YouSaid · the spoken record

Macdonald

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS MACDONALD

lines on the record: 76
first: 1955-09-24
most recent: 1957-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Much turns on our ability to distinguish between appearance and reality, and to reject specious and easy solutions. 153. The urgency of the problem makes us impatient for early success. The gravity of the problem requires us to endure a further round of negotiations, for success will come not in any spectacular way but from the progressive narrowing-down of differences among the great Powers. It is they who bear the main and ever-growing burden of responsibility. But this Assembly, acting in the spirit of the Charter, can separate truth from falsity, and point the way.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“My Government regards the four-Power proposals as fair and genuine. Despite the swift rejection of these proposals by the Soviet Union, we believe that the Sub-Committee’s recent series of meetings was most valuable. Because of these meetings we are all in a better position to decide what could and what could not be included in a first realistic programme of arms reduction, capable of being put into immediate effect. 152. The Assembly is now faced with a choice. It is a choice between deceptively simple proposals whose purpose is propaganda, and more complex proposals genuinely intended to bring about a solution. One alternative offers false security; the adoption of the other would be of long-term political and economic benefit.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We must not cease to advocate, and we must not cease to hope for, such an agreement; but we can derive little encouragement from the present attitude of the Soviet Union. That country seeks both a propaganda and a military advantage by insisting on a cessation of nuclear tests in isolation from other initial measures. 150. That is the balm, the soothing mixture, which the Soviet Union offers to a fearful world. At the same time, it flaunts a new instrument of terror - an intercontinental ballistic missile. It continues to test its own weapons. It obstinately refuses to agree to the four-Power proposals put forward in the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission [DC/113. annex 51 for a linked agreement both to cease testing nuclear weapons and to cease making the nuclear explosives used in those weapons. 151.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“My Government would welcome an end to the testing of nuclear weapons, but not at the price of submission to a Soviet bid for military advantage. Meanwhile, we are grateful for the restraint and care exercised by the United Kingdom and the United States in conducting such tests. It is heartening to know that they have already achieved a large measure of success in reducing the radio-active fall-out from explosions. We shall also await with keen interest next year's report of the Scientific Committee set up by this Assembly to determine the long-term effects of radiation in the atmosphere, [resolution 913 (X)] 149. The goal of a disarmament agreement, and of the cessation of weapons tests, remains primarily a matter for the three nuclear Powers, though it affects all of us closely.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“This may seem inconvenient to certain countries; but I suggest that the inconvenience is a minor one to accept in order to reach a disarmament agreement and to ensure that it is carried out. 146. This aim of honest dealing and reliable safeguards is at the heart of the Western position on disarmament. It is true that the Soviet Union has accepted the idea of safeguards. Indeed it has made certain proposals for control and inspection. But these and other Soviet proposals fall far short of a genuine willingness to agree upon effective control measures on a basis of true reciprocity. 147. Similarly, the Soviet Union, playing on the reasonable fears of earnest people in all parts of the world, calls for an agreement to end the testing of nuclear weapons. But it declines to link this proposal with real disarmament measures. 148.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“There would, however, be great virtue in any agreement, however limited, which removed disarmament from the realm of controversy and propaganda, and which showed that it could be made to work. 144. To avoid any possibility of misunderstanding, I should stress that such an agreement would require the same kind of safeguards as a comprehensive agreement. The safeguards would, however, be on a smaller scale. They should therefore cause less difficulty for any State which is reluctant to accept necessary measures of control and inspection. 145. It is true that a disarmament agreement, like any other agreement, will limit the sovereign rights of the contracting parties. In the case of a disarmament agreement, this limitation will take the definite and concrete form of control posts and inspectors.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The challenge is all the greater in view of the failures of the years gone by. 142. My Government is acutely conscious of the economic burden of defence, and of the dangerous tensions which always accompany a competition in armaments. Nevertheless, we are also convinced that the countries of the West cannot relax their defence efforts until there is international agreement to the controlled reduction of armaments. Without genuine reciprocity and an adequate system of inspection and control, disarmament would be disastrous folly. 143. The most recent negotiations in the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission have, of course, concentrated upon achieving a limited agreement about certain first steps. This aim was a modest one, and it could only have produced modest benefits.