YouSaid · the spoken record

Ramos

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS RAMOS

lines on the record: 93
first: 1967-09-24
most recent: 1968-09-24
sittings or episodes: 2
sources: un-general-debate

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“They have not increased their financial assistance and are not disposed to make changes in their patterns of international trade, technical assistance, investment, and external aid. These are manifestations of “prosperous provincialism” in international life, which the Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Mr. Prebisch, has correctly identified as a dangerous phenomenon growing in the affluent countries. 13. A recent sign of this return to isolationism was the action taken by the United States Congress to pare down to the barest minimum American aid to developing countries. The amounts of external aid approved by Congress were the lowest in two decades. Among the victims of the sharp pruning knife of Congress were the Asian Development Bank and the International Development Association.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Let me now dwell on what the Secretary-General has called the “most crucial and most challenging long-term struggle of this century”, namely, the struggle to narrow the widening gulf between the many countries that are poor and the few countries that are rich. The first United Nations Development Decade is nearing its end and the second Decade is about to begin. 12. The first Decade has seen modest successes in some fields and deepening frustrations in many others. One lesson we must learn from the first Development Decade is this: the second Development Decade will not succeed without a heightened awareness of the need for international co-operation and understanding. There are disheartening signs that many developed countries simply do not care.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“The Philippines desires to see the South Viet-Namese people secure from internal subversion and external aggression, and guaranteed their right to form and maintain a government of their own free choice. 10. Nothing has happened on the mainland of China or in the outside world which would justify any change in decisions we have previously taken on the question of the representation of China. On the contrary, the Peking régime, by reason of the excesses of its so-called cultural revolution, its warlike policies towards its neighbours, and its continued oppression and persecution of the people of Tibet, has forfeited any right to represent the Chinese people in the United Nations. That right belongs to the Republic of China as a founding Member of the United Nations. 11.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“It is our hope that the Soviet Union will quickly correct its terrible blunder and bring about the immediate withdrawal from Czechoslovakia of troops of the Warsaw Pact Powers, leaving the gallant Czechoslovak people to decide their own future. 8. The conflict in Viet-Nam still remains the principal obstacle to peace and stability. The Paris conversations aroused expectations that remain unfulfilled and the pace of the talks has been most discouraging. 9. Nevertheless, the hope remains that, in a few months, the discussions will finally take a more meaningful turn. As one of the countries aiding the Republic of Viet-Nam in its struggle for freedom and existence, the Philippines is deeply interested in any negotiations involving that nation’s ultimate destiny.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Only a few weeks ago, the world witnessed another cynical violation of the rules of international law and order prescribed in the Charter of the United Nations. Naked force was applied against a Member of the United Nations by some of its own allies whose representatives have tirelessly championed the principle of peaceful coexistence and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States. 7. Today it is Czechoslovakia. Whose turn will be next? And when the world makes a tally of the results of that deplorable adventure, it must count the loss all Member States have suffered—the set-back to our common desire for the peaceful settlement of disputes and the destruction of the mood of confidence in international relations which we have all been trying so hard to promote.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“And they have pinned their faith and hope on the United Nations and on the principles enshrined in its Charter. Indeed, for a time we were heartened by the encouraging signs of détente. The start of the peace talks in Paris, the agreement on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [see resolution 2373(XXII)], the increased contacts among nations belonging to different economic and political systems — all these have encouraged the hope for enhanced international co-operation and peaceful coexistence based on the equal rights of nations, large or small. But peace continued to elude mankind’s anxious grasp. In the Middle East, in parts of Africa, in our own part of Asia, war in one form or another is a tragic reality even as we meet here and pledge ourselves anew to the cause of peace. 6.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“May I, at the same time, express our profound gratitude to the distinguished Foreign Minister of Romania, His Excellency Mr. Corneliu Manescu, for the wisdom, competence and tact with which he steered the Genera Assembly through its session last year. 4. To our 125th Member, Swaziland, the Philippine delegation extends its congratulations and a warm welcome. We are confident that it will make a meaningful contribution to the work of the United Nations. It is our hope that its people will find in independence the fulfilment of their aspirations for a better and fuller life. 5. Within the last twenty years, more than seventy-five countries have become independent, all of.them with high expectations that independence would bring not only political freedom but also freedom from exploitation, from poverty, from fear.