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WACHUKU

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1961-09-24
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1964-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. It is true that, since the seventeenth session of the Assembly, certain changes have taken place and African States have taken certain courses of action in order to persuade certain Members of this Organization to recognize certain existing facts and such changes as have taken place in our world. But that does not mean that, because of certain actions that have been taken, the African countries, or my own country, have decided in any way to wreck the Organization. May I remind this body again about the statement which was made here by my Prime Minister on 7 October 1960 on our admission. I shall not bother the Assembly very much, but it is there in the printed records of plenary meeting of that year. 68.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  2. If I may remind this Assembly, at that time the Prime Minister said: "Each representative should be strong enough to resist all efforts to deflect him from the path of truth as he sees it" [893rd meeting, para. 200]. All along, the Nigerian delegation in this Assembly has never hesitated to state the truth as we saw it, fearlessly and boldly, but politely —although our politeness sometimes may be hurtful in some quarters. 67. Now it becomes necessary for me to make a statement as a result of some rumours that have been circulating in connexion with African States. I have heard it said that the African States have come to the eighteenth session to wreck this Organization. I want to say categorically that that is not true.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  3. Nigeria looks to the future with hope and expectation. 65. I want to say here that the Federation of Nigeria, having accepted obligations under the Charter, has done everything possible within its power to discharge its obligation honourably and honestly. Nigeria has tried, as its record shows, to fulfil whatever obligations might be imposed upon it by virtue of its membership of this Organization. 66. Now, consistent with the statement that my Prime Minister made on 7 October 1960, on the occasion of the admission of Nigeria to the General Assembly and to this Organization, we have made our views known and expressed our opinions, when necessary, very strongly, based on conviction.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  4. Consequently, at this eighteenth session of the General Assembly, before I enter into the discussion of the more pressing problems that face us as Africans, it may be necessary for me to remind this Assembly of the role which our country has played during these three years as a Member of the Organization of the principles that have guided it and of how it has been consistent with those principles, which were enunciated here on 7 October 1960 [893rd meeting] by the Prime Minister of the Federation of Nigeria, Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. 64. In these three years Nigeria has played some part in international affairs and in world affairs consistent with its resources and talent. It has also played some part in African, affairs —and the role played in African affairs has had repercussions and ramifications outside Africa.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  5. On that day, tomorrow, Nigeria will become a republic and, consequently, will change its status, but not necessarily its stature. 62. Although Nigeria has been for only three years an independent African nation of the twentieth century, it is not as young as all that. The area of the African continent called Nigeria has a tradition and a cultural heritage that goes further than 2,000 years and, consequently, the country came to independence with a certain amount of majority and a certain amount of realism in the conduct of its affairs. 63. By becoming independent and assuming new status, Nigeria, in order to fulfil its destiny on the continent of Africa, will naturally have to think again and to review its record of the past three years so as to have a clear vision of the direction in which it must move.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  6. But due to the skillful intervention of the Secretary-General and of Members of this great Organization, and thanks to the good-will and sanity that prevailed and to the fact that the two most powerful nations in the Organization rose to the occasion and showed a great sense of leadership and appreciation of the yearning of all men and women of this globe, disaster was averted. I think we should all congratulate ourselves for showing that we had the capacity, as human beings, to apply the brakes and to pull ourselves back from the yawning chasm into which it would have been our lot to fall. 61. Tomorrow, 1 October 1963, will mark the third year of independence of Nigeria, as a free and independent African State in the twentieth century.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  7. Mr. President, I want, before saying anything further, to congratulate you, together with the Vice-President and all other officers of this General Assembly, on your well-deserved elevation to the high offices of this great Organization. Knowing you, Sir, for three years now, I am sure the Organization, the Assembly and its work, will be very well and ably directed, and I am equally sure that the Assembly, in this eighteenth session, will bear very fruitful results. 60. I want also to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the Secretary-General and the permanent staff of the United Nations. During the session that has just ended we had some moments of excitement; indeed, there was a time when we were asking whether the world was not on the verve of complete annihilation.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  8. What of making our world a better place to live in, making our respective populations happier, making humanity get to know itself better? If the United Nations does nothing else I think it does this, because this is the one international and inter-racial club which meets once a year, with all races of mankind, with all the faults and character of man. We meet here and exchange thoughts without any fighting, without anybody breaking his head, except that once in a while somebody bangs his desk with something because there must be some excitement to make the place lively. 149. I have put these thoughts before the Assembly in the hope that we will all do our best to contribute to the building of the United Nations and to making it more effective in dealings between States.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  9. We believe that if we in Africa — the African States — using the methods which have been adopted now can help to solve the problem which is tickling the United Nations and if we are able to have peace and security in our continent, we should be helping the United Nations to solve the problem and to maintain peace and security in the rest of the world. 148. As I said at the beginning of my statement, my delegation, my Government and the people of Nigeria have infinite faith that with good sense and mutual understanding this Organization can continue for many more years to serve humanity. We must now begin to reform our thoughts, to think in terms of the standard of greatness. What constitutes greatness? Is it the ability to go to the moon? Is that the only thing?

