthcoming discussions with an open mind and sensitivity to the concerns, views and interests of other Member States. We earnestly urge a similar approach by all concerned. It is in that spirit that we have proposed the establishment of a special committee on the question of Antarctica. It can be expected that the discussions which will take place later during this session will not be conclusive. Such a committee should build upon the discussion in the General Assembly and examine the subject in greater depth so as to arrive at a consensus on the objectives of a regime in Antarctica and the machinery to achieve such an objective. 117.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  24. Of course we have some ideas of our own: in the particular circumstances of Antarctica—a large land mass occupying some one tenth of the globe's land surface, situated in a strategic part of the world, with a fragile ecosystem and possessing rich marine and, possibly, mineral resources, a part of the world, moreover, with no settled inhabitants and where, indisputably, there is no recognition of the claims to sovereignty except between the seven claimants—we believe that there is at least a strong case for Antarctica to be in one way or another the common heritage of mankind. 116. But we are aware that there are practical and legal realities as well as a great deal in the way of national sensitivities which cannot simply be swept aside.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  25. I also want to stress that Malaysia raised this subject in a constructive spirit— to build, not to destroy. We do not dispute the good that the present Antarctic Treaty system has done. But what we are seeking to build is a broader basis and a firmer foundation for international co-operation in Antarctica which would be acceptable to, and in the interest of, the international community as a whole and thus ensure the long-term stability and effectiveness of the system. We have an open mind as to how that can best be brought about.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  26. The position we have taken is not only in conformity with United Nations principles and relevant resolutions but offers a fair and honourable exit for Viet Nam. It is now up to Viet Nam to decide. 115. I would like to turn now to the subject of Antarctica, to which I feel compelled to refer as Malaysia was one of the sponsors requesting the inclusion of this item at the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. As we await the Secretary- General's study and the subsequent debate on this subject later during this session, I want to emphasize most of all that Malaysia approaches the forthcoming discussions with an open mind and with the hope that, by listening carefully to each other's concerns and views, we shall all be able to move forward together on this issue.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  27. A further irony is that the ASEAN countries had agreed in 1971 to the concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia and it is Viet Nam's continued occupation of Kampuchea which is the obstacle to the realization of a conflict-free neutral area untroubled by the rivalries of the major Powers, which Viet Nam also claims to be its objective. 114. The choice between conflict and co-operation is Viet Nam's. From the contacts and meetings, both public and private, that it has had with individual ASEAN countries, Viet Nam knows that ASEAN is flexible and sincere in its wish to bring the present conflict to an end, but ASEAN cannot and will not compromise with regard to the right of the Kampuchean people to choose their own form of Government free from any external coercion. We will stay the course.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  28. The situation is ironic because Viet Nam, which once earned the high admiration of many for standing up in defiance and, finally, in triumph against overwhelming odds to uphold the right of the Vietnamese people to freedom in their own homeland, is committing now exactly what it had accused its adversaries of attempting to do: namely, the imposition of its will by armed might on a smaller and weaker country. This tragic irony is compounded by the fact that those of Viet Nam's neighbours which are members of ASEAN have categorically shown that they are fully ready to meet Viet Nam's legitimate security interest.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  29. Faced with the might of stronger neighbours, small weak States need to know that the United Nations will not allow them to be trampled on by the boots of invading armies. Everything else must depend on this fundamental right to freedom and sovereignty. 113. Nearer to us in Malaysia, we see the same cynical manipulation of words such as self-determination and fraternal assistance and human rights in order to justify what cannot be justified, namely, the Vietnamese invasion and continuing occupation of Kampuchea. The ASEAN countries, which had offered a hand of friendship and co-operation to Viet Nam at the end of the Viet Nam war in 1975, have opposed and will continue to oppose this blatant violation of Kampuchea's independence and territorial integrity.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  30. Looking elsewhere in the world, it is ironic to see in Afghanistan the contrast between professions of lofty principles and actual practice. In the name of good neighbourliness and fraternal relations, a vicious and bloody war is being inflicted on the people of Afghanistan. This violation, like any other violation of the independence and territorial integrity of a sovereign nation, must be resisted. Malaysia has therefore supported and will continue to support, in whatever practical way it can, the struggle of the valiant Afghan people for their freedom and honour. That is why we have given facilities for the mujahidin freedom fighters to have an office in Kuala Lumpur. That is why we continue to support the diplomatic efforts of the Secretary-General to seek a political solution to this problem.