YouSaid · the spoken record

Shaha

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS SHAHA

lines on the record: 123
first: 1957-09-24
most recent: 1962-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Those who oppose the recognition of the Government of the People's Republic of China as the lawful representative of China in the United Nations must fall back on the utterly untenable construction that almost one fifth of the world population is properly represented by a Government which is actually in control of a very small portion of Chinese territory with a population of about 9 million. I think not even the ablest lawyer would be happy to plead such a case were it pending before a court. My delegation holds that it shows a complete disregard for common sense or justice that the case has to be pleaded in the Assembly. 112. Apart from the legal point of view, there are other considerations which demand that China be properly represented in the United Nations.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The classic rule of international law, as found in practically any textbook, teaches us that the testing point for recognition of a new Government is whether the Government has established itself in such a way as to exercise effective authority within its boundaries and to be obeyed by the large majority of the population. In fact, no other criterion can be found. Only a Government which is in that position is able to carry out the obligations of membership in an international organization.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“All the arguments in favour of having China represented by the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China have been raised in this hall time and time again. My delegation has always followed the legal line of argumentation in this respect. It is a strong line. It not only bypasses power interests but it derives its strength from the over-all principle of justice to all, which is one of the cornerstones of the United Nations Charter. 111. It is a matter of national policy for individual States to decide whether they want to recognize a new Government or not. But, as a former Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, pointed out in a memorandum in 1950, the representation of a Government in an international organization is another matter.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Although we are in principle against a package deal of any kind, we are in favour of the admission of Outer Mongolia. We want the United Nations to fulfil its goal of universality and reflect the situation as it really exists in the world so that it may become increasingly more effective as an instrument for conciliating and resolving the differences between nations. 110. In this connexion, however, one outstanding anomaly remains. China is still not properly represented in our circle. The Central People's Government of the Peopled Republic of China represents well over 650 million individuals, far more than the populations of the Soviet Union and the United States together.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“If there is nothing new in what I have said, I have still thought that a renewed pledge to the idea of a strong universal organization is not out of order at a time when the very existence of the Organization is being threatened. 109. In line with our desire for strengthening the United Nations and for making it a truly international organization, falls our desire to see it become truly universal. We have had the pleasure of witnessing practically all the newly-independent States become Members. We were happy to see Sierra Leone join our ranks recently [1018th meeting], and we are looking forward to seeing Tanganyika become a Member of the Organization later this year. There are several other divided countries in the world which we would like to see united and take their place in this Organization.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“As we consider the division of the world into blocs as the main menace to our generation, how could we believe that there could be anything good in creating a third one? 107. This leads me back to the starting point. Our guidance must be the truly international concepts of freedom and justice which are laid down in the Charter. Our aim must be to fortify the Organization, to maintain its dignity and to increase its influence. We should never allow the United Nations to become a pawn in the game between power blocs. It is against the background of this philosophy that my Government will examine all the proposals for reforms in the structure and working of the Organization and in the composition of its various organs. 108. I have been talking for a long time about my country's general views on the United Nations.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The political experience of the small countries is, for natural reasons, often much more limited than that of the big Powers, and it may often be tempting to take a stand which is easier to defend from an egocentric point of view than on the basis of justice and morality. 106. His Majesty's Government in Nepal believes that the collaboration between the African and Asian States which has taken place now for many years, and also the geographically widening collaboration which happily started at the Belgrade Conference a month ago and which showed a concord of opinion on the main questions troubling the world today, will greatly strengthen the moral attitude of the non-aligned States. Neither the African-Asian collaboration nor the collaboration started at the Belgrade Conference should be regarded as any attempt to form a bloc.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Apart from the fact that the right to veto _ of the big Powers in the Security Council gives them a decisive role in performing the primary function assigned to the United Nations, it is obvious that the great economic and military strength of these Powers gives them an influence which goes far beyond their individual votes. Be that as it may, the responsibility of the small nations is heavy. Their votes will be a deciding factor whenever a decision is taken in the Assembly. 105. My delegation believes that the main duty of the small and uncommitted nations is to stand up unceasingly in defence of the moral force in international relations. This makes it all the more important that we do not lose the sense of our own moral responsibility.