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  10. Surely, when by a democratic process the majority of States decide that they have a candidate, it is a contribution to African unity to acquiesce to the wishes of the majority; or they should all get together and have the matter settled so that the Africans can have one candidate and one candidate only. I believe the good sense of our Middle Eastern friends will make them realize that they have been occupying the seat for so long. And since we are entitled to it, as they are, it is only reasonable — the first time we are making this request — for them to yield to our legitimate request. 147. I have brought this up because this is very serious as far as the African countries are concerned. We want to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  11. I sincerely hope that the facts which l put before this Assembly will show the justice of the cause we are pursuing and that it will be possible for all concerned to come together and get this matter settled because of the mischievous article that was written by one person called Sam Pope Brewer in The New York Times. 146. I want to take this opportunity to warn the Afro- Asian group that this is an invidious means of causing a rift in our Organization — and the African group, too. When President Sekou Touré of Guinea spoke here, he spoke of African unity. It is now time to demonstrate that African unity.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  12. What we want now is our own seat, which we have not occupied since 1946 because of the numerical inferiority of the African States, There were only two of them in that area and consequently they could not muster a sufficient number of votes. 144. But now, as a matter of principle, we are asking the gentlemen to honour the agreement. I sincerely hope that our Middle Eastern friends will see the reasoning in our arguments. It is a simple matter. Our Western European friends will find that we are not after their seats. As regards Latin America, we are not after their seats. We are after our own seat. It will be noticed that a majority of those people in that area have already occupied the seat at least once or three times, and that none of the Charter Members have occupied it even once. 145.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  13. Geographically, one finds also, whether it is a question of population or area, or numerical strength or resources, that those States occupy, the dominant areas on the African continent. Surely if those States decide they have a, candidate, it is a question that could be simply settled. 143. I have, decided to say this because I listened to some strange arguments that were being put up. The argument was that we did not want to observe the gentlemen's agreement. The African States now want to observe the gentlemen's agreement. In other words, it has always been said that we were, threatening the Latin American seat, that we were threatening the Western European seat, that we were threatening the Eastern European seat. None of them have been threatened.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  14. And if we consider it strategically, Article 23 of the Charter of the United Nations says the following with regard to the basis of the election of the non-permanent members: "The General Assembly shall elect six other Members of the United Nations to be non-permanent members of the Security Council, due regard being specially paid, in the first instance to the contribution of Members of the United Nations to the maintenance of international peace and security and to the other purposes of the Organization, and also, to equitable geographical distribution." 142. If it comes to a question of a contribution to international peace and security, the African candidate qualifies, because the Assembly and the Secretariat know the role which Nigeria has been playing in the Congo in terms of contribution of forces, police and also money.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  15. In all those areas the majority of States, which are contiguous to this territory and have intimate knowledge of the problems involved, have decided and agreed that now is the time for them to have representation in the Security Council in order to be in a position to speak more effectively and represent the interests involved in that area. 141. In order to make it absolutely clear, I state that Nigeria today is no longer a candidate just by itself. It is a representative candidate of the African States.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  16. Consequently, it was only fair and right that one of the States which was dose to that problem and knew it intimately should be able to speak in the Security Council on that particular matter. But now Algeria, happily, is a Member of the United Nations and is no more a problem in that area to threaten international peace and security. 140. The problem which is now facing the United Nations is in Kenya, the Congo, Angola, Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Bechuanaland, Mozambique, South West Africa, Basutoland, Swaziland and South Africa.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  17. With regard to the gentlemen's agreement and those who said that we did not want to observe the gentlemen's agreement, and that is the reason why they oppose Africans having the seat, may I say that the Africans themselves have decided now that they want to observe the gentlemen's agreement. 139. Since 1946 the various members of this group have been put to occupy this seat. The time has come when the African should occupy this seat. It may be argued that of the names that I read out here there were three African countries, In the northern fringe of Africa. I remember that we, all co-operated to elect the United Arab Republic in 1961-1962. At that time the Algerian, question was very real and very hot.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  18. Therefore, to say that this seat can by any stretch of the imagination, under the gentlemen's agreement, be considered to be an African seat and that Ghana is standing for Africa is simply a deliberate attempt on the part of someone to deceive the Assembly. 137. I am saying this because I read in The New York Times of a certain attempt to suggest that Nigeria will automatically succeed Ghana. That is not true. Somebody must have sent out that propaganda to deceive people. 138. Then there is the suggestion that the African nations have split. As far as I know, there is no question of anybody splitting. What follows from this is the decision of the African States to contest this particular seat. This is quite obvious.