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“2. Let my first words be of congratulation to the President, and to the Government and people of Guatemala, on his unanimous election. We are fortunate indeed, and we have ample reason to congratulate ourselves, that we have him to preside over our deliberations at this session, for he brings to the Presidency eminent personal qualities, the prestige of the high position he holds in his own country, and a brilliant record of involvement in the work of the United Nations. The Philippines is linked to Guatemala by more than bonds of friendship — we share with sister countries of Latin America the rich heritage of the great culture of Spain — and the Philippine delegation takes genuine pride in his election. With our congratulations, we extend to him our assurances of unstinted co-operation in what we hope will be a fruitful session. 3.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“We are confident that, with patient and determined effort, we can overcome our difficulties and problems. 121. The United Nations remains the primary guardian of man’s universal conscience. Despite its idealism, or perhaps because of it, this Organization is still mankind's best hope for peace and progress. As long as the United Nations exists, man's dream of a freer and more abundant life for all remains capable of fulfilment. Let us, therefore, strive to keep this Organization a living and dynamic body ever responsive to the needs and aspirations of mankind. This we must do for our own sake and for the sake of generations yet to come.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“As a result of these successive frustrations of the General Assembly, disparaging remarks about the United Nations have been heard: that the Organization was ineffectual in discharging its responsibility to maintain international peace and security, that it was impotent and a failure. 120. As we begin the work of this regular session these harsh judgements tend to darken our view. Yet, this general debate in which we are now engaged should provide evidence of our renewed faith in the Organization and of our determination to live up to our responsibilities under the Charter, In spite of temporary setbacks and failures, no delegation sitting in this Assembly today would agree that our Organization has outlived its usefulness. We believe in the continuing validity of our Charter and in the enduring worth and value of our Organization.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“There is danger in the seeming apathy of the developed nations towards the massive, sustained effort which is required to prevent the permanent division of the world into rich and poor nations, We must strike at the roots of this apathy and convince ourselves anew that we are members of one human family inhabiting one world and that we must act sincerely in the light of that conviction. 119. In conclusion, may I be permitted to recall that between this session and the preceding regular session the General Assembly was convened in the fifth special session and in the fifth emergency special session. The two special sessions left the world greatly discouraged by their failure to adopt effective practical solutions to the problems which called them into being.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We are aware that the developing countries, many of which are politically emancipated but not yet economically decolonized, must learn to rely on their own efforts and resources. But even when they have done so, the developing countries will fall short of their objectives. On the other hand, since the developed countries cannot long endure as islands of prosperity surrounded by a sea of want and misery, it is clearly in their own interest to transfer more substantial resources to the developing countries in order to provide a firm foundation for an expanding world economy. 118. We have been told that the modest goals of the United Nations Development Decade, now in its seventh year, cannot be achieved. Thus, what promised to be a decade of development may yet turn out to be a decade of retrogression.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“There is intensified activity in the training of scientific, technical and administrative personnel in the developing nations; there is a more vigorous campaign on behalf of the World Food Programme; and the specialized agencies of the United Nations are doing their share of the massive task of alleviating the lot of the world's sick, ignorant and hungry. But the basic need remains unsatisfied: namely, the need for more development capital made available to the developing countries on easier credit terms. Unfortunately, the developed countries, socialist as well as capitalist, with abundant resources to spare, have shown little readiness to respond to the need. 117.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Have we been faithful to these objectives of the Charter? In all candour, we cannot answer in the affirmative. Many Member States have approached the problems of economic and social development with doubts and reservations, with ambivalent and equivocal actions. They have not offered the necessary remedies with sincerity and resolution. They have met the mounting needs of the developing nations half-heartedly, if not with deliberate indifference. 