YouSaid · the spoken record

D'Escoto Brockmann

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS D'ESCOTO BROCKMANN

lines on the record
84
first
1982-09-24
most recent
1986-09-24
sittings or episodes
2
sources
un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

  1. It is obvious that this policy is giving rise to a dangerous spiral of war in Central America. It encourages the most aggressive sectors of Honduras and other countries of the region, who recklessly brag in public about their military ability to defeat Nicaragua and openly call for foreign intervention against our country, 271. These military preparations, which amount to a prelude to the much-advertised assault on Nicaragua, were recently denounced by the former Commander of the Honduran Public Security Force, Colonel Leonidas Torres Arias, and this week by the Mayor of Puerto Lempira, Marcial Colemann, who told news agencies that an unprecedented invasion of Nicaragua was approaching and that Puerto Lempira, his own city, would be the organizational centre for the invasion.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  2. The attitude adopted by the United States Government, which must be denounced, has decisively influenced powerful sectors of the Honduran army, which are providing ample assistance to the counterrevolutionary forces, permitting the use of Honduran territory as a base for military operations to attack towns and posts along the Nicaraguan border, as well as the supply of weapons, infrastructure, and logistical support, tolerating the provocations and attacks by soldiers of that country's army, and are even going so far as to sign specific agreements with the United States on the basis of which the United States Government has increased its military aid to Honduras, financing the reconstruction of airports and military bases, multiplying the number of its advisers, and reserving the right to use these and other bases and military infrastructure in Honduras.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  3. Nevertheless, as pointed out in the joint letter sent by the Presidents of Mexico and Venezuela to the Co-ordinator of the Nicaraguan Government Junta of National Reconstruction, Daniel Ortega Saavedra, and to the President of Honduras, Roberto Suazo Cordoba, it is undeniable that the most critical situation facing the region the most serious problem, is the dangerous deterioration of relations between Honduras and Nicaragua, which could result in a conflict of unforeseeable proportions. 270.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  4. This exclusion violated the agreements adopted previously by the region's Foreign Ministers, hence this meeting can be regarded only as an unimportant and marginal event in terms of its content, and as going against our peoples' genuine interests of peace, stability and development. 269. Central America, for the reasons we have already outlined, finds itself in the midst of great political upheavals, exacerbated by grave economic problems.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  5. I committed myself to attending, and to supporting the inclusion in the agenda of that meeting of the six points contained in a peace proposal which the Foreign Minister of Honduras said he wanted to submit for consideration to the foreign ministers of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama. 268. Surprisingly, six months after our conversation —in other words, in this month of October—bypassing the still-valid agreements of the Declaration of Central American Foreign Ministers of 1980, another meeting of Foreign Ministers was called, also in Costa Rica, promoted by the United States, from which certain Central American States were excluded.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  6. Another important agreement adopted at that meeting was the inclusion of the sister republic of Panama as an integral part of Central America, along with the institutionalization of the meetings of the Foreign Ministers of the area, which are to be held regularly three times a year. 267. More recently, during my visit to Tegucigalpa in April of this year the Honduran Minister for External Relations, Edgardo Paz Barnica, informed me that he would immediately call a meeting of the foreign ministers of the region—an initiative which Nicaragua welcomed without delay or reservations.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  7. As the Declaration adopted at the meeting puts it, it was motivated by the conviction that direct and frank dialogue between the countries of the Central American isthmus was the best way to review the regional situation in the political, economic and social fields, as the most appropriate means of adopting positions to benefit the peoples of Central America. The first point in the 1980 San Jose Declaration affirms that the peaceful and harmonious coexistence of the States in the region requires respect for the different political systems, for the right to self-determination and the right to resolve internal affairs in accordance with each nation's historical development. 266.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  8. To round out this distressing picture, we cannot avoid mentioning the presence of United States warships in our territorial waters, the overflights of spy planes and the holding of joint military manoeuvres with the Honduran army near our borders. 264. Guided by our firm determination to consolidate peace in our region, our Government has taken part in and promoted the search for solutions which would permit an understanding among the Central American countries, to which we are united by bonds so strong that no foreign Power, no matter how powerful it may be, could ever permanently impair them. 265. In this regard I should like to recall the far-reaching importance which the meeting of foreign ministers, held in San Jose, Costa Rica, on 14 and 15 March 1980, had for Central American unity.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  9. The financial and organizational assistance the Reagan Administration is lending the enemies of our people has led to an increase in terrorist acts and armed assaults on our national territory and to a substantial increase in the weaponry, personnel and organization provided to the counter-revolutionary forces. Those forces have been supplied with sophisticated means of warfare used solely by professional armies—such as those found in the wake of the evidenced blowing up and sabotaging of two strategic bridges near the border with Honduras and as evidenced by the use of armed aircraft in attempts to destroy our only oil refinery and the fuel stores located at the port of Corinto on the Pacific coast.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  10. Guided by our unshakeable devotion to peace, we have presented to the Reagan Administration a number of different approaches for initiating dialogue, reiterating time and again our invitation to hold high-level meetings between representatives of our States in the hope of avoiding the putting into effect of the threats of the use offence against Nicaragua. 263. Unfortunately, the response of the United States Government to date has been to attempt to impose upon us its rigid East-West outlook, a combination of economic pressures, accusations and threats culminating in the financing of covert destabilizing activities and the open use of its territory for the training of counter-revolutionary forces and for the preparation of actions of a criminal nature against Nicaragua.