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It will always be our endeavour to take an objective stand in controversial matters, in the full knowledge that the strict Implementation of the high principles of the Charter and the strengthening of the dignity of our Organization is of direct interest to small countries. 104. In the Assembly, the votes of the small nations have the same weight as the votes of the big Powers. However, this does not mean that every country has the same real influence on the work of the Organization. The total numerical strength of the small countries is- very great, but it does not directly reflect their operative influence.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Sometimes, one even feels that the very name of this Organization has an ironic connotation. 103. His Majesty's Government in Nepal believes that the small uncommitted nations will best serve the Organization and its purposes by supporting always such decisions and actions as reflect an objective implementation of the Charter, no matter whether these decisions or actions serve the purpose of one bloc or the other. I am not claiming any higher wisdom or superior judgement for the small uncommitted nations, but the very fact that they can stay away from the power interest makes it easier for them to judge questions objectively and in a detached manner.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“If there were unanimity among the "big five" there would be no crisis which the United Nations would not be able to meet Within the Charter itself, but unfortunately there has been no such unanimity among the big Powers and the differences between them seem to threaten the very existence of the United Nations at times. What are we to do—the small and uncommitted countries—who have looked upon the United Nations as the bulwark of our rights and freedom, as a forum where justice and protection can be obtained even against the mighty? We are now witnessing how the United Nations is being more and more changed into a battlefield for the two main power blocs. In the battle, we are under constant pressure to select sides according to the principle that "who is not my friend is my foe".”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is not for nothing that so much weight and importance is attached to the principle of great-Power unanimity in the Security Council within the Charter itself. We can only hope that the great Powers will not fail to realize their sense of responsibility for the maintenance of peace and order in the world, and they will come to an agreement on some concrete plans in this direction. If they fail to agree among themselves, then they certainly cannot blame the smaller nations of the General Assembly for taking initiatives on their own. 102.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In this connexion, I am heartened to find President Kennedy suggesting the same kind of idea which I put forward in my address to the General Assembly from this rostrum on 2 October 1957. With the President's permission, I should like to quote from that speech. I said at that time: .. The creation of a permanent mechanism by which units of the armed forces of the Member nations can be endowed with the authority of the United Nations and made available at short notice will strengthen the hope and confidence of all peoples in the United Nations as an instrument for securing their rights and freedom". 101. Any arrangement or plan for better equipping the United Nations to fulfil its new tasks and responsibilities, in our view, requires in the first place agreement among the big Powers.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We must remember that the United Nations Emergency Force that is presently deployed on the borders between Israel and the United Arab Republic, and in the Congo, is different from the collective force of the United Nations as visualized in the Charter,, which never came into being because of the deadlock among the great Powers themselves in the Military Staff Committee as early as 1947. However, it will be admitted on all sides that these United Nations forces created for limited purposes and on an ad hoc basis have proved to be effective for the purposes for which they were created. While these forces are not entirely based on a new concept of United Nations supervisory action, they certainly imply at enlarged concept. 100.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“He no longer remained an administrator, charged merely with keeping the operational services of the Secretariat in a state of efficiency, but was called upon to supply initiative when the situation called for it. It was as a result of this that the late Secretary-General was unjustly criticized by some for lack of initiative at times, and by the same people for blowing initiative at other times. Let us hope that the lessons of the last few years will not be lost, and that Member States will not lightly dismiss the possibility of achieving something more concrete in the way of better equipping the United Nations to face crises in the future. 99.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The resolutions of the General Assembly, and for that matter of the Security Council as well, are usually results of a compromise and are, as a rule, vague and general in their implications. This has made the General Assembly rely increasingly on the executive not only for the implementation of its decisions, but also for the interpretation of the finer points and intentions of its recommendations. 98. That the concept of the Secretary-General's role also has undergone a change is clearly shown by the part he was called upon to play by the General Assembly and the Security Council in the middle East and in the Congo during the last few years.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On some occasions, those who have been summoned to answer before this body have preferred to stay away, but that attitude has definitely not brought them any credit. The moral pressure has still been there, and I think there is no doubt that it has, on the whole, been very effective. 97. Let us not forget that the General Assembly is being compelled by force of circumstances to assume new roles and responsibilities for which it is not equipped with powers in the Charter itself. Therefore^ it can discharge those functions only in a pragmatic and ad hoc manner. The devolution of these new responsibilities upon the General Assembly hast also made the role and function of the Secretary-General more difficult and complicated, but all the same more important, in the structure and activity of the United Nations.