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Belaúnde

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1949-09-24
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1965-09-24
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  1. An aspect of economic co-operation of especial interest to Peru and other countries in and outside America is the conservation and use of the resources and wealth of the sea. The sea, a magnificent instrument of communication and trade, is for the States-which border it a source of supply which today cannot be disregarded and left to intensive and unrestricted exploitation, jeopardizing the legitimate rights of countries which look to their territorial waters for a continuation of their physical and organic existence. Such exploitation would, moreover, jeopardize the interests of mankind. The conservation of the resources and wealth of the sea is to the advantage of all and calls for scientific, controlled and regulated exploitation by the riparian States directly concerned.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  2. This co-operation is demonstrated in the political field by unshakable adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, expressed by a true policy of peace and respect for the rights of other States, as a basis for the fulfilment of the most treasured human ideals. 98. In the economic and social fields, the Peruvian Government, in compliance with the highest principles of social justice, is keeping the country’s doors open to economic, financial and technical co-operation with other States and other international organizations. Our legislation, while encouraging the development and application of techniques, offers the fullest protection to free enterprise, both by ensuring a free and unrestricted economy, and by attracting domestic or foreign private capital through a policy of encouragement and legal safeguards. 99.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  3. The mysterious force that might have been the end of a civilization is now going to be converted into the basis of a new one. It is unnecessary to draw attention to the importance of setting up an international agency, such as that proposed by the United States of America, which will be called upon to direct this new period in human development. 96. Peru, faithful to its tradition of international solidarity, stands by its decision to collaborate fully in this programme. Indeed, as soon as the plan for the peaceful uses of atomic energy was presented, it informed the First Committee of its determination to contribute, so far as lay within its power, to the common fund that would be set up [725th meeting, para. 38]. 97. My Government’s policy is directed towards the effective realization of proposals for international co-operation.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  4. Let us recall with legitimate pride everything that the United Nations has achieved during the days of international tension in the fields of technical assistance, child welfare, agricultural development, the struggle against disease, with limited resources and in an atmosphere of uncertainty, indeed, of fear. And let us consider the magnitude of the task that might be achieved if the prodigious sums now absorbed by war budgets were devoted to universal development programmes. 95. This task would coincide with the plans for the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes, the astonishing features and application of which were demonstrated at the Geneva Conference. That Conference was admirable not only for. its technical results, but also as a moral example of sincere co-operation and as a proof of human solidarity.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  5. Such inspection would make any surprise attack both psychologically and morally impossible, and would provide a practical basis for a future agreement on the abolition of nuclear weapons and the reduction of conventional armaments. Mutual inspection is in conformity with the principle of the juridical equality of States and, if it is made general through an international organization, it will not jeopardize State sovereignty, since this can be conceived of only as the freedom of each State within the international juridical order. 94. Once an atmosphere of confidence is created and the bases for the limitation of armaments have been laid down, the rhythm of economic co-operation, which is today the great international desideratum, will be accelerated.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  6. The representative of Peru suggested that simultaneous action should be taken, and that suggestion was happily included in the Franco-British memorandum and solemnly accepted by the Soviet Union at the ninth session of the General Assembly [A/C.1/750]. 93. There is one element common to disarmament in both these spheres — the sphere of atomic weapons and the sphere of conventional armaments — and that is inspection, which would be carried out by air and by the exchange of documentary information. The type of inspection proposed by President Eisenhower is the supreme proof of good faith, a decisive instrument for restoring international confidence.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  7. The proposal made by President Eisenhower at the Geneva Conference for aerial inspection, preceded by an exchange of documentary information, must be considered in the light of these ideas. In order to appreciate the great importance of this plan, we must remember that inspection forms an indissoluble triad with control and prohibition. In order to ensure that the priority given to the abolition of nuclear weapons or to the limitation of conventional armaments does not confer an advantage on one bloc at the expense of the other, the representative of Australia suggested at the sixth session of the General Assembly that work should take place concurrently in both fields.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  8. An effective and tangible limitation arms must be carried out through solemn treaties setting forth the juridical obligation of instituting an effective international control that cannot be paralysed by any system of voting. The lengthy debates in the General Assembly have had the merit of clarifying these truths; there can be no prohibition without control, and there can be no control without constant and unrestricted inspection. 