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“My own Government believes that its maintenance is essential. We have already contributed to its upkeep, both in accordance with our budgetary assessment and on a voluntary basis. We are prepared to continue to play our part in the future, while the need for UNEF remains. At the same time, we feel that the effort to deal with the underlying problems of the Middle East must be intensified. 141. If the Middle East presents the territorial issue which most requires our attention, the problem of disarmament faces this Assembly with an even greater challenge. For eleven years the topics of disarmament and the control of atomic weapons have figured prominently on each session's agenda. Success has proved elusive, though sometimes - as earlier this year - it has seemed just within our grasp.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The first test, therefore, is that of our willingness to keep UNEF in being and to assure its financial support. Here the record is not very encouraging. The United Nations Emergency Force is the creation of this Assembly, and UNEF itself is the chosen instrument of this Organization. Yet the facts, as I understand them, are these. Of the first 10 million dollars, which were to be subscribed in accordance with the ordinary budgetary assessments, little more than half has been paid. The voluntary subscriptions, which have come from six contributors only, have added another million dollars. Of the estimated cost up to the end of this year, less than one-third is in sight. 140. Unless Member States show greater willingness to contribute to its support on an equitable basis, there is a clear danger that UNEF will come to an end.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The General Assembly must look beyond the results of tension to its causes, and must work for the removal or correction of those causes. We must indeed make up for the years before last year, when the problems existed but failed to attract the Assembly's attention. 138. Though various suggestions have been made in the past, the Assembly has yet to determine how best to approach the question of permanent solutions. It may indeed be true that we have so far accomplished as much as could have been expected in so short a time. Certainly, the presence of UNEF in the area is helping to create the conditions in which further practical steps can more readily be undertaken. Equally, we cannot afford to do without UNEF until we are able to resolve the difficulties and tensions which it keeps in check. 139.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“In fact, however, the Soviet Union has found new opportunities to exploit not only international tension but also political difficulties and divisions within individual Middle Eastern countries. In one such country at least the Soviet Union appears to have succeeded in establishing a beachhead of subversion. 137. We have seen that when vigilance and efforts are relaxed the Communist danger advances like a forest fire, consuming everything in its path. It is this which gives an added urgency to the need for a lasting settlement of the problems of the Middle East. As many speakers noted during last year's debates, it is not enough that we should restore the conditions prevailing before the recent hostilities in Egypt.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Moreover, this system, while being of benefit to Egypt, should offer adequate guarantees of efficient and stable management in the international interest. The Security Council, in considering the Egyptian Government's declaration of 24 April 1957 concerning the operation of the Canal, referred to aspects which still required clarification. Failing such clarification, my Government can feel no assurance that the controlling power will not be misused. 136. As the past year has shown, the weaknesses and dissensions of the Middle East increase the ever present dangers of Communist domination. With the terrible example of Hungary before them, it might have been expected that all Governments in the area would have rallied to resist the spread of Soviet influence.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It is true, as I have said, that quiet prevails on the armistice lines; but the bitterness of Arab-Israel relations has not diminished. The United Nations Emergency Force provides a buffer, but the will to achieve a lasting settlement has not yet appeared on either side. 134. Shipping is once more passing through the Suez Canal, but the conditions of passage are by no means satisfactory. As long as Israel shipping is prevented from using the Canal, the provisions of the Constantinople Convention of 1888 will not be fully carried out, and the international character of the waterway will be infringed. 135. In my Government's view, freedom of navigation demands that the Canal be operated under a system which treats the ships of all nations alike.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“To a large extent the Canal has again become what it was always intended to be: a free, commercial waterway linking the countries east of Suez, as far away as Australia and New Zealand, with the countries of Europe and the West. 131. Finally, a new source of support, both economic and military, has been afforded to the countries of the Middle East. In a period in which power relationships have shifted, the Eisenhower doctrine has offered help and encouragement in an area where stability has been gravely undermined. 132. Important as these gains are, they have yet to be consolidated and extended before any lasting achievement can be claimed. This is one of the greatest of the challenges which face the present session of the General Assembly; and it is as well that we should take stock of the problems still to be resolved. 133.