116. That certain modest gains have been achieved cannot be denied. The United Nations Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance has evolved into the United Nations Development Programme. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, and the United Nations Capital Development Fund have been established.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“The United Nations must unrelentingly press forward to overcome the resistance, indifference and ignorance which have prevented many countries from harmonizing their policies with the principles of the Charter and the objectives of many resolutions against racial discrimination and apartheid. 114. Now I should like to consider with the Assembly the most appalling and anachronistic spectacle of our time, the spectacle of a world divided into rich countries and poor nations, in which the rich are getting richer while the poor are becoming poorer still. 115. This situation was anticipated by the founding fathers when they incorporated in the Charter provisions for international co-operation to promote higher standards of living, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination constitutes the inspiration and guiding force behind these efforts. The Philippines recently became the fourteenth Member State to ratify this historic convention and expresses the hope that it will soon come into force. 113. Once again we must declare our strong opposition to the policies of apartheid of the Republic of South Africa, which constitute the most pernicious and revolting form of racial discrimination known to man. So long as the policies of apartheid exist, the door will remain open to the danger of an international racial conflagration.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We are, of course, pleased to see that the United Nations has terminated the Mandate of South Africa over South West Africa [resolution 2145 (XXI)] and, as a first step towards the achievement of independence and self-determination by its peoples, has established the United Nations Council for South West Africa [resolution 2248 (S-V)]. We are equally happy to see that that Council has been organized. The Council, however, faces a serious challenge and the Philippine delegation will support any proposal calculated to strengthen it in discharging its responsibilities. 112. The racial tension and strife in some countries underline the relevance and urgency of the work of the United Nations in combating racial discrimination and apartheid.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“This development foreshadows a possible breakthrough in the solution of the constitutional issue, and should lead to a generally acceptable formula on the financial aspects of the question. It is also our hope that while the search for such a formula goes on the highly developed countries will make good their solemn pledge to offer voluntary contributions in order to meet the deficits that have been incurred by the United Nations in its peace-keeping operations. 111. Let me now turn to the question of colonialism. While we are gratified to note the accelerated pace of decolonization in recent years, we view with deep concern the continuing deterioration of the situation in South West Africa, in Southern Rhodesia, and in the Portuguese territories in Africa.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“On the basic constitutional question, our position is well known. We believe that whenever the Security Council, which is vested with the primary responsibility under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security, should fail for any reason to discharge its responsibility, the General Assembly is clothed with residual authority and competence to take necessary measures to that end. We are pleased to note that the principle of the complementary roles of the Security Council and of the General Assembly has been confirmed by recent developments. During its fifth emergency special session, the General Assembly, at the request of the Soviet Union, took over the question of the Middle East crisis after a stalemate had developed in the Security Council. 110.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We know that no less than twenty-four countries possess the capability and the resources to become members of the nuclear club. Time, therefore, is of the essence. The gravest of perils would confront mankind if the draft treaty submitted by the United States and the Soviet Union for consideration by the General Assembly were to be unduly delayed or to fail to be adopted. We hope, therefore, that the treaty will soon take its place as another milestone on the long and difficult road to general disarmament, together with the Antarctic Treaty of 1959, the nuclear test-ban Treaty of 1963 and the Treaty on outer space of 1967 [resolution 2222 (XXI)]. 109. My delegation has also followed closely the efforts of the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations to resolve the differences that divide our membership on the question.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We hope and pray that the Middle East, cradle of civilizations and birthplace of religions, will once more become a haven of peace, tolerance and progress. We urge all Member States to refrain from making the Middle East, which is the geographic crossroads of three continents, a chessboard for great Power ambitions. Instead of encouraging hate, fear and conflict among the peoples of that area, let us support their right to live together in peace, prosperity and freedom. 