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Despite the danger and limitations inherent in this practice, this may also be regarded as one of the few really encouraging features, because so far as the effectiveness of the United Nations as a world organization is concerned, it shows the increasing importance of moral factors. 96. It is true that it is a practice almost as old as mankind for those who break the peace to defend their actions on the grounds of alleged moral motives, but there is now an important difference. The United Nations is a forum where these motives are exposed in their true colours. The motives have to be clearly stated before the whole world, and they will be subjected to severe scrutiny in public.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is true that the Assembly decisions are not binding on the Member States in the same way as the decisions of the Security Council are, but the Assembly can make recommendations to Members, in the case of an armed attack, to rescue the victim, even by means of military assistance. The importance which even the Big Powers attach to this possibility is best demonstrated by the fact that when a resolution is vetoed in the Security Council, it has become customary for one or the other of the permanent members themselves to have the matter referred to the General Assembly.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The effectiveness and potentiality of the action under this resolution has been proved in resolving the crises that have confronted the United Nations in the Middle East in recent years. It is now being seriously tested in the Congo. There are some who think Chat the action under the "Uniting for Peace" resolution is a departure from the path expressly laid down in the Charter, but to our mind there is nothing in the resolution itself that will interfere with the effectiveness of the action of the Security Council if only the Council shows itself capable of action. 95. As a result of the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, the General Assembly has been given a say. also in matters of using collective machinery for maintaining and restoring international peace.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“As a matter of fact, the Charter, to a large extent, is based on the principle of great Power unanimity. But the experience of the last few years has shown that the original plan of collective security through the Security Council has almost failed to work because of the differences among the great Powers themselves. This has brought into vogue the method of referring to the General Assembly what the Council is unable to resolve. 94. The review of the then existing collective security machinery by the Members of the United Nations against the background of the developments in Korea led to the adoption of the famous "Uniting for Peace- resolution [377 (V)] in 1950.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Furthermore, it has yet to be perfected as an instrument of concerting action by governments in pursuance of the principles and purposes set forth in the Charter. In this connexion, it must not be forgotten that the functions and activities of the United Nations are necessarily confined within the framework of the decisions of the Member States. Any failure in the implementation of the decisions of the Organization within the terms of the Charter is often described as a failure of the Organization. In our opinion, it would be more correct to regard it as a failure of the world community as a whole. 93. The Charter took for granted co-operation among the five permanent Members of the Security Council as a condition for the successful working of the United Nations.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On the other hand, there are a great many others like us who, while regarding the above concept merely as a starting point, visualize the possibility of the continued growth of the Organization in terms of increasingly effective forms of active international co-operation adapted to the experience and suited to the growing needs and demands of time and the situation. 92. If the United Nations is not conceived as a sort of world government or a super State, it is certainly not intended to be merely a debating society. Its usefulness lies in the field of multilateral diplomacy. Its institutions provide for a process of adjustment and conciliation often resulting in solutions that may not be entirely satisfying to the parties concerned, yet cause no embarrassment or loss of face to any one of them.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In his objective way, he talks about how the debates and events since the last regular session of the General Assembly have brought to the fore two different concepts of the United Nations, the Charter of the Organization, its authority and its structure. Some Members are inclined to favour a rather static concept of the Organization as a traditional conference machinery, to quote the late Secretary-General's words, "...for resolving conflicts of interest and ideologies with a view to peaceful coexistence, within the Charter". 91.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We want one man whom we can hold responsible for the discharge of the functions which the Charter of the United Nations entrusts to the Secretary-General We are opposed to any arrangement that may tend to impose the deputies on the Secretary-General, because such an arrangement would increase his dependence on the deputies to the extent of diffusing his responsibility, contrary to what is envisaged in the Charter. 90. In the introduction [A/4800/Add.l] to his annual report on the work of the Organization, the late Secretary-General made an extremely well-balanced and sensible examination of the problem that we are facing today.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“To those who are inclined to advocate checks on the exercise of unlimited authority by the Secretary-General, our answer is that his authority has never been absolute, and each and every matter is limited within the framework of the decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the other main organs of the United Nations, However, we do not object to the arrangement of having a number of deputy Secretaries-General to assist him in his work, provided all those deputies are to be directly appointed, by whomsoever the Secretary-General may be, on the basis of the principle of geographical distribution which is enshrined in the Charter. 