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  31. They appeal for patience, they draw attention to practical realities and, in the case of Namibia, they even advance the almost incredible and totally irrelevant concept of "linkage"—arguments which they themselves would not tolerate for one moment if the victims of this monstrosity that apartheid and the racist regime represent were whites. I urge those Governments to leap beyond oblique intellectualizing, beyond calculations of economics or power politics to understand that what is at stake is a moral issue. How can you support a Government whose philosophy is immoral and whose methods are brutal and cruel? How can you justify denying to the black people of South Africa a life of freedom and decency in their own land? History will judge you, and do not be outraged that, in the meantime, we are judging you too. 112.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  32. As to southern Africa, how can we adequately express our outrage at the manner in which the rights—and even the lives—of black Africans are being treated? At the risk of being misunderstood, I venture to suggest that if white people were treated by a black Government, or any Government for that matter, in the way that the black people of South Africa are being treated, the entire world would rise up and take decisive action. And yet what do we see? Certain countries press into service all manner of arguments under sophisticated labels, such as constructive engagement.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  33. And yet, by the same token, have those supporters of Israel asked Israel for an explicit recognition of the PLO and for Palestinian freedom? The answer is no. Or even for an implicit recognition? Again, no. And, what is more, not only has Israel neither explicitly nor even implicitly recognized the PLO and Palestinian independence, it has quite explicitly and categorically rejected any possibility of dealing with the PLO or any prospect of Palestinian independence. In those circumstances, those who still point the finger of responsibility at the PLO cannot expect us to take them seriously. No doubt they have their own reasons for what they do, but they cannot expect us to believe that those reasons are remotely connected with any principle of democracy, justice or human rights. 111.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  34. Sometimes it is also said that the Palestinians, or more specifically the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], must first of all recognize Israel—and let us bear this m mind—not before Palestinian independence can be accepted, but before the PLO can be allowed to take part in any discussion on Palestine's future: an explicit recognition of Israel by the PLO, in return for which the PLO will be allowed an undefined seat in undefined negotiations about an undefined future for Palestine. This is insisted upon—never mind about the Fez resolution of the Arab Heads of State, never mind about the resolution of the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, whose provisions about the security of all States in the Middle East are clear for all who wish to see.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  35. The fact is that the Palestinians are being denied their freedom because Israel wants it so and it has the support of a powerful ally to enforce its will. Let us avoid debating points. Let us avoid dredging up minutiae of history. This is the basic issue. Despite the clear will of the international community and the undeniable rights of the Palestinians, Israel adamantly and violently opposes Palestinian freedom. If another State were to do this, it would be rightly condemned, as Israel is by some, and rightly repudiated, as Israel is not, because of its powerful ally. And yet Israel and its friend attempt to portray it as the victim, the injured innocent. 110.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  36. That is a deliberate misnomer, because the conflict is in essence and in reality an Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the root of which is the adamant denial by Israel of Palestinian nationhood. Of all those who insist on direct talks between the parties concerned, I ask: who are the parties but the Israelis and the Palestinians? Of all those who talk of democracy, freedom, self- determination and all the other lofty principles of justice and human rights, I ask: in the name of what can the people of Palestine be denied their right to their own independent homeland? Is it in the name of Israel's security, which can be ensured, in any event, in many other ways? Can this be seriously argued by countries which, at the same time, are vociferous in condemning the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea? No.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  37. Since 7 January this year, when Brunei Darussalam formally joined ASEAN as a full member, we have worked closely and amicably with it and we know that it will make many important and serious contributions to the work of the Organization. Malaysia looks forward to a future ci close and fruitful collaboration with Brunei Darussalam. 108. As we survey developments around the globe, we cannot but be filled with a sense of foreboding at the downward spiral of international understanding, of outrage at so much blatant injustice and even, alas, of cynicism at the wide gap between professions of principles and their practice. 109. Take the case of Palestine, which has been referred to for too long as an Arab-Israeli conflict.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  38. However, I shall be failing in my duty in this general statement if I do not also touch upon certain other issues which are pertinent as Malaysia looks at current developments in the world. 106. Before doing so, however, may I take this opportunity, first of all, to express the appreciation of my delegation to the outgoing President, who carried out his tasks so admirably during the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. 107. I would also wish to express from this rostrum, on behalf of the Government and the people of Malaysia, our warmest welcome and felicitations to the delegation of Brunei Darussalam as it takes its seat in the United Nations—an event which has given us very special pleasure. Brunei Darussalam is a neighbour of Malaysia and a fellow member of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN].