92. The effectiveness of our Organization revolves around the provisions of the Charter relating to the limitation of armaments. The creation of a system that would make this effective is today the final test of sincerity in adhering to the Charter. This would require the bold initiation of frank and freely agreed inspection.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  9. The stabilization, or the “freezing”, of armed forces is not sufficient. We cannot be satisfied with a balance which might be called static. The new balance must be flexible, and although this may appear paradoxical, it must he dynamic, in that it must lead to a gradual, equitable and proportionate reduction of weapons of war to the limit needed for defence. 91. With regard to weapons of mass destruction, whether nuclear or not — high explosives, bacterial and chemical warfare — the human conscience demands their complete abolition, but not merely by words or rhetoric for propaganda purposes, which today can deceive no one.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  10. In the former system, population increase and economic progress led to increased power and changes in the military situation which could be compensated only by superhuman efforts on the part of the less favoured nations, the readjustment of old alliances or the creation of new ones. This unstable situation led to the so-called arms race, with its attendant danger of war. The new balance, which must not be regarded as an end in itself, but as a means towards a higher end, calls for a reduction of armaments to the level strictly necessary for defence, instead of an arms race. The new balance is therefore linked by its intrinsic nature to disarmament, or, to be more explicit, to the limitation and reduction of arms. 90. As the Charter lays down, States must not live for war, but for peace.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  11. The new balance presupposes effective economic interdependence and the need for and mutual advantage of co-operating in the development of the non-industrialized countries, and in the raising of the standard of living of all peoples. 88. The former balance was sometimes supported by religious convictions and the opinion of cultured minorities. The new balance seeks the support of popular opinion and endeavours to encourage the creation of a true universal conscience. 89. The most important difference between the old bar lance and the new lies in their respective goals.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  12. The former balance presumed an aristocracy of States, a situation which was not affected by the; role which was occasionally, and temporarily, assigned to the small Powers, as at the Congress of Vienna. The new balance calls for equality of all States in co-operation for peace and security, except that the greater Powers have greater responsibility. Proof of this lies in the decisive role played to-day by the medium-sized and smaller Powers of America, Asia, Africa and Oceania. 87. The former balance was compatible with economic rivalries, which in some cases led to temporary adjustments of a commercial nature.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  13. We can affirm with all sincerity, having carefully studied the facts, that these catastrophes occurred precisely because not enough attention had been paid to maintaining an effective and timely balance in the material and moral fields. It is obvious that there are similarities between the balance which is developing today within the framework of the Charter and the former balance, but it would be absurd to base a tendentious identification on such similarities when in fact there are differences, as I shall proceed to show. 85. The former balance was based primarily on the politico-military idea that States lived for war. The new balance uses, and has to use, politico-military elements, but within a juridical organisation. 86.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  14. But, failing such profound and dynamic solidarity, we must take full advantage of what has been created by reciprocal restraint, perfecting it, as the Charter requires, by economic interdependence and cultural exchange. There is a crystal-clear and most encouraging fact in life today: economies are developing in mutual dependence and the various cultures are becoming increasingly richer by their influence on one another. 84. It will be said that the United Nations, not as a legal system but as a living reality, has only revived the former balance which was. discredited by two catastrophes and the system of alliances to which has been attributed the instability which led to two wars.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  15. Today there is no common body of transcendental beliefs and ethical certainties, nor is there any common concept of life, such as existed in the balance of Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but there does exist, in addition to the material balance which is now developing, a consciousness of the common danger which would arise as a result of any warlike adventure. It is obvious that generous spirits would prefer to a negative bond and reciprocal fear — to what is known as the balance of terror — a positive union based on respect for the genuine ways of life of each people and mutual understanding of the particular value of each culture.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  16. Nuclear weapons, unlike other armaments, do not awaken the spirit of adventure or the desire to go to war at every opportunity in the fallacious illusion of a swift and final victory. The conviction is taking root, in the minds not only of the leaders but also of the peoples of the world — and it is our duty to strengthen this conviction — that atomic warfare, even if it is begun locally and is limited at first to tactical operations, will tend to become generalized and will lead quickly to the annihilation of both sides. Not the dream of a universal empire, but the ghastly nightmare of universal destruction, hangs over the minds of the leaders of today. 83.