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  19. At no time during all these years was Liberia or Ethiopia elected to occupy this seat. 136. Now for the first time the African States are saying that it is time for them to occupy that seat. We have been told, with regard to our occupying this seat, that Ghana is a member of the Security Council and the Commonwealth. Now under this gentlemen's agreement we have the British Commonwealth. That is a distinct seat. That does not represent Africa at all. It is not even possible for Nigeria or any other of the African countries to occupy that seat next year, after Ghana has vacated it, because Cyprus and, I understand, Malaya and others want to contest it as members of the Commonwealth. Australia, New Zealand, India and Canada are entitled to contest the seat.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  20. But the African States decided to contest the election on the basis of the gentlemen's agreement, and they came together and selected Nigeria to contest the election on their behalf. Ethiopia and Mauritania withdrew in order to make that possible. 135. So that in the United Nations now those gentlemen who made the gentlemen’s agreement will either honour, it or not honour it. I say this because we have examined the representation in the Security Council since 1946 in respect of the Middle East and Africa seat. The Middle East and North African countries which occupied seats in the Security Council since 1946 are as follows: Egypt in 1946, Syria in 1947-1948, the United Arab Republic in 1949-1950, Lebanon in 1953-1954, Iran in 1955-1956, Iraq in 1957-1958, Tunisia in 1959-1960, the United Arab Republic again in 1961-1962.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  21. 133. For the seats on the Security Council, the gentlemen's agreement grouped the Members of the United Nations into the following: the British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, Western Europe, the Middle East and Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and America. That was in 1946. At that time there were only two States of Africa geographically below Senegal that were members of the League of Nations and that became founding Members of the United Nations, namely Liberia and Ethiopia. Since 1946 these two African States have never occupied this seat for the Middle East and Africa group. These facts were published in The New York Times in connexion with the candidature of Nigeria. 134. Now, at first Nigeria wanted to contest the election on these broad principles, challenging the gentlemen's agreement.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  22. But in spite of that warning the view has persisted that the gentlemen's agreement cannot be altered, and the African States have decided, at this session, while reserving their rights and pressing for the re-allocation of seats so as to enable them to have seats on the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and other organs of the United Nations, to contest the election at this session under the gentlemen's agreement; in order to test the sincerity or insincerity of this agreement, and to find out whether we are justified in hoping that the so-called gentlemen's agreement is really a gentlemen's agreement. I say this because at first, for some reason or other, we were not given to understand the full implication of this agreement, but we have been able to do some research to find out about it and to learn how it was concluded.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  23. I take this opportunity to reiterate once more that the African States still demand the reconstitution of the various bodies so as to give them representation commensurate with their number and the contribution they are expected to make under the obligations they have assumed under the Charter. 132. When this matter came up, we argued on the question of the gentlemen's agreement of 1946. We were told that nothing could be done, that the Charter would have to be amended. In spite of that, nothing has, been done. At first we challenged this agreement, to which we were not a party, and by raiding the frontiers of Western Europe when we found that Portugal was available as a candidate, we succeeded in establishing our right to occupy a seat in the Security Council.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  24. As far as we know, the provision for amending or altering the Charter does not envisage such amendment or alteration as being a rider, and the African States, will consider it an unfriendly act for any nation, however powerful it may be, to stand in the way of the African States in their effort to achieve effective representation in the various organs of this Organization to which they belong, in other words, for any nation to use — to deprive the African States of their legitimate rights, under the Charter — the powers that have been given it to exercise with a sense of responsibility.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  25. Broadly, it was said that as the Organization stands today, and considering the numerical strength of the African States, Africa does not have a fair representation in any of the organs of the United Nations. Therefore the question of the enlargement of these organs becomes very urgent, We have been told by a certain Power, a Member of this Organization, that this will not happen until after certain occurrences.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  26. "Decides that in the best interest of African and Malagasy solidarity and unity: "(a) The African and Malagasy Members of the United Nations Organization should constitute themselves into a distinct and independent group in dealing with all the problems, particularly those that are peculiar to Africa and Malagasy, that may henceforth come before the United Nations; "(b) This group should strive strenuously to obtain a revision of the Charter in order to have a fair and equitable representation of African and Malagasy States on the Security Council, Economic and Social Council, Secretariat and other organs of the United Nations." 131. At least twenty-one States met and decided that the African representatives in the Assembly must carry out this injunction.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  27. This is a problem which is very difficult. In this respect, I want to bring to the notice of the Assembly a resolution on the United Nations which was adopted at the Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States and Governments meeting in Lagos from 25 to 30 January, 1962. The resolution reads as follows: "The Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States and Governments; meeting in Lagos; from 25th to 30th; January, 1962. "While recognizing and anxious that they should co-operate as far as possible with other States and Governments on matters that may come before the United Nations from time to time ...