108. We have followed with great interest the efforts of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva to deal with a problem which has haunted us since the birth of our Organization. We hail its success in reaching agreement on a draft treaty to halt the spread of nuclear weapons.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We share the general concern for the preservation and protection of the holy places in Jerusalem, and we should like to see the adoption of effective arrangements for such preservation and protection. 106. We must address ourselves to two principal objectives in the Middle East: first, we must insist upon observance of the principle that the United Nations does not and cannot condone any territorial gains achieved by force of arms, whatever the cause or provocation; and secondly, we must equally insist upon the establishment of conditions that would guarantee the political and territorial integrity of all the States in the area, and encourage peaceful coexistence and fruitful co-operation among them. 107.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“To the credit of Japan it should be pointed out that the Japanese Government has decided to earmark an amount equivalent to 1 per cent of its gross national Income for the economic development of the region. That is the goal recommended for the United Nations Development Decade, but the goal is still far from being achieved. 105. We now turn to the situation in the Middle East. The Philippines maintains friendly relations with the Arab States and with Israel, and sincerely hopes that peace based on justice will soon be established in that area. The Philippines supports the efforts and decisions of the United Nations to solve the problems brought about by the hostilities. We are grieved by the sad plight of the refugees, innocent victims of war, who now live in refugee camps, destitute, homeless and uncertain of the future.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Our region has also seen the organization of the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC) composed of nine members, whose activities are being geared to new needs in the economic, technical and social fields. Recently, the Asian and Pacific Council held its second meeting in Bangkok, and the member countries reaffirmed their determination to pursue the goals of the organization. All these regional groupings in Asia have been organized in pursuance of the United Nations Charter. 104. Then we have the Conference for the Development of South-East Asia which held its first meeting at Tokyo in May 1966, and its second conference last April at Manila.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“And we have achieved a measure of success. Thus, we now have the Asian Development Bank, with headquarters in Manila. The Association of Southeast Asia (ASA), composed of the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand, has been reactivated. Within our modest resources many projects have been initiated, and since 1966 various conferences on economic, social and technical matters have been held in each of the three countries. 102. Only last month, the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand established a new regional grouping, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations or ASEAN for short. Since this organization’s purposes and membership coincide with those of the Association of Southeast Asia, it has been decided that the older and smaller group would eventually be absorbed into the newer and larger one. 103.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“What constitutes a truly wholesome revolutionary development in Asia is the co-operative endeavour of the South-East Asian nations which have united themselves to secure peace, stability and progress for the peoples of the region. The movement towards regional organization and co-operation in South-East Asia represents an important milestone in the history of Asia. It holds out the promise of a better future for the nations of Asia and merits the support of the United Nations. 101. In Asia the need for economic and social development has received more attention than ever before. The Asian peoples have come to realize that there is no substitute for regional unity and co-operation. We in South-East Asia have gone beyond our national frontiers in search of friends and partners in the task of economic development.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“This is an export product the world can very well do without. 99. All this makes the question of the Chinese representation issue in the United Nations quite academic. A regime that openly flouts the basic rules of international law and disregards the traditional norms of diplomatic conduct, that engages in nuclear blackmail, that rejects the principle of peaceful coexistence and proclaims the doctrine of perpetual revolution and the inevitability of war obviously has no place in this Organization. Certainly my delegation has no reason to change its stand on this issue. 100. While the excesses of the Red Guards in connexion with Mao Tse-tung's "cultural revolution" have caught the attention of the world, this is but a transient phase in that country's long and turbulent history.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“That the incidents there appear to carry the sanction, nay the encouragement of the regime in Peking is a matter for concern. No less disturbing is the inability or unwillingness of the States concerned to take a firmer stand against those violations. If respect for law is to be upheld and if international justice is to be maintained as the basis of relations among States, we cannot let these transgressions pass unchallenged, lest by our indifference we contribute to a general breakdown of international law and order. 