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  39. I have no specific formula in mind but I am convinced that the international agencies concerned must examine this question and make necessary provisions for keeping the waters clean. The developing countries which face these Straits should not be further burdened with having to equip and maintain costly facilities for dealing with oil spills and extensive damage to fishing, sometimes for years. Nor should their polluted beach resorts, from which they earn a few tourist dollars, be cleaned entirely at their own expense. The ships generally belong to the rich and they must defray the cost, at least partially. 105. I have n these remarks focused on a number of broad issues affecting the United Nations, the Islamic world and the developing countries.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  40. There is still a considerable amount of rubbish being discarded into the sea. The net result is filthy Straits with patches of oil, pieces of paper, plastic and other rubbish. Eventually all this lands on our shores, making them equally filthy. 104. In the face of those developments, the equipment and boats which Malaysia maintains to clean oil spillage at considerable cost to ourselves are no longer enough. Now we have actively to consider sweeping the sea of the wastes and rubbish thrown or flushed out of ships. I believe that in the circumstances we are right to ask that the maritime nations and the shipping firms, which obviously benefit from using the Straits, should help to maintain the facilities for keeping the waters clean.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  41. While op the subject of environment, I want to draw attention to yet another imposition on certain poor countries. I refer to the pollution of the sea, specifically to pollution in the straits regarded as international shipping routes. More specifically still, I want to refer to Malaysia's experience in the Straits of Malacca. In the days when ships were not so numerous or so huge, their passage through the narrow Straits posed little problem for the littoral States. But now hundreds of these behemoths, filled with all kinds of goods, including dangerous chemicals and petroleum, clog the Straits. Every now and then they collide with each other, spilling their contents into the sea. While tankers no longer clean their holds in the narrow waters, other ships still do.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  42. We will not accept a situation in which our rural people live in poverty and misery so that the rich, when they come by, can say "What unspoilt beauty!", tip the "happy" native children 10 cents to pose in front of a thatched hut, and then go their comfortable way. The preservation of the environment requires money, which we will not have unless we develop. We fully intend to develop, and it is we, and we alone, who will make the judgement about environmental standards and about the preservation of our natural beauty), which we, surely, more than anyone else have an interest in preserving. Help the poor countries to develop economically and the environment will be taken care of. Being poor in a beautiful environment does not mitigate poverty. 103.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  43. During colonial times, many of our forests were cleared for timber and for planting rubber, oil palms, tea, sugar, coffee, and so on. Little concern was then expressed about the environment. Now, as we seek to open up our lands for modern farming, for the generation of power and for industrialization, a whole host of environmentalists from the industrialized countries have descended upon us to educate our people about preserving the natural beauty of our tropical forests, and so on. Certainly, we want to preserve our forests. Certainly, we want to maintain our clean environment, our clean atmosphere. But, make no mistake; it will not be at the expense of the living conditions of our people.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  44. Do not be so presumptuous as to think that you know better than our labour leaders how to look after the interests of our workers. We can compete with you freely and fairly in certain areas. These are usually those of low- technology goods which, in any event, you, who are much higher up on the industrial scale, can best leave to us so that in turn we can import the higher- technology goods that you produce. In this way, we can all mutually fuel international trade, which is an essential engine of growth and the only real solution to our poverty problem. 