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  28. I feel, my delegation feels and my Government feels that we cannot stay indefinitely in the Congo. We do not agree with certain proposals that we should pull out in one month. But certainly we must have some time-table for finishing our job in the Congo, for getting out and for allowing the Congolese to govern their country. We cannot sit down in the Congo and appear to be fairy godmothers and not allow the Congolese to take up responsibility for their future and direct their own destiny. 129. I do not want to go into the details of this subject, but I am submitting these views because time is winning out and money is running out too. It would be a disaster if we did not tie up the loose ends before the two run. out completely. 130. This brings me to the question of African representation in the essential organs of the United Nations.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  29. It would certainly not be to the credit of the United Nations. I believe that the African States themselves must play a more positive role in dealing with the settlement of this question. They can do this in co-operation with the Assembly, the Secretariat and the Congolese authorities themselves. I say this because each time we hear "Katanga", "Katanga", "Katanga", as if Katanga were the only area in the Congo. Under the present set-up there are six provinces, and there may be mere later on. But the Central Government has effective control over five and a half of them. I think we can make a good deal out of the five and a half and make it impossible for the remaining half to continue to defy the established authority of the Republic of the Congo. In this respect, the African States can be of great help to the Secretariat. 128.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  30. I shall not go into any details of the Congo question, except to say that my country is not very happy that the question has not been settled up to this moment. We hope that the time has come when the African countries will take more interest in handling the affairs of the Congo in order to settle the question. For a long time we have left this question to be handled by everybody. When a matter of this nature is handled by everybody, it means that it is nobody's business. My delegation feels that the time has come when the African States themselves, in co-operation with the united Nations and the Secretariat, should set up a body that will examine the question of solving the problem of the Congo once and for all. We have been told that the finances are running out and that it would be a tragedy if we left the Congo as an unfinished job.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  31. My Government is very much concerned over the new legislation that South Africa has introduced to repress and suppress the people of Africa in that area. We sincerely hope that nothing they do will in any way result either in the death or destruction of some of the South African nationalists who, we know very well, have been seized under this so-called new law against Sabotage. We would never forgive them if any one of these leaders is destroyed by bogus trials as a result of trying to exercise their political rights. The perennial question of South Africa is being discussed, in another body, and when the matter comes before the Assembly we shall deal with it in greater detail. 127. This brings me to a question, that has been before us since we became Members of this Organization, namely the question of the Congo.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  32. Unless South West Africa is handed over to the United Nations so that that Territory may be developed in the interests of the people concerned, any exercises that South Africa may, perform will never be recognized by my Government. As far as we are concerned. South West Africa was a mandate of the League of Nations and it would normally has come to the United Nations as a Trust Territory. South Africa refused to: hand it over. As far as we are concerned, on the African Continent, whether it is decided one way or the other, there will be no question of legality or illegality about it. Our law is clear. South West Africa is an African territory. The minority in South Africa cannot do anything to change that. 126. I shall not waste my time on South Africa, except, to make one comment.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  33. At this seventeenth session — and we say this with all sense of responsibility — I would sincerely hope that Portugal will learn the lesson before it is too late. 125. I come now to South West Africa. I shall not bother to discuss this question here, but again this is a matter which requires very serious consideration. It will be considered in the Committee to which it has been allocated for discussion. But we sincerely hope — although our expressions of hope have never had any affect on South Africa will not continue to import aliens into South West Africa with the hope that they will be able to out number the indigenous population in order to have a majority when a plebiscite is held. If that is their intention, they are just deceiving themselves.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  34. It looks as if Portugal is living in the stone age. They have not realized that we are in the twentieth century. I would like the Portuguese delegation to understand — we do, not count South Africa as an African State — that when Uganda becomes a Member of the United Nations we shall be thirty-one independent African States, With the development that is taking place, there will be more independent African States. The movement is, in that direction. Therefore, why not prevent the avalanche from tumbling on Portugal's head? Why they cannot see this I do not know. They have a long history and have had a long association with Africa. Why, they cannot learn from their experience I do not know.