89.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Let me clearly sum up our position on the question of the interim arrangements for carrying out the functions of the Secretary-General. We feel that any man on whose choice the East and the West are not ^agreed will find himself seriously hampered from the very beginning in the exercise of his duties and functions as Secretary-General. Hence- our insistence that in the first instance every attempt should be made to secure an agreement among the big Powers themselves on the interim arrangements. We ourselves are for a one-man executive within the terms of the Charter. Any arrangement whish implies any sort of limitation on the highest executive of the United Nations in carrying out the decisions and orders of the various organs of the United Nations will, in our opinion, hamper the effectiveness of the United Nations itself.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In the case of an executive triumvirate, discussions would be carried on behind closed doors, and there would be no restraint whatsoever on the use of the veto. Even the slightest suspicion on the part of one or the other of the big Power representatives that a certain action might harm their interests would completely paralyse the executive. Such an arrangement might develop a tendency on the part of members of the directorate themselves to bring out their differences in the open, and this would considerably undermine respect for the authority of the United Nations executive. My delegation has no doubt that the reorganization of the office of Secretary-General along such lines would greatly impair the United Nations as a whole, and especially its value to the smaller and weaker countries. 88.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Apart from the ideological considerations, we are opposed to the reorganization of the office of Secretary-General along the lines of the troika plan on practical grounds -as well. We can very well imagine what would have been the initiative of a three-man directorate, as envisaged in the troika plan, in the face of a crisis such as the one the United Nations had to face in Suez or in the Congo. The excessive use of the veto in the Security Council has made the convening of special or emergency special sessions a routine necessity to deal with concrete threats to, or breaches of, the peace. 87. In the case of the Security Council, there is some restraint on the use of the veto as a result of the fact that the deliberations in the Council are public and the reasons for the use of the veto are exposed to everybody's judgement.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“can be impartial in carrying out the orders and decisions of the Security Council, we would have to revise our views on the concept of an impartial international civil service as envisaged in the Charter, The Charter provides for a Secretariat whose actions will be guided solely by the principles set forth in the Charter, the decisions of the main organs and the interests of the Organization itself, no flatter what the background and views of its individual members are. Article 100 of the Charter, states in clear terms that "In the performance of their duties, the Secretary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive instructions from any Government or from any other authority external to the Organization." 86.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Firstly, it is based on the concept of the preservation of the division of the world into power blocs. Instead of furthering the idea of uniting the nations for a common goal, it stresses their differences. It would inject considerations of bloc interest into every question, even in the field of executive action. All decisions of such a body would be coloured and conditioned by political interests and prejudices of the blocs, and the respect for the aims set forth in the Charter would take only a secondary place. In our view, such a concept strikes at the very roots of the principles and beliefs on which the Organization is founded. 85. If we were ever to accept the thesis that no man .”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In our opinion, something must be done immediately to make some kind of interim arrangement for carrying out the functions of the Secretary-General pending the election of a rightful successor to Dag Hammarskjold. 83. We have expressed in clear terms our opposition to the troika plan for a three-man directorate. In his address at the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held recently in Belgrade, His Majesty the King of Nepal remarked on this point: "... The interesting suggestion made by the Soviet Union that the office of the Secretary-General be replaced by a triumvirate composed of representatives of Western Powers, Communist Powers and neutral countries seems to us clearly unworkable .. ." 84. We are opposed to the troika plan for the following reasons.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is a fact that the Charter does not provide for meeting a situation such as the one in which the United Nations now finds itself. Nothing would have been more ideal for our purposes than to have the big Powers agree on the choice of a suitable individual to fill the office of Secretary-General. The question is what is to be done if there is no agreement among the permanent members of the Security Council on the choice of a Secretary-General. Should the General Assembly take the initiative in electing a suitable person for this high office, or should it wait until such time as agreement is possible among the great Powers themselves?”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“If he had made any errors of judgement, they were but human, and those who have thought fit to emphasize their differences with him, even after his death, should realize that if placed in the same circumstances they would have fared no better, if not worse, than he himself had done. 82. The tragic death of Dag Hammarskjold has confronted us with the task of choosing a successor to fill the office of Secretary-General. It is apparent that the United Nations cannot be left without its highest executive officer, in whose name alone the Secretariat can act. However, we must not act in haste, because a hasty action at this time might affect the usefulness and effectiveness of the United Nations for ever in the future.