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  11. We have stressed—and we do so here once again—that the Nicaraguan Government genuinely desires an understanding with the United States that would make it possible substantially to improve the relations between our two States on the basis of mutual respect, non-intervention in internal affairs and, above all, on the basis of sovereign equality, independence and self-determination—principles that constitute the foundation of peace and stability in the world and that are found throughout the Charter. 262.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  12. It is even more absurd to try to blame Nicaragua for all the problems Central American countries are enduring, problems whose origins and true causes can be found solely and exclusively in the constant postponement of appropriate solutions. This is a situation the peoples of Central America seem unwilling to go on tolerating indefinitely, despite the fact that the United States continues to oppose any changes that might result in greater independence for the States of Central America. 261.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  13. In specific terms, we wish to refer to the Reagan Administration's decision to veto the draft resolution regarding Central America submitted by Panama and Guyana on 2 April of this year, a draft resolution that confined itself simply to reaffirming the illegality of the use of force or the threat of force in relations between States and that called for dialogue between all parties concerned. 260. Nicaragua believes there is no justification whatsoever for the Reagan Administration's attitude towards our country and the Central American region. We deem it absurd to portray us as a threat to the United States for having chosen, in the exercise of our sovereign rights, an independent political path within the framework of the most scrupulous non-alignment.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  14. In this connection, it is worth stressing that the use of the veto to thwart the condemnation of terror, aggression and genocide must no longer be tolerated, so that being in Washington's good graces is not interpreted as a green light to violate the fundamental principles of the Charter and the most basic norms of law. 259. It should be a matter of profound concern to the international community that a permanent member of the Security Council tends to turn increasingly to the veto in detriment to the just proposals for peace advanced, with a lofty sense of responsibility, by Governments in the most troubled regions of the world.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  15. The worsening of the international situation cannot be separated from the grave crisis affecting the Organization. That is why we welcome the frankness with which the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization acknowledges that the United Nations is being ignored by some countries, and we support the recommendations he makes aimed at strengthening the Organization and, in particular, at strengthening the authority of the Security Council to prevent conflicts and revitalize the system of international security.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  16. Nicaragua reaffirms its support of the appeal issued by the non-aligned movement with regard to Western Sahara for the parties concerned to enter into negotiations immediately in order to reach a just and lasting solution—that conflict in keeping with the provisions of resolution 1514 (XV) and the principles of our movement, with the decisions adopted by the OAU and with the principles of the Charter. 257. We welcome the efforts made by the States of South-East Asia to begin a dialogue leading to the re-establishment of peace and stability in that region. We welcome as well the positions and appeals with regard to South-West Asia adopted by the non-aligned movement at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries at New Delhi. 258.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  17. We extend our solidarity to the people of Puerto Rico and support their right to independence and self-determination in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), recalling the fact that the problem facing the Puerto Rican people but that it is, rather, a matter that concerns Latin America, to which Puerto Rico is an undeniable part. We support the Korean people's just struggle for the peaceful and democratic reunification of their nation free from foreign intervention. 256.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  18. Speaking as a member of the non-aligned movement and as a revolutionary nation, we wish to voice our solidarity with all the countries and peoples fighting to win or to preserve their independence: with the people of Cyprus, seeking to exercise their right to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation; with Grenada and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, defending their sovereignty against imperialism; with the sister Republic of Cuba demanding the return of illegally occupied Guantanamo —and we condemn in the strongest possible terms the blockade and constant threats against that country. We join the brother people and Government of Panama in their just demand that the Torrijos-Carter treaties be implemented. 255. We rejoice with the people of Bolivia over their nation's return to legality and democracy.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  19. The international community must step up its efforts to prevent the policy of force and occupation practised by Israel from prevailing in that area of the world, a policy which could have the fatal corollary of the physical extermination of the Palestinian people. Equally evident is the fact that the Middle East crisis will be capable of solution only when the United States abandons its policy of protecting those guilty of crime, terrorism and genocide and stops thwarting United Nations efforts, in particular those of the Secretary-General and the Security Council, to carry out the mandate set forth in the Charter. 254.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  20. We feel it necessary to denounce, moreover, the open complicity of a great Power in the barbarism unleashed by the Zionist forces in Lebanon. That Power gave the Zionist regime its full political, military and economic support, thus ensuring that the crimes committed would go unpunished and, which is even more shameful, systematically blocked the Security Council's efforts to restore peace, proclaiming that it alone was capable of controlling the monster which it had itself encouraged and which it had always defended. 253. Those events demonstrate clearly that the problem of the Middle East can be resolved only by recognizing the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination, to return to their homeland and to set up their own State.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  21. The horrors which have occurred in the Palestinian refugee camps, the indiscriminate massacring of the civilian population of Beirut and the denial of people's most elementary legal rights led the Government Junta of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua to break the only remaining link we still had with Israel, that is, the fiction of diplomatic relations, all genuine ties having been severed upon the triumph of our Revolution. It was the least Nicaragua could do to express its categorical repudiation and total non-recognition of the Zionist regime and at the same time its militant support for the Palestinian combatants and their sole legitimate representative, the PLO, and the long-suffering people of Lebanon. 252.