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“In many ways, the establishment of UNEF [563rd meeting] has shown this Organization at a high level of practical achievement. When the representative of Canada made here the imaginative proposal for the creation of such a force, the response of the General Assembly was impressive and immediate. The speed and skill with which UNEF was organized reflect great credit on the Secretary-General and his staff. The conduct of UNEF itself, and the good judgement of its Commander, have amply justified the Assembly's confidence. 130. These developments have been accompanied by other improvements in the Middle East situation. The Suez Canal has been cleared.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“As I have said before from this rostrum, [672nd meeting] the issuer are momentous, bearing as they do on the continuing defiance by a Member State of this Organization's resolutions and of the moral judgement of the world. World opinion waits for the response of the Soviet rulers to the Assembly's resolutions about Hungary. 128. In another troubled area, great nations and small gave practical demonstrations of respect for the Assembly's wishes. Open hostilities in the Middle East were ended. The forces of other countries were withdrawn from Egyptian territory. Relative quiet has prevailed along the armistice lines between Israel and the neighbouring Arab States. 129. We should, however, remember that this condition of peace is due in large measure to the presence of the United Nations Emergency Force.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“As long as the Soviet Union continues to defy the resolutions of the General Assembly, as long as it denies the Hungarian people the right to decide their own destinies, so long must the United Nations, by the most effective means available to it, continue to manifest its concern with the Hungarian issue. I know that my Government is not alone in this conviction. 127. In Prince Wan Waithayakon, who presided with conspicuous skill and distinction over the eleventh session of the General Assembly, the United Nations is fortunate to have a representative eminently well qualified to carry out the duties entrusted to him. [resolution 1133 (XI)].”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“But in Hungary the Soviet Union sent armed forces into the territory of a small neighbour to overthrow an established government. A third principle is noninterference in the internal affairs of other countries. But in Hungary the Soviet Union intervened to extinguish freedom and to re-impose a cruel conformity. 125. Nothing that the Soviet Union has said at the current or at the last session of the General Assembly, nothing that the Soviet Union may say in the future, here or elsewhere, can alter the facts. There can be no further argument about what was done in Hungary. In the five-Power report, [A/35921 the Assembly has an unassailable record of the origin, course and consequences of a brutal and unremitting attack on the liberties of a proud people. 126.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It emphasizes also a grim disparity between Soviet deeds and Soviet words. Earlier in this debate, [681st meeting] the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union laid stress on the need for measures to enhance the authority of the United Nations and to ease international tension. With this in mind, he put before the Assembly a draft declaration on the principles of peaceful co-existence among States. [A/3673] Can Mr. Gromyko be surprised, while our deliberations on Hungary are fresh in our minds, that we should weigh these draft principles against Soviet conduct in Hungary? One principle is equality and mutual benefit. But in Hungary the Soviet Union intervened to perpetuate a cruel inequality and to deprive the Hungarians of the right to order their own lives. Another principle is respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Few of the issues before the Assembly are so clear that they admit no divergence of opinion between different groups or even within those groups; and similarity of interest or outlook should not usually be a more important factor than individual judgement. Perhaps the only valid conclusions are these: a larger Assembly increases the need for group consultation, but it should not increase the influence of the group over its own Members. 123. The Assembly which reconvened on the eve of this session has endorsed, with few dissentient voices, the report of the Special Committee on the Problem of Hungary [A/35921. The report is a conclusive account of a grave breach of the Charter. Resolution 1133 (XI), adopted with the support of sixty nations, emphasizes the gravity of that breach. 124.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It is therefore easy to conclude that, as meetings grow larger, more reliance must be placed on consultation within various groupings. 121. It is beyond question that these groupings play a very useful role. It is natural and proper that delegations which have much in common should first consult among themselves. We, for our own part, attach special importance to our regular consultations with other Commonwealth delegations, and we readily understand the growth in consultation and co-operation within other groupings. 122. Even so, I think it is evident that the system of group consultation should not come to play too large a part in the shaping of Assembly decisions.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“As I have had occasion to speak of our growing membership, I should like to add a few thoughts about the political functioning of the Assembly itself. Informal consultation among delegations is an essential part of the process by which Assembly and committee decisions are influenced. The more there is of this consultation, the more likely it is that the decision will represent the reasoned view of the majority of delegations. Yet, as the membership grows, it becomes more and more difficult to maintain a full range of consultation. 