102. I want to turn to another area in which the comfortable and the rich in the industrialized countries still have the colonial mentality and want to lead us by the hand.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  45. We also see to our surprise labour unions in industrialized countries which in the days of empire had not been in the least concerned about the lot of our worker—who were then certainly exploited—suddenly become champions of our workers, urging them to demand higher wages and improved working conditions, even though our workers have already gained better treatment since independence. Why this unusual concern, we wonder? Is it coincidental that the result of this concern is that our products are less competitive? 101. We will be forgiven, therefore, if in the face of all this we are a little cynical about the principles of free trade which they have been preaching and about the interest of their labour unions in the welfare of our workers. Therefore I say this. Do not merely preach free trade, practise it.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  46. However, now that we ourselves have learned the trick of manufacturing and exporting goods, although the amount is insignificant, what has happened to that proud banner of free trade? It flies limply or at half- mast in the industrialized countries. We see quotas and other restrictions, so-called voluntary restraints and other threats and pressures. We even see our industrialization policies, which seek to attract foreign investment through such devices as export incentives, preferential financing and so on, being challenged.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  47. It will at the very least stop the machinations of those with selfish and narrow, racist ends who are seeking to exploit ignorance and suspicion and prejudice. It will be a development of historic significance. 99. I would like to turn now to economic issues, and here my theme is consistency and fairness. 100. For a long time, the banner of free trade was held high, and the colonies of the metropolitan Powers were vigorously taught the virtues of free trade. At that time, and for years after independence, we could not export anything except primary commodities and, true to the lessons we had been taught, our markets were open to imports of manufactured goods from the industrialized countries.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  48. The Zionist-inspired Western reaction to this Islamic resurgence, as well as its aberrations of intolerance and self-righteousness, has further increased the separation and antagonism between the West and the Islamic world. 98. It is time that we—all of us—put a stop to this. The contemporary aberrations in the Judaeo-Christian traditions and, similarly, the contemporary aberrations, in a few instances, within the Islamic tradition must not be allowed to obscure their fundamental virtues. Let us study each other's teachings. Let us be true to those teachings. God willing, the great understand that this will generate will help Jews and Christians and Muslims alike to contribute first of all to peace in the Middle East and then to greater understanding in the world.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  49. Let us find charity in our hearts; let Christians, Jews and agnostics alike find the charity in their hearts to recognize what is going on in the Islamic world for what it really is: a search for spiritual succour in a world that is confused and troubled. Let us be rid of hatred, of the anti-Islam propaganda of bitterness and prejudice that the Zionists continue to spew. 97. I appeal therefore for understanding between Jews, Christians and Muslims. Many Muslims today are disillusioned and shocked at what they regard as contemporary' aberrations in the Judaeo-Christian tradition, and this has resulted in a resurgence of Islamic orthodoxy and extremism.

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)

  50. What is more tragic is that these are now being revived, fanned and exploited by the Zionists to serve political ends. The great peoples of the Book—the Jews, Christians and Muslims—have much in common with each other, have contributed much to human civilization and surely have much more to contribute. 96. Why is it then that we allow one of the most significant movements of our times—the resurgence of Islam—to be wilfully misrepresented and misunderstood? Who stands to gain from such misunderstanding? Why cannot we instead turn to one another and learn from one another, from our respective historical experiences, from our dreams and hopes and fears?

    1984-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 39 (1984)