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  22. It is appropriate to recall, in such circumstances, that Hitler's Germany started that catastrophe with its policy of territorial expansionism, which was followed by the mass extermination of human beings, and that one of its principal victims was the Jewish people itself. Today, to the world's consternation, the leaders of those who survived genocide and the concentration camps are to be found promoting acts of genocide and building concentration camps with the objective of exterminating the heroic Palestinian people. 25l.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  23. We reaffirm what our non-aligned movement has stated on numerous occasions, namely, that there can be no peace, stability and security in southern Africa until the oppressive and illegal apartheid regime is totally eradicated. We are as one in solidarity with the labour leaders imprisoned and condemned to death by the diabolical racist regime, in flagrant violation of the most elementary human rights. The United Nations must step up its campaign to prevent them from being executed and to win their release. 250. The entire world has witnessed the brutal aggression of which the Republic of Lebanon has been the victim, and in which atrocities comparable only to the "final solution" policy pursued by the Nazi regime were committed.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  24. We denounce the campaign launched by the Reagan Administration to deprive Angola of its inalienable right of self-defence and to the assistance it needs to repel South Africa's attacks. We are certain that neither this policy of Mack-mail nor the stationing of thousands of racist troops along Angola's frontier, nor the attempts to destabilize the front-line States, especially Mozambique, nor the use of mercenaries to overthrow Governments, as happened in Seychelles, can weaken the clear determination of those peoples to defend their sovereignty and to ensure sovereignty for Namibia. 249. We condemn the aggressive policy of the racist regime of South Africa against neighbouring States, a policy which is the logical outgrowth of its own criminal apartheid system.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  25. Twenty Latin American foreign ministers requested that this situation be discussed at this session of the Assembly, because they wanted to make it absolutely clear that the cause of the Malvinas Islands is also the cause of Latin America, and that a resumption of negotiations leading to a peaceful resolution of the conflict on the basis of United Nations resolutions is imperative. 248. The principle of solidarity compels us to unite with our African brothers and sisters in the defence of Namibia's right to independence. We reject all the manoeuvres aimed at creating a puppet Government in Namibia. We demand full implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the recognition of SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the heroic people of Namibia.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  26. We refer, of course, to the British invasion of the Malvinas Islands, the true origin of which can be found in the United Kingdom's stubborn attempt to perpetuate an anachronistic colonial situation on our continent. The aggression against the Republic of Argentina was possible only thanks to the military, economic and political support that the United States supplied to the aggressor nation—support which astonished Latin Americans, support that unmasked the United States conception of the reciprocal defence treaties and the true motives that led the United States to sign them. 247. In numerous General Assembly resolutions and resolutions of other United Nations bodies it has been said in clear-cut terms that the Malvinas issue is a colonial one that must be resolved.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  27. This reckless policy of the current United States Administration has made its own citizens and the peoples of the world contemplate the danger of a nuclear confrontation. In this context, it should not surprise us that the anti-nuclear movement has attained such massive and broad dimensions—even in the United States itself—although this outcry, as has unfortunately become the rule, is not reflected in decisions of Governments, as evidenced by the paltry results of the recent second special session devoted to disarmament. 246. Just a few months ago Latin America suffered colonialist military aggression by an extra-continental Power, which threatens the territorial integrity and sovereignty of a sister nation.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  28. With regard to international co-operation, we wish to go on record as voicing concern at the tendency of some developed countries not to abide by the commitments that they have undertaken vis-a-vis UNDP, thus making the progress of important projects already under way much more difficult. 244. Just as indicative of the current indifference to mankind's vital interests is the impudence of those that try to hide the consequences of nuclear conflict. Illogically, they try to make us believe that such a conflict could be confined to a given geographical area. It has reached the point where the world's most formidable military Power is proclaiming that there are issues more important than peace and that force is a legitimate instrument in attaining its objectives of domination and political hegemony. 245.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  29. In Managua, the seventeenth Regional Conference for Latin America of FAO also urged the creation of security machinery in terms of foodstuffs in order to decrease the vulnerability of Latin American and Caribbean nations with regard to one or several industrialized countries. And, in Toronto, on the occasion of the Joint Meeting of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, our country, on behalf of Latin America, the Philippines and Spain, voiced its opposition to intervention by certain institutions in the system of economic organization of countries in need of assistance. Warning was given of the dangers involved in the setting of more and more conditions, in the rising cost of credit and in the threat contained in the questioning of the very importance of international co-operation. 243.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  30. How can there be peace while countries and entire continents are fighting not simply for economic growth but for mere survival? Our countries are calling for a new economic order wherein the developed countries do not correct their own problems of stagnation, inflation and unemployment at the expense of the developing world. 241. In this setting Latin America has felt the need to lay the groundwork for a strategy for independence and security. At the eighth regular meeting of the Council of the Latin American Economic System, held this past August in Caracas, our countries reasserted the sovereign right of all nations to adopt their own path in the economic, social and political fields in peace and free from pressure, aggression and external threats. 242.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  31. Peace is impossible, so long as the powerful maintain their arrogant stance of demanding that developing countries act in accordance with imperial interests and in detriment to the interests of their own peoples. 239. How can there be peace when 40 per cent of the third world population is denied the right to read and write? How can there be peace when the vast majority of mankind is struggling to overcome hunger and misery t while a tiny minority invests enormous resources in weapons to be used against those demanding justice? 240. How can we not acknowledge that we are facing the most serious economic crisis since the great depression of the 1930s, with world per capita income not making the slightest advance since 1981 and with the prospect of a decline in 1982?