120. This is a problem which specially affects the smaller delegations such as my own. To form a sound opinion about one's own course of action, one must take account of other points of view. And these cannot always be gauged solely from the formal statements made during a meeting.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“President, that I could speak with equal certainty of the day when the partitioned States of Europe and Asia would be free to find their own destiny, and an open door to membership of this Organization. The way to the reunification of Germany continues to be barred, because the Soviet Union will not permit the people of the Soviet-controlled area of Germany to choose their own form of government freely. 118. For similar reasons, the representatives of the Republic of Korea and Viet-Nam have not been able to take their places in this Assembly. Yet Viet-Nam, for example, will next month be host to all the countries participating in the Colombo Plan. In that circle, Viet-Nam is an equal and an adult nation. There will be a continuing injustice until these partitioned States are restored to themselves and are freed from all disabilities. 119.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It is particularly gratifying to my country that Ghana and The Federation of Malaya, the two States which have been admitted to the Organization this year, are both members of the Commonwealth to which New Zealand also belongs. We look forward to co-operating with their representatives in this Assembly and at other United Nations meetings. 116. Both Ghana and the Federation of Malaya have come to nationhood by the process of peaceful evolution, which has been so notable a feature of the post-war world. Within the Commonwealth other nations are in the process of emerging in that way. We are confident that they too will seek and gain admission to this Organization when they attain full sovereignty. 117. I wish, Mr.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The Government and people of New Zealand wish you well in your important position, which I am sure you will fill with great credit. 114. This session of the General Assembly will be concerned with a number of pressing political issues. Among these, the subjugation of Hungary has a strong continuing claim to our attention. The issues which disturb peace in the Middle East demand early and resolute action. The imperative need for an effective international agreement on disarmament overshadows all the other questions which may affect peace and security. I shall return to these issues; but first I should like to make some broader observations. 115. The vitality of the United Nations is reflected, not only in the scope of the Assembly’s agenda, but also in its growing and nearly universal membership.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Sir, I have already made brief reference to your election to the position of President of this Assembly and I now amplify that reference in this general debate, because your elevation is a matter of pride and satisfaction to the people of New Zealand, as it must of course be to yourself. Those associated with you here know the vigour and enthusiasm you have shown in your work as permanent representative of New Zealand in this Organization. Your experience here will provide a splendid background against which you will carry out your duties as President. Throughout your career in New Zealand you have taken a keen interest in international affairs and have fostered in your own country a wider public knowledge of world events.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“211. Clearly the problem of adjustment to which the Members of the United Nations must now accommodate their actions is and will be a progressive affair. If this adjustment is to be fruitful, each decision must reflect the need for understanding, co-operation and mutual accommodation. None recognizes more keenly than I do that in the conditions under which this Assembly has met, this exercise of restraint will impose heavy burdens on all of us. But let us not forget that the attention of the world is today focussed on our deliberations. The peoples of the United Nations will not be satisfied, nor will their future be safeguarded, by the mere adoption of resolutions or by the adoption of temporary expedients. The solutions to the issues which threaten the peace must be lasting. That is the challenge to this Organization.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It is pertinent to remark, however, that the consideration of these questions now will not be definitive for the future. Already potential new members must be recognized. My delegation for its part looks forward with the keenest anticipation to co-operating in this Assembly with these new States and particularly with those emerging to statehood within the Commonwealth. With the Federation of Malaya we have already established the most friendly contacts. As a member of the Trusteeship Council, New Zealand has taken a special interest in the recent evolution of the Trust Territory of British Togoland towards a new independent status as part of Ghana. My delegation will support the adoption by this Assembly of the resolution which will mark the fulfilment by the Administering Authority of its responsibilities under the Trusteeship Agreement.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“If any complaint can be made, it is that the range and complexity of these functions exceed the capacity of all but a few delegations. Moreover, in today’s world the activities of the Organization are always changing and expanding. Only a month has passed since this hall witnessed the establishment, by unanimous agreement, of a new Agency dedicated to the peaceful exploitation of atomic energy. The New Zealand Government has every confidence that this Agency will match in its achievements the accomplishments of the International Labour Organisation, the World Health Organization and the other specialized agencies which have proved so conclusively the value of peaceful international co-operation. 