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  35. They are not over yet but they are numbered, and I sincerely hope that instead of producing to us here in the Assembly curious individuals who are supposed to be Portuguese Africans, the Portuguese authorities will do their homework and create a situation that will give confidence to the members of the Assembly, so that harmonious relations may be established between the future rulers of Angola and the outgoing imperialist authorities of Portugal. Portugal is a small, poor country, and I believe that economic and trade relations and cultural ties between that country and the future Angola will result in their mutual benefit. Why does Portugal want to sacrifice the future for the past and the present, which is impossible? 124. They say we are savages and they are men of wisdom. I do not understand that at all.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  36. The African States may be patient or awhile, but they cannot be patient indefinitely, the time will come when our patience will dry up, and instead of a few Angolan nationalists fighting against overwhelming odds, we may have in the forests and villages more effective forces applied to repel the stubborn imperialists who do not yet realize that their time is up, that the days of imperialism in Africa are numbered.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  37. It is a fact that there are leaders of established authority in Angola, whether lie Portuguese authorities like it or not, and if the Portuguese do not heed the warning, I have no doubt in my mind that the African States, which have pledged all moral, financial and other support, will in time pledge more than moral support, it would be a sad day if a holocaust raised its head in that area. 123. We appeal also to the members of the Assembly who are members of NATO to stop assisting Portugal to use deadly weapons against the defenceless Angolans. We do not solve a problem by being violent about it, but we can solve a lot of problems by being reasonable about them, by discussing them and by trying to be sensible about them, Portugal should need the warning.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  38. With regard to the question of Angola and Portugal, we have begged Portugal to do three things: to recognize the leaders of Angola; to introduce measures that will transform the society which they have kept in thraldom for five hundred years without doing anything to improve the lot of the people, and to get rid of that archaic, decrepit, disused and untenable notion that any part of African territory can be a province of Portugal. 122. The rulers of Portugal are still stubborn; they do not want to see the red light.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  39. If it is a question of casting vote for the obdurate and stubborn minority it is trying to save or casting a vote for the rule of law, justice, good government, order and clear conscience, then I think we will vote for the latter. It is not our habit to embarrass our friends, but we have always adopted the attitude of giving a firm opinion and expressing ourselves honestly and sincerely in the honest belief that those who are concerned will reflect very carefully on what we have to say. 121.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  40. It is quite clear that whether the minority likes it or not, the people of Southern Rhodesia must be independent, the majority must rule that territory, you know that must be so, why not start doing it no? Do you want them to begin to murder each other, as they have already started to do? Three million people cannot be held in bondage for any length of time by three hundred thousand people. This is the jet age. 120. We have been very mild in our attitude towards this, but I want to say that we cannot go below the compromise which we have offered, and if this is ignored, I am afraid that the choice of the people of Nigeria cannot be in doubt.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  41. It will not satisfy us to think that the United Kingdom, which has maintained such a very good record, will fail when the really crucial test as come in Southern Rhodesia. The situation in southern Rhodesia is very bad, and the United Kingdom Government cannot divorce itself from the responsibility of seeing that justice is done to the people of Africa in that unfortunate land. 119. We sincerely hope that what has happened here in the United Nations, when one of the United Kingdom’s representatives finds it impossible to continue to accept the position as it is now, will be a reminder to the United Kingdom Government that something which should be done ought to be done before it is too late.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  42. I sincerely hope that the United Kingdom Government and the leaders of Kenya will do everything possible to see that this becomes a fact at the next session of the General Assembly. I will not make any further comment on that. 118. I want to say from this rostrum that I sincerely hope that the United Kingdom Government, right now, before is too late, will consider very seriously the resolutions that have been adopted by the General Assembly, one at our last session and one recently. From this rostrum, we put forward a compromise proposal which we expected the United Kingdom Government would by now have weighed very carefully. This is the barest minimum that any African State can consider.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  43. As long aa there is a move forward in that direction, the Government and people of Nigeria will always have a sympathetic understanding and will give the United States encouragement in eradicating the situation as rapidly as possible. 116. Now I should like to touch upon some political issues affecting Africa very intimately. As everybody here knows, my delegation, my Government and my people are committed, right up to the neck and up to the top of the head, to the complete abolition of all forms of colonialism, imperialism and domination of peoples on the African„Continent or anywhere else. 117. And so I start from the lighter problems; they are problems, but they are lighter. I am looking forward to being able, by next year at the very latest, to come to this rostrum to welcome Kenya into the family of nations.