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The greatest tribute we can pay to the memory of this great man is to strengthen the grounds of agreement among nations, on which they can work together to give substance to mankind's hope for fulfilment in a more peaceful and a more tolerant future. 81. At the different stages of the unfolding of the Congo drama, Dag Hammarskjold unjustly received blame from one bloc or the other, and also at one time or another from all the different parties involved in the Congo conflict. He was not deterred-by criticism of himself or his actions from any source, and remained steadfast in his purpose to make the United Nations operations succeed in the Congo. That he gave up his life in the cause of peace in the Congo should now leave no one in doubt as to his sincerity of purpose in all that he did.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In Mr. Hammarskjold, the world has lost a great servant of peace. He was a man of stature, dedicated to the service of mankind. It will no doubt be very hard to replace him,, If any man was indispensable in the world—and I believe no man is—it was Dag Hammarskjold, particularly at this time. He was devoted to the task of maintaining a modicum of order where conventional diplomacy had failed, a minimum of order without which there cannot be even the slightest hope for the survival of civilized society. His cause was our cause, yours and mine, and" in the years to come we shall realize all the more bow much we had depended on him. He died a soldier's death at the post of duty.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“His unanimous choice as the President of the Assembly is proof of the high confidence and esteem in which the Member nations hold him. I am especially happy that, he has been the first President of the General Assembly from our sister continent of Africa, which is destined to play an increasingly more important role in world affairs in the years to come. 79. Let me also take this opportunity to congratulate his predecessor in office, Mr. Frederick Boland of Ireland, for the excellent manner in which he presided over the last session, which was unusual and, in a way, difficult. 80. Since my delegation did not take part earlier in paying tribute to the late Secretary-General, I should like to take this opportunity to express our deep sense of sorrow and loss at the sudden and untimely death of Dag Hammarskjold and the members of his party.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is my privilege and honour to bring to the President the salutations and greetings of the people and Government of Nepal, and the best wishes of our beloved leader and sovereign, H.M. King Mahendra, for the success of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly. 78. At the very outset, let me congratulate Mr. Slim on his unanimous election to the high office of the President of the General Assembly at its sixteenth session. His long experience in the work of the United Nations, combined with his intrinsic merit and ability, amply qualifies him for the office he now holds. We have no doubt that under his wise and able guidance our labours and deliberations in the current session will come to successful conclusion.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Conscious as we are of the limited role we can play in the solution of this problem, we appeal to the great Powers to come to some sort of permanent agreement on the various aspects of the disarmament problem in the larger interests of peace and humanity. The world has waited in vain over the past ten years for the successful outcome of the disarmament talks. Nothing will fill the peoples of the world with greater hope and confidence in the future of the United Nations than the achievement at this session of any real further step towards agreement on this question of disarmament.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We agree with the British Foreign Secretary that it would be naive to expect that the disarmament problem could be solved without a spirit of healthy realism and without taking into account the true nature of the world situation. 71. Talks about disarmament both conventional and nuclear without prior agreement among the big Powers on an international system of inspection, do not sound realistic enough in the conditions of the present day world. To our mind, what will help is the replacement of the existing atmosphere of fear and suspicion by the all-round growth of goodwill and understanding, especially between the great Powers, whose efforts alone can solve this problem of disarmament. 72.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“With the time-honoured institution of monarchy itself serving as the sheet anchor of democracy, Nepal, confident of its future, is marching shoulder to shoulder with other countries of the region, on the path of freedom and progress. 70. The entire world pinned high hopes on the successful outcome of the talks that were recently going on in London at the meeting of the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission. Once again the talks were abandoned rather abruptly and the great Powers have thought it fit to refer the matter to the General Assembly. However, it is really heartening to read in the statement [685th meeting] of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, Mr. Lloyd, that these talks have not yet been abandoned and that there are still chances of agreement on the subject between the great Powers.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We are interested in the political renaissance of Asia and Africa because the political change in Nepal herself is related to the general awakening in Asia. The achievement of independence by India, along with other countries in that region, strengthened and helped the efforts of the King and the people of Nepal to introduce democracy in the country. 69. The role of monarchy in ushering in the new era of democratic freedom in Nepal is unique. History has many an instance of a brave, talented and generous ruler, but never in history had there been a king who, along with all the members of his family, staked his life and throne in order to secure the democratic rights and freedom of this people.