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  32. The persistence of old sources of tension and the emergence of new ones, in addition to symptoms that the current structures for maintaining stability are becoming worn out, lead us to the inescapable conclusion that the pre-conditions for peace do not exist. Indeed, there can be no peace if the vast majority of the inhabitants of this planet are without bread, education, decent housing, security and political rights. There can be no peace without justice. There can be no peace while certain countries cling to outmoded systems of domination and dependence and stubbornly endeavour to prevent third world countries at all costs from adopting measures they consider imperative and necessary to overcome underdevelopment and want in the exercise of their right to self-determination and independence.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  33. Year after year, we deplore—almost ritualistically—new and old problems that threaten international peace and security. But this year, a new and exceedingly grave threat has aggravated the situation. I refer specifically to the threat to world peace and security represented by the fatalistic resignation by ever-growing numbers of people and, in particular, by Governments, in the face of genocide, hunger and misery, and even in the face of the possibility of a nuclear holocaust. 238. Confronted with the most tense and fragile international situation since 1945, at this session the General Assembly is called upon to reflect most profoundly.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)

  34. 236 Sir, I should like first of all to congratulate you and the noble country you represent on the occasion of your well-deserved election as President of this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. We are certain that, given your diplomatic skill, wisdom and even-handedness, you will provide excellent leadership for the work before us. Also, we wish to congratulate Mr. Kittani for the skill and tact with which he presided over the tasks of the sessions of the General Assembly held throughout this particularly difficult year. We extend special recognition to the Secretary-General for his outstanding efforts in the short, yet troubled, period in which he has held his post. 237. In this general discussion, it is customary to review the most important developments on the international scene.

    1982-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 37 (1982)