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  44. The fact that the weight of United States authority could be used to see to it that the rule of law obtained irrespective of who was affected, and that the right of an individual, a parson of African descent who had been denied the right to which he Is entitled under the laws and the Constitution of the United States, was upheld, the fact that the Administration had the courage and the boldness to carry that out, I must say, made very refreshing reading to us. And I would say here, rather than castigating that country, that we shall always have a sympathetic understanding of the problem involved, knowing the historical and sociological factors that gave rise to such a situation.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  45. Therefore, I take this opportunity to appeal to the two countries to think in terms of peaceful settlement and not to slam the door in the face of one another. 115. I think that what the representative of Upper Volta said represented the general reaction of all of us who come from Africa. Although It is not strictly a matter that should come before the Assembly, since it is an internal affair, as far as we In Africa are concerned, it affects us fundamentally. I refer to the history that was written in Mississippi. I should like, on behalf of my delegation, to put on record its appreciation and that of my people of the effort that is being made to remedy a situation which, to put it very mildly, is rather atrocious. I do not need to say more than has been said before.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  46. I would only say that my country and my Government — I have not been delegated by the other African countries to speak for them — would be quite willing, if we were invited, to look into this matter and see what can be done to find a solution to the problem that has arisen between Cuba and the United States, so as to prevent the big fellows from using Cuba as a pawn on this international chessboard of power politics. I would not like to hear one of these days that an atomic bomb had been dropped on Cuba, nor that, from Cuba, so someone had sent a rocket to the United States. We have people of African descent there and, in any event, they are all human beings. Therefore, we have an interest. We would like the two countries to live in peace and not to fall to pieces.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  47. I would not have commented on this but for the fact that, for some reason or thorough some accident of history, Nigeria, as indeed the other African countries, has an interest in these two countries. The United States has among its citizens millions of people of African descent, and, Cuba also has among its nationals people of African descent. Therefore, we from Africa cannot be completely indifferent to the problems and the difficulties that have arisen between the United States and Cuba. One is a very great Power; the other is a yearling. But it would be a dangerous thing to allow little Cuba to be used as a pawn on the chessboard of power politics. 114.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  48. I sincerely hope that it will be possible, through the United Nations to persuade the two camps that control matters to have more confidence in this Organization and to have more faith in humanity and in each other. Once they develop that and do not use these discussions as centres for propaganda, I think that we can make a start, and perhaps in the near future we shall produce some concrete and long-lasting results. 113. The other day we were addressed by the Head of a State whose problems have been brought before the General Assembly. This is another explosive spot in the Western Hemisphere, I refer to Cuba. As I said earlier, the Cuban problem is a human problem and, whether we like it or not, Cuba and the United States must live together within the Western Hemisphere.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  49. This is being discussed elsewhere and, therefore, as my country happens to be one of the members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, I do not think that I can go into this in detail. Nigeria has played a role in the Committee and is willing to continue to play a role, but we would be failing in our duty if we did not make one or two comment on our observations. 112. In the first instance, while the big Powers and the various factions into which the world has been divided talk of disarmament, one has the impression that there is no serious and genuine desire to disarm. The big Powers are playing hide and seek with us. If they would only be sincere with us we could find solutions. But there is always the element of suspicion and fear of each other, and that makes the problem rather difficult.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  50. The people of the world are beginning to realize that the United Nations exists; various institutions are beginning to take an interest in the Organization, 110. Can the United Nations not set up a body that will actually try to sell the United Nations to individuals, to institutions and to financial bodies that believe in what we believe in, so that there will be various channels through which it may draw its resources? In that way it would not be possible for the Organization to be held to ransom, because there are people who do not believe in the good work which it is doing, particularly in liberalizing society and making man freer than he Is all over the world. I would like such avenues to be explored. 111. Leaving the question of the United Nations, there is one problem that confronts us, namely, the question of disarmament.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)