210. I shall not comment on the other problems — administrative, budgetary and organizational — with which the Assembly will have to deal.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I trust I will not be misunderstood if I express the hope that, before taking action, the Assembly will examine with every care and on its merits each of the proposals submitted to it. In the work of the Councils, regard must be paid to efficiency and economy of operations as well as to other factors such as geographical representation. My delegation does not deny the justification for a moderate increase in representation in some cases; it does, however, express the hope that priority will be given to substantive considerations rather than to any mathematical equation in determining the constitution of the principal organs. A cautious approach to this question does not involve the denial of participation in the functions of the United Nations. 209.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“At this stage I shall do no more than reaffirm the view of my Government that Japan, with whom we enjoy the most friendly relations, is fully qualified to be a Member of the United Nations and that its qualifications should be forthwith recognized in a favourable recommendation from the Security Council. 208. In his report, the Secretary-General has indicated the various problems with which this Assembly must deal, in one way or another, as a result of the increase in membership. One of these concerns the size of the principal organs of the United Nations. It is natural and proper that those Members admitted within the last year should wish to participate directly and without delay in the different activities of the Organization.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Next month it will be the privilege of my country to act as host to the meeting of Ministers from the States members of the Colombo Plan. Among them will be several whose countries were last year admitted to membership of the United Nations. I wish to join with others who have preceded me in this debate in extending a welcome to them and to those other new Members whose established right to representation was for so long denied. At the tenth session and in the final weeks of New Zealand’s term as a member of the Security Council, my delegation was able to play its part in putting an end to this long-standing injustice. The satisfaction which followed this result was, however, tempered by the exclusion of Japan from membership through the opposition of the Soviet Union.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“New Zealand’s capital assistance, granted at the rate of £1 million each year, has so far contributed to the development of health services, agriculture, irrigation, education and industry in Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, India, Indonesia, Nepal and Pakistan. It has also, however, enabled us in New Zealand to gain understanding of the immense problems facing these countries and has, we believe, strengthened our mutual ties of friendship and common interest. This understanding has been consolidated by the mutual discussion of projects, by the annual review undertaken by the Ministers of participating countries, and by the interchange of experts and fellowship-holders. New Zealanders have already welcomed more than 300 of these fellowship-holders from twelve countries of South and South-East Asia and hope in the future to welcome many more. 207.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Many representatives will know that this had its origin in and took its name from, a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in Colombo, Ceylon, in January 1950. The original Commonwealth members have since been joined by Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Japan, Laos, Nepal, Philippines, Thailand, United States and Viet-Nam. In one sense, the Colombo Plan is an aid programme under which those able to do so provide capital assistance and technical training and advice to the countries of South and South-East Asia. But the Plan is much more than this; its basic concept is free international cooperation. 206.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“However, it is the view of my Government that it is not unreasonable to ask for the general participation of Members in these programmes. New Zealand has translated this opinion into practice by its own contribution to UNICEF, to the technical assistance funds, to the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency, to the United Nations Refugee Fund, and to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. I recognize that many of the contributions from Members I would have to be small in amount; but I believe that, if all gave something, that fact would have a special significance in emphasizing the international character of the programmes initiated by the Assembly. 205. I referred earlier to the Colombo Plan.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Would not the most permanent memorial to the late High Commissioner — and the one of which he would most approve — be a contribution by all Members of the funds necessary for the successful conclusion of the programme undertaken under his guidance and inspiration? 204. In making this suggestion I am heartened by the wide support accorded to the work of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the activities of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. Although, as always, the generosity of the United States in support of these programmes has been unbounded, both are now truly international in character. It is easy for the Assembly to accept the fact that the contributions of the great Western Powers will be the mainstay of its aid and relief programmes.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“His devotion to the cause of the refugees was an inspiration to all associated with him, and the question has naturally been asked how we might best mark his services to the United Nations. His contribution was unique in that he offered a permanent solution to a, vexed problem of human suffering. He asked from the Members of this, Organization only that they should contribute the relatively modest funds necessary to enable him to carry out the Assembly’s mandate. New Zealand is one of the Members to have responded to this appeal. But because the funds available have fallen short of those requested, refugees for whom there were firm programmes of resettlement still await the opportunity to start a new life. I should like to leave this suggestion with the Assembly.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“For its part, the Assembly has condemned this latest act of Soviet imperialism and in due course will, I trust, deny in the clearest language the claim of the Soviet Union to parade as the champion of freedom. 202. The situation in Hungary has given poignant significance to the work of one of the United Nations agencies and has once again directed attention to the plight of those many thousands of people who have been driven from their homelands and have not yet found permanent homes and security elsewhere. 203. It will be the duty of this Assembly to appoint a successor to the late Dr. van Heuven Goedhart. I have already conveyed to the Secretary-General the sense of grief with which my colleagues and I heard of his death.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The peoples of the world have not been unconscious of the denial of freedom to those forced to live under the Communist regime; but they have nevertheless been shocked and appalled by the barbarity of this action. Our sympathy goes out to the people of Hungary. They should know that their heroic struggle has not been in vain. Free people everywhere now know, as they have long suspected, that the facade of Soviet unity is fragile and can be maintained only by secret police and Russian arms. The struggle to cast off this new colonialism may not yet have fully succeeded but it has set in motion forces which tyranny cannot quell. The day will yet come, I believe, when this Assembly will welcome here the representatives of a truly independent Hungary.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“If a legal right is claimed but disputed, then it is desirable that confirmation be sought from the highest international tribunal, the International Court of Justice. If the right is confirmed or unchallenged, there may still be other interests to be recognized and certain standards of international conduct to be observed in the exercise of the right. If the matter comes before this Organization, it behooves all of us to weigh carefully the expression of our views. 201. There is one other essential condition of progress — respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Charter proclaims this purpose; but the world has just witnessed in Hungary the ruthless and cynical suppression of a people's struggle for these rights and freedoms.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Its import for the under-developed countries is clear. Anarchy, not progress, will result from the summary destruction or confiscation of all that the Western world has contributed in skills, facilities and knowledge to the economic, social and cultural progress of nations which have recently achieved political independence. 199. If we are to avoid anarchy, if we are to achieve a peaceful, ordered progress towards the objectives of human welfare which are now within mankind’s capacity, conditions of confidence and trust must be cultivated. This imposes heavy responsibilities on all the Members of the United Nations in the pursuit of what they deem to be their national rights and interests. 200.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“But if we are to assert it successfully, we must conform to cosmopolitan standards of behaviour. Otherwise we may find ourselves in an unequal conflict with the world powers whose strategic interests are involved in the Suez Canal.” I might add, by way of comment, that the international interests involved in the Suez Canal are in no way solely strategic. Economic interests and the welfare of many countries, both European and Asian, are concerned. 198. Invoking the national interest of Egypt, Colonel Nasser seized a utility in which for ninety years the principle of impartial international service had received the highest form of expression. His action was a breach of those relations of confidence and trust which can alone provide the basis of economic and social advancement everywhere.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“But we must not mistake anarchy for progress, any more than we must confuse progress with the hollow misrepresentation of fundamental democratic principles. 197. Colonel Nasser’s nationalization of the Universal Suez Canal Company is a significant example of such confusion. I have no intention here of entering into a discussion of the legal merits of that action, although I believe them to be slender. The special significance of Colonel Nasser’s action was, however, that it rejected the concept of the interdependent world. Indeed, it flew in the face of wise advice given by Colonel Nasser’s predecessor, General Neguib. In his book published a year or two ago, General Neguib said: “Today we are at last in a position to reclaim the national sovereignty of which we have so long been deprived.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The hope of finding peaceful, just and constructive solutions of these issues rests upon our ability to foster the growth of understanding co-operation and mutual accommodation of interests among all nations.” [A/3137/Add 1, p. 1] 196. May I emphasize the words “understanding, cooperation and mutual accommodation”. It is easy in a world of change to dwell primarily on the necessity to accept change. Indeed, the changes in the last ten years have few, if any, precedents in history. New, independent States have risen to take their place in the United Nations and, under the inspiration of liberal ideals, economic and social co-operation for the welfare of the individual has taken dramatic steps forward. These changes we welcome and support.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In a series of protracted crises, he has had to remove himself austerely from all national considerations and has had to endeavour to guide sovereign States towards peace and harmony. Few men at this time bear a heavier load of both the cares and the hopes of the world. 195. This is an interdependent world and it is a world of change. In the thoughtful introduction to his annual report, the Secretary-General said: “We live in a period of fundamental and rapid changes in the relationship of nations and peoples having differing cultures and social systems. The new age that is emerging is an age of promise. It could also become one of disaster. We are seeking to cope with world issues of great difficulty but equally of high challenge.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It is in assisting reconciliation of the two sides, inducing them to meet together and negotiate, that my delegation believes the Assembly can play its most important part. We are accordingly in agreement with the purpose of the two United States draft resolutions submitted here on 3 November. We favour a serious and immediate effort by the Assembly to formulate proposals on the basis of which a lasting reconciliation might be achieved. Greater Powers and lesser Powers, those directly concerned and those who are not — we must all be prepared to accommodate our interests to the purpose and our views to the realities of the situation. 194. I join in the tributes which have been paid to the devotion to duty of the Secretary-General.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The Arab States, we believe, must accept Israel; whatever her transgressions, Israel is a State, a Member of this, Assembly, virtually the creation of this Assembly, whose extinction this Assembly cannot and, I believe, will not, tolerate. But if there is an obligation upon the Arab States to accept Israel, there is an equal or perhaps a greater obligation on Israel to make herself acceptable to the Arab States. There are immediate steps which it would be both generous and wise for Israel to take. At the present time there is special need for restraint and generosity in the administration of the Gaza strip. And beyond that, I have particularly in mind arrangements for the payment of compensation and an undertaking, within the framework of an over-all settlement, to readmit a significant number of refugees. 193.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In the view of my delegation, this Assembly should now frame recommendations on the Palestine problem and should at the same time decide what obligations it is prepared to assume in order to give them meaning. It is obvious that the situation which will prevail when the United Nations has a force in the Middle East capable of taking over from the forces of the United Kingdom and France will not be static but dynamic. It is obvious too that unless steps are taken to make that situation better, it will get worse. 192. Clearly the ultimate responsibility in this situation rests, and must rest, with the States concerned.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“190. My Government has always taken the view that by its decision in favour of the creation of Israel, this Assembly assumed obligations in regard to the future development of relations between Israel and her Arab neighbours. It is now time, we think, to draw the proper lessons from the history of this Organization’s association with the Palestine situation. Surely one of those lessons is that the absence of open warfare is no assurance of peace. The primary obligation of the United Nations is to see that peace — a just peace — is preserved. It is not enough for this purpose to hold the ring, to examine and discuss recurring abuses of armistice agreements. The Organization must be resolute and determined in its search for a permanent solution. 191.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In consideration of a final settlement, account must now be taken of the following: the diminishing relevance to existing conditions of certain provisions of the Assembly resolutions of 1947 and 1948; Israel’s successful consolidation of the statehood conferred on her by this Assembly and the clear evidence of her determination to maintain it; the declared intention of Colonel Nasser to destroy Israel and the apparent willingness of the Soviet Union to assist that objective; the manifest inadequacy as permanent frontiers of the armistice lines agreed on in 1949; the continued existence of the refugees in conditions of wretchedness and the disinclination of either side, Arab or Israel, to make the political decisions which would assist the alleviation of their suffering; the emergence of an imperative need for unified development of the water resources of the Jordan Valley; the record of Security Council decisions with relation to Suez Canal traffic, frontier incidents and projects on the River Jordan ; and, finally, Israel’s recent attack on Egypt.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)