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We have good reason to believe that the same process of awakening and change that has already worked out so well in the case of several countries will result in the transformation of the existing dependent and colonial territories into independent statehoods or nationhoods. 67. We were happy to welcome Ghana to membership of the United Nations last year, and this year we had the pleasure of welcoming Malaya. We feel that the addition of new Members will make the United Nations more representative and universal in character, and to that extent more effective. That is also the reason why we have always pleaded for the recognition of the People's Republic of China, without whose willing cooperation and consent no lasting political settlement in the Far East is possible. 68.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We stand by self-determination for all people and believe in the right of every nation to work out its destiny free from external pressure and interference. We regard imperialism as a manifestation of desire on the part of a richer and more powerful nation to dominate the affairs of another nation by exploiting the comparative helplessness of the latter's position in every possible way. We are opposed to imperialism of every kind or colour, be it overseas or overland, be it white, red, yellow, brown or black. 66. We are in fullest sympathy with the aspirations of the nationalist freedom movement everywhere in Asia and Africa. We view all these freedom movements as a part of the great awakening in Asia and Africa which occurred in the wake of the Second World War.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We feel that this is the way we can contribute most to the work of the United Nations. Furthermore, we are, as a nation, less hindered in the. exercise of our moral judgement, not only because we follow an independent foreign policy but also because we have far fewer commitments and no disputes as compared to bigger nations. 65. We have been just over one year at the United Nations, and during this short period we have always abided by the same moral standard of judgement in assessing events everywhere in the world, be they in the Middle East or in Eastern Europe. We deplored the Anglo-French-Israel action in Egypt last fall as strongly as the Soviet action in Hungary. We do not approve of foreign interference in the affairs of any nation, let alone armed intervention.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“My Government believes Li maintaining peace and friendship with all nations and in a policy of non-alignment with any one of the international power blocs. We do not want to commit ourselves beforehand to support one bloc or the other in the event of differences or war between them. This, however, does not mean that we are shirking responsibility or sitting on the fence. We merely wish to retain our independence of judgement even as a small nation. Of course, when there is a choice between good and evil, or right and wrong, we certainly know what to choose, and our history is in itself a proof of our capacity of judgement in such a situation. We believe in assessing every international issue on its merits, without consideration of anybody's fear or favour.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The other well-known declarations of the principles and tenets of international conduct such as the pancha shila or the Bandung declaration, to which Nepal has also been a party, do not contain a thing which is not already embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. All that the afore-mentioned declarations do is to reinforce, in a different context, the same principles of good conduct among nations which have been known to the world since the days of the Kellogg-Briand Pact or even before that. We feel that these declarations are not so much important in themselves as in their actual implementation. If only all Members of the United Nations sought to respect in practice the principles and decisions of the United Nations, for good or for worse, the international problems could take care of themselves. 64.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The United Nations does not merely serve as a forum for public debates on international issues; its institutions also provide for the process of adjustment and conciliation, often resulting in solutions that may not be entirely satisfying to the parties concerned, yet cause no embarrassment or loss of face to any one of them. 62. Let us recognize the United Nations for what it is, for nothing more and nothing less, and, as our Secretary-General has himself described it, as "an admittedly imperfect but indispensable instrument of nations in working for a peaceful evolution towards a more just and secure social order"., [A/3594/Add.1, p.3.] 63. His Majesty’s Government in Nepal has always pledged Itself to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and to abide by them in its dealings with the other nations of the world.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The events of the past years have made the role of the United Nations clear to everybody. It is not a super-State which can always enforce compliance with its decisions. Its function and activity are necessarily limited within the framework of the decisions of the Member States. Its real usefulness, however, lies in the sphere of multilateral diplomacy as an instrument of negotiation among the Governments and for the Governments. It is an instrument of diplomacy for concerting action by Governments in pursuance of the ideals of the Charter.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The tragedy of Hungary has a real and living significance for the 9 million people of Nepal. Behind it is their deep-rooted consciousness that what has happened to Hungary may happen to any small nation anywhere in the world. The uprising in Hungary was a "spontaneous nationalist rising", the entire episode being "a great human tragedy". This is the considered opinion on the subject of a highly detached and impartial observer of world affairs, of no less a man than the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, whose words carry weight with people everywhere. May we still hope and expect that the Soviet Union will withdraw its troops from Hungary, thereby leading the people of Hungary free to work out their destiny in accordance with their own national aspirations. 61.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)