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  17. This type of mutual dependence has also inspired other pacts signed by the democratic countries of Asia and of other areas for common defence. 81. Slowly, in accordance with the letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter, conditions have been created for a new balance, of a defensive character, the efficacy of which is reflected in the change in the policy of the Soviet bloc. This result speaks with crushing eloquence of the need to maintain and consolidate the position which has been reached. 82. Although the Soviet Union also possesses nuclear weapons, the balance does not appear to have been endangered. The infinite danger of these weapons has created an attitude of restraint on both sides.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  18. Christian democracy, which admirably synthesizes the supreme dignity of the individual with the most advanced requirements of social justice, prepared the reconstruction of Italy and Germany, and inspired that of France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, thus preparing the integration of Europe on a basis of economic unity and cultural community. With indefatigable and heroic dignity, Spain has countered all intervention, no matter whence it came, with its supreme desire for independence which, in keeping with its glorious traditions, it has always exercised in favour of the West, that is, of peace. 80. The economic rehabilitation and the democratic organization of Europe have created a link of effective mutual dependence which is reflected in the treaties which have been signed, the essence and aim of which is peace.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  19. It is true that the discovery of atomic weapons in the critical period between 1946 and 1949 placed in the hands of the West the greatest force capable of halting or containing aggression, but it did not prevent wars of subversion, a slow and stealthy advance, constant infiltration, and lastly, expansion in Asia, which could only be arrested by the miracle of collective action which took place in Korea. 79. Economic co-operation, with the generous help of the United States, has brought about a favourable change in European countries.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  20. Fortunately, the Charter has safeguarded the principle of regional collective security in the event that universal collective security does not function owing to lack of agreement among the great Powers. Thanks to this principle, and within the letter and spirit of the Charter, treaties can be signed which guarantee not only peace within a certain region, but also defence against all extra-regional aggression, thus making a certain balance possible. 78.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  21. With all its defects, the limitation of power by balance, in accordance with concepts dating back to mediaeval tradition, brought long periods of peace to Europe during the eighteenth century and initiated that concert of Powers described by Voltaire in memorable pages, which was a unique example in the history of civilization. The same factors of military and political balance and spiritual community also brought long periods of peace to Europe in the nineteenth century, and up to the 1914 war, as has been clearly shown by Professor Taylor in his book, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe. 77. The United Nations could not be given the magic power of creating ex nihilo and overnight the elements necessary to replace the military and moral conditions for the limitation of power which existed under the old system of balance.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  22. The life of our Organization began at a time of great instability; that should be clearly indicated by political sociology. Moreover, once the common danger had disappeared through the destruction of the Nazi regime, the contrast re-emerged between the Western concept of life, which endeavours to realize social justice within a context of freedom, and the Marxist concept, which endeavours to realize it through the all-powerful action of the State. 76. The century-old experience of Europe has proved that a concentration of power, with its tendency towards a universal State, can be halted only by an equilibrium achieved under the beneficent and effective influence of spiritual values.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  23. All this magnificent and imposing machinery was based, unfortunately, on two postulates: constant agreement of the great Powers in all important questions and the existence of a moral atmosphere of complete agreement on certain ethical questions, without, which it is impossible for obligations to be fulfilled or juridical institutions to function. I repeat — a political aspect — agreement among the great Powers; a moral aspect — full agreement on ethical certainties, that is to say, on international morals. 75. Events have shown that these two conditions have rarely been fulfilled. The Soviet Union has followed its traditional policy, which is based on its own geographical and military position, and it took full advantage of its military position when the other Allies suddenly disarmed, while Europe was in the grip of a serious crisis.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  24. We could thus envisage not only the coexistence of equal and sovereign Powers within their own spheres in which no one should interfere, but a programme of economic co-operation requiring a living and fruitful moral atmosphere. 73. The great Powers were given the mandate to preserve peace and to use all their strength and resources for that purpose. The Charter respected regional agreements. Dependent peoples were given the hope of achieving self-government, sacred mandates being established in some cases and in other cases trusteeship agreements which were to lead to independence and freedom. Lastly, the Statute of the International Court of Justice was drafted, and it was hoped that the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court would be extended. 74.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  25. The Military Staff Committee was set up and means were provided whereby all States could co-operate in any necessary restraining action. An effort was made to develop human solidarity in its cultural and economic aspects, both as an end in itself and as a means of ensuring peace. Lastly, in conferring upon the General Assembly, true expression of the democracy of States, the power to discuss matters, provision was made to enlist the feelings of world public opinion for peace. Thus the merely legal obligation of collective security was to become integrated in its vital process with economic and cultural interdependence, and the whole was to be guided by the universal conscience, as personified by and incarnated in the General Assembly. 72.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  26. It failed because the League put its faith mostly in the; legal aspect of the problem, without taking the moral atmosphere into accounts — an atmosphere unfortunately vitiated at the time by conflicting ideological currents ~ and without paying attention to the essential factor, the economic interdependence of States. 71. The experience of the League of Nations led the founders of the United Nations to seek the greatest possible degree of universality by bringing in all the large States and opening the door to all peace-loving countries. The Soviet Union and the United States of America, which had been absent when the League of Nations was founded, were the two pillars of the new Organization. The Security Council was given executive powers for the defence of peace.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  27. We believe, however, that an attempt should be made to examine the Organization as a whole. We emphasize this word “whole” because the United Nations, a living institution, does not depend on the legal provisions of the Charter alone, but on the whole complex of psychological, economic, social and moral factors which have come within what we might call its vital scope. 70. When the League of Nations was founded, many believed that the European system of balance of power had been abolished and superseded by the so-called collective security system embodied in the juridical obligation of common defence. But that plan, which in any case lacked the necessary universality because of the absence of the United States of America, the late entry of the Soviet Union and of Germany, and then the withdrawal of the latter and also of Japan, failed.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  28. And since I am talking about justice, I cannot omit, in this review, to pay a tribute to the work done by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in preparation for the Geneva Conference, the success of which we are all enthusiastically acclaiming, and to the negotiations which he conducted with such intelligence and adroitness on behalf of the prisoners detained in China, which were also crowned with success. 69. Having satisfied justice, I shall turn to the questions before us. The commemoration of the signing of the United Nations Charter at San Francisco gave us an opportunity to examine the Organization’s work and to point out some of the reasons which had made it difficult and the perils which beset it. In sober and authoritative terms, speakers expressed the view that the balance sheet of the United Nations was favourable.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  29. 66. I associate myself whole-heartedly with the congratulations which Mr. Maza has received on his well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly. He was elected because of his personal merits and his brilliant parliamentary career, and his election is at the same time a recognition of Chile’s enthusiastic support of the United Nations and the conspicuous services it has rendered the Organization. 67. I must also recall, both as a matter of justice and out of affection, the brilliant manner in which the former President, Mr. van Kleffens, gave us proof of human [feeling, extreme courtesy, and a masterly skill in settling difficult questions. 68.

    1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)

  30. I am well aware of our present difficulties, but I have faith in the instinct of mankind, which has always turned upon every difficulty an eternal and heartening light, the light of duty fulfilled.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  31. Every duty is by its nature an important stimulus. 38. Past events are irreversible and in many cases irreparable. Fate has denied us power over the future; there remains to us only the present within which to accomplish our duty. People will say that there are many difficulties, but the greater difficulties the more imperative the duty. It will be said that the outlook is dark, but the greater are the courage and decision required of us in fulfilling our duty. We cannot resign ourselves to the idea that after life has appeared on this planet and human consciousness has flowered, it should be precisely during this period of flowering that life itself should be annihilated and our planet revolve lifeless upon its axis in the eternal silence of infinite space, destroyed by an act of suicide.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  32. I shall not attempt to assess their significance nor to make forecasts from them, nor, because of them, to deny any hopes. We are not interested in what might be called final hopes based on a dubious calculation of the probabilities. To us, hope is something deeper and more real, because more urgent. It is a hope which is based on the fulfilment of a duty. Let me, without hatred, without recrimination or resentment, without guile or deception say what I think is our mission. If any constructive principle is to guide us it should be one inspired by the thought that above the clash of particular interests and political systems and beyond the structure of States, the soul of all our peoples is longing for peace, harmony and international co-operation. Above all, we should be deeply conscious of our duty as an institution.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  33. There is nothing in the very nature of the Organization, nor in the words of the Charter, however strict and literal an interpretation may be put upon them, which would warrant opposition to the adoption of such principles, On the contrary, their application would be in full accord, allowances being made for the demands of the period, with the spirit of San Francisco, with the intention of the authors of the 'Charter and that of the creators of our Organization. The dilemma is inescapable: either the United Nations will be the organ for the international control of disarmament or it will not be, however long its debate may go on or its other activities be pursued. 37. Everyone is familiar with the facts which form the background to the ninth session.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  34. And I would say, with all the sincerity of which I am capable, with the respect which is due to the representatives of a great people and a great nation — I am referring to the representatives of the Soviet Union, who are profoundly aware of economic, political and military realities — that they cannot nor should they ignore the psychological reality. This factor of world opinion may penetrate the Soviet Union itself and can and should inspire the policies of its Government. 36. This would be a real trial by fire, the acid test as the English say, of the United Nations.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  35. So then — to sum up — five distinct elements are required: first, a legal statute; secondly, a fully guaranteed organ of control; thirdly, powers of inspection on a basis of equality and reciprocity; fourthly, powers of judicial action to deal with any complaint which may be made by a country in defence of its sovereignty; and, finally, co-operation among men to divert the use of atomic energy from criminal to peaceful purposes. 35. I cannot believe that, if the problem is posed in this way, if it is presented in this form to the conscience of humankind, there will not arise in support of it a great tide of opinion in all the countries of Europe, Asia, Africa, America and Oceania — a tide which nothing can hold back, for it would be the expression not only of our feelings but of the imperative demands of life itself.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  36. And I would add that if it is thought that the procedures of the International Court of Justice are too complicated, then a special tribunal could be set up with full guarantees of impartiality and with powers of immediate action. 33. Fifthly, as President Eisenhower has suggested, all countries should become members of an agency set up for the purpose of encouraging and promoting the peaceful use of nuclear energy. I am grateful to the distinguished United States Secretary of State, Mr. John Foster Dulles, for making clear — indeed for revealing — the possible bases of an agreement on this matter. 34.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  37. It may be said that we have approached agreement on these three principles which were brought out in Paris, and I must recall that it was also stated in Paris that the international control organ should not have the power of veto and that all its decisions must be reached by a majority vote. The only remaining objection would seem to be the objection of sovereignty. 31. To these three points may be added two more — one of which is dependent on our legal organization and the other will depend on an accomplished fact. 32. In the fourth place, any disagreement between the international organ and the States concerned regarding the exercise of the right of inspection should be settled summarily by a court of law, by the International Court of Justice.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  38. I must add, with respect to the control organ, that it should be impartially constituted and should carry out its inspection and verification duties under conditions of absolute equality and full reciprocity, so that the inspectors of one Power would have the same rights in the territory and factories of the other Power that the inspectors of the latter Power had in its own territory. Not one right more or less; not one action more or less. Nothing is more in accordance with sovereignty than such a rule of full reciprocity and fair and arithmetical equality. 30.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  39. Secondly, what mankind needs, as it already has a wide knowledge of this problem, is a legal statute, a convention, establishing as a legal obligation the prohibition of the use of atomic energy by means of effective and immediate international control. That is what world opinion wants — a legal statute, a legal obligation, an agreement and a body to see that the agreement is honoured. 29. Thirdly, such control would necessarily involve the inspection and verification of all production centres.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  40. I am not exaggerating when I say that, if the discussions in this Assembly produce a purely theoretical declaration, based on a non-existent confidence and on a sense of honour which, even though it does exist, does not inspire confidence in the public generally, it would be followed immediately — and this is a psychological factor which I wish to emphasize — by a wave of suspicion among mankind. We have at least learned that psychological factor from these debates. We cannot deceive the public, already informed on these matters, with a spectacular and theoretical declaration. The declaration will not deceive anyone. On the contrary it will engender suspicion and criticism. We should therefore avoid making any spectacular or theoretical declaration. 28.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  41. We have attacked the problem and a sound attack at least leads half-way to a solution. I draw the following conclusions from this historic debate. 27. First, as we said in Paris, any theoretical, spectacular, general, vague declaration made for the gallery on the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction, which safeguards no one and convinces no one but, on the contrary, awakens a general feeling of suspicion in proportion to the emphasis involved in such theoretical declaration, would be useless.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  42. For that reason we consider that it is our duty, especially of those of us who belong to medium-sized and small nations and who abhor adventures in power, to proclaim from this rostrum the imperative need of finding without delay an immediate and final solution to the problem of disarmament by means of international control. 26. This question has been discussed as long as the United Nations has lived. Some will ironically conclude that the debate will go on without any practical result being achieved. The fact is that these discussions have already resulted in very important conclusions being reached — in Paris, for instance — in useful rapprochements in many cases; and also, I must recall, although this may seem paradoxical, that some useful contrasts have been brought out.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  43. May I recall that one of the principles included in the Atlantic Charter was freedom from fear. Freedom from fear is not solely individual. The most dangerous form of fear is collective fear, and today, because of atomic energy, man lives in that state of collective fear. 25. If the United Nations does not solve this problem, uneasiness will continue, the rivalry between the Powers will persist, and there will still be an equivocal situation, with subversive war, a cold war, with infiltration and a surprise attack at some sensitive spot.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  44. But let us remember that these agreements were brought about in an international situation in which the production of nuclear weapons was scarcely beginning. Today the situation has radically changed. Methods of destruction have reached the peak of their power and are shared by all the Powers which have diametrically opposite political interests and conceptions of life. These agreements, even if they function perfectly, hardly represent the diverse aspects of a very useful, necessary, advisable, equal political equilibrium because it is always based on the uncertain supposition that a mutual ban will be placed on the use of weapons of mass destruction. Such a supposition is not a sure guarantee for the full life, free from fear, to which all the peoples of the world have a right. 24.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  45. We fully recognize the great importance of the role played by the regional bodies and agreements, which, the veto being foreseen, were incorporated in the United Nations Charter, precisely so that changes could be made when new means of safeguarding the peace required them. 23. America has set the example of a regional body and agreement nearly seven decades old and in the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance has set forth effective formulas for solidarity in meeting aggression and means for peaceful settlement and punitive action. Similarly, we note with deep interest that the principles proclaimed on our continent have been extended to other areas for an essentially defensive purpose and in order to safeguard peace.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  46. Are we, with a technique which is superior to that of the Romans, and with a higher and divine moral background, to be incapable of adapting our political institutions to the needs of our time? A negative reply to that question would deny every principle of human progress. But if, in spite of this, it should be believed that the present structure of the Charter does not correspond to new and basic aspects of man’s life, that fact would indicate an imperative need for revision of the Charter in order that it may correspond to the high purposes for which it was written and meet the needs of our time. 22.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  47. We cannot forget bat peace and coexistence are the supreme aims of our Organization and that disarmament is envisaged in various Articles of the Charter, both in those relating to the function of the Security Council and in those relating to the functions of the General Assembly. No written constitution or charter can be as rigid as it is desired to make the United Nations Charter. Principles must be interpreted in relation to the purposes of the Organization and in accordance with the needs of the time. 21. In this connexion I remember that the Roman praetor when dealing with the same principles in different circumstances, created that law which is the marvel of the centuries.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  48. How can our Organization, the supreme human institution, reflect the life of mankind if it does not adapt itself to the changes taking place in that life at the present time? 20. If no such adaptation takes place, the United Nations will be unable to fulfil its mission. It must follow step by step the progress and the changes occurring in the life of mankind. Let it not be said that, in order to follow such changes in parallel, revision of the Charter is essential because some of its provisions are already incompatible or inapplicable. We cannot accept hat interpretation of the Charter.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  49. In addition, it must be remembered that, although it seems improbable that nuclear weapons will be used because of such a mutual ban, there has already been created among human beings a fear psychosis which is in itself a deterrent to international progress and harmony among men. On the other hand, this psychosis has an advantage, but certainly not for those people who by their deep and lasting ethical and legal traditions and their conception of life, know that a preventive war can never rightly be begun. 19. Nuclear weapons have brought about a profound change in the life of mankind; a psychological, moral, economic and political change. How then can it be thought that such changes do not simultaneously involve a legal change?

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)

  50. To think now that because the great Powers possess nuclear weapons, and because of the fear of instantaneous and general reprisals, a mutual ban will be imposed which will lead to such weapons not being used is unfortunately a dangerous deduction which overlooks certain gloomy factors of collective psychology, such as illusion, fraudulent and equivocal calculations, the uncontrollable pressure of certain circumstances, the morbid obsession, with propaganda which obscures the vision of the truth, and, lastly, that mysterious and catastrophic impulse towards suicide of which we have had examples in contemporary history and more recently in our own days.

    1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)