98. But even more pernicious are the miniaturized cultural revolutions which the political upheaval in Communist China has triggered off in many lands of Asia and Africa. It would seem that Communist China has perfected a new version of an old Communist export commodity — revolution.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“But how else is it possible to explain the persistent refusal of the Soviet Union to discuss and to seek a solution of the question of Viet-Nam in the United Nations or to reconvene the Geneva Conference? 97. No less serious as a threat to peace in South- East Asia and in the world at large is the situation in mainland China. We note with dismay the disturbing events occurring in that unhappy land. Communist China's recent nuclear explosions and the shrill threats of nuclear war which it now directs at the whole world are well known. We are also painfully aware of the recent violations of international law, particularly the blatant infractions of traditional diplomatic immunities, which have occurred in that country.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“But the Soviet Union is not interested in supporting the status quo in South-East Asia, firstly, because it does not wish to give credence to Peking's fantastic allegation of collusion between the United States and the USSR in Viet-Nam; secondly, because the Soviet Union does not wish to oppose openly Peking's view that the status quo in South-East Asia must be violently overthrown in the interest of expanding the frontiers of the communist world; and thirdly, because the Soviet Union probably does not feel any particular obligation to help arrest a conflict that could lead to a direct confrontation between the United States and Communist China. 96. If this analysis of Soviet motives is either partly or wholly mistaken, we are ready to stand corrected.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We consider the truncation of these countries to be temporary, and we share the hope that some day their peoples will have the opportunity to decide freely on the issue of unification as part of a negotiated political settlement. But, meanwhile, we entirely agree with the Soviet view that existing boundaries and demarcation lines must be respected, and we maintain that this applies as much to Korea and Viet-Nam as it does to Germany. 95. This analysis would seem to indicate the existence of an inconsistency or contradiction in the Soviet policies towards Europe and towards Asia. Yet, on further analysis, there may not be any inconsistency or contradiction at all. The Soviet Union stoutly supports the status quo in Europe because it is clearly in its interest to do so.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Without necessarily accepting as valid his prescription for peace in Europe, of which the principal ingredient is the permanent division of Germany, one is bound to ask by what logic — other than the logic of the selfish interests of the Soviet Union and the international communist movement — does he argue that an entirely contradictory set of principles is best for peace in Asia? Why is the principle of the inviolability of frontiers valid for Germany but inapplicable to Viet-Nam? 94. The Soviet Government, according to Mr. Gromyko, is committed to the permanent division of Germany and favours the admission of the two Germanys into the United Nations. We do not subscribe to such a policy whether as regards Germany or as regards Korea and Viet-Nam.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Gromyko seems to favour a contrary formula. He proposes, in effect, that the present-day realities in South-East Asia be disregarded, that existing political settlements be set aside, that the political map of South-East Asia be recarved and existing boundaries between the two Viet-Nams — and perhaps the two Koreas as well — be obliterated, if necessary, by force of arms. He does not want to preserve the status quo in South-East Asia, nor is he interested in maintaining a balance of forces on which the peace of the region could rest. 93.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“112]; and the failure to understand "the realities of present-day Europe" and to respect the inviolability of its present boundaries made in Moscow, Paris, Warsaw or Berlin [ibid., para. 113] as dangerous threats to the peace of Europe. His formula for peace in Europe appears, to be as follows: do not act in disregard of the present-day realities in Europe, do not disturb existing political settlements, do not attempt to impugn or attack the inviolability of boundaries, especially the boundary between West Germany and East Germany, including the wall that cuts Berlin in two. In short, Mr. Gromyko warned one and all not to disturb the status quo in Europe, lest the balance of forces on which the peace of that continent rests be dangerously tilted and upset. 92. For South-East Asia, on the other hand, Mr.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We wonder, however, if the term is not more accurately descriptive of the elections held in certain countries where only one political party exists, where only one slate of candidates is permitted, and where the winning candidates garner an astonishing 99 per cent of the vote. In South Viet-Nam, there were eleven slates of candidates and the winning slate garnered only 35 per cent of the vote. 91. At this point, I wish to refer again to Mr. Gromyko's policy statement [1563rd meeting]. He spoke at great length about the conflict in Viet-Nam and about the problem of Germany. We thought it strange that Mr. Gromyko should have one prescription for peace in Europe and an exactly opposite prescription for peace in South-East Asia, Thus, he denounced the "demands for a recarving of the political map of Europe" [ibid., para.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“The talks that ended the war in Korea lasted nearly two years, and so for two years longer the fighting went on and blood continued to flow. We must ask ourselves whether or not we want to see that kind of marathon peace talks in Viet-Nam. 90. We are encouraged by the progress which the Republic of Viet-Nam has made in the task of national reconstruction and in restoring civil government. Especially noteworthy are the results of the recent elections held there in the midst of a tragic war of national survival. The Soviet Foreign Minister has derisively described those elections as mere "comedies".”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“It is a matter of regret that in the past year efforts toward a pacific settlement failed to produce any positive results. 88. We would, however, emphasize that any peace negotiations must necessarily involve mutual accommodation. The suggested withdrawal of the allied forces from South Viet-Nam without a corresponding movement on the part of Hanoi can only lead to the aggravation of the situation, and hence must be rejected. We cannot agree that peace must be purchased at any price. The liberty and national identity of a valiant people are not commodities that can be traded, no matter how tempting the offer may be, in the marketplace of peace. 89. Nor is it wise to worry only about how soon the peace negotiations can begin; we must give some thought also to the question of how long the talks might last.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Ferdinand Marcos, stated before this Assembly last year [1411th meeting] that the Philippines eagerly looks forward to a negotiated settlement in Viet-Nam whereby both North and South, together with their respective allies, would agree to a cessation of hostilities until such time as the Viet-Namese people themselves can freely determine their own destiny in accordance with the principle of self-determination. 87. This continues to be our policy. We continue to support any initiative that could bring the war in Viet- Nam to the conference table. We agree with the Japanese delegation that the world should cease arguing as to which side is right and which is wrong, or which is the aggressor and which is the victim of aggression. What is urgent is that negotiations commence in order to bring this dangerous conflict to a speedy end.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“The Viet-Namese people have endured war for nearly a quarter of a century. Today, the situation in that country constitutes a serious threat to the security of South-East Asia and to the peace of the world. We therefore anxiously desire an end to the Viet-Nam conflict. It has become clear that a political settlement would be the speediest and most practical method of ending the war, and we would welcome an agreement to that end. Indeed, the President of the Philippines, Mr.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We reject, however, his charge that my country, together with the United States, Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the Republic of Korea, is an aggressor in Viet-Nam. 85. The Philippines, like the other allied nations, is in Viet-Nam in response to the plea of a sister nation for help in its life-and-death struggle to preserve its liberty and national Identity against subversion from within and aggression from without. My country maintains a civic action contingent in South Viet-Nam. It is there in a non-combat capacity. It is engaged in medical, engineering and civic action projects, and seeks to assist the Viet-Namese people in their task of national reconstruction. We are in Viet-Nam to help, not to obstruct; to save, not to kill; to build, not to destroy. 86.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“The triumph of Hanoi and the Viet-Cong in South Viet-Nam would mean that movements of the same nature could with impunity be started anywhere in the world and pursued to success. It would give a new and more dangerous dimension to subversion and aggression, and no country anywhere would be immune. In the Interest of our own national survival we do not wish to see this happen. 84. Let me pause at this juncture to say that we endorse wholeheartedly the proposal of Mr. Andrei Gromyko, the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, in his policy statement on the necessity of accelerating the elaboration of the definition of aggression in the light of the present international situation [1563rd meeting].”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“I should also like to associate myself with the expressions of sincere admiration and appreciation which preceding speakers have addressed to the outgoing President of the Assembly, Ambassador Abdul Rahman Pazhwak of Afghanistan, for the able and statesmanlike manner in which he guided the deliberations of this body during one of the most critical periods of its existence. 82. Allow me to outline the views of my Government on some of the crucial issues confronting the international community. 83. Of the gravest concern to us is the situation In Viet-Nam. We are concerned not merely because of the geographic proximity of the Philippines to that country but because that land has become the testing-ground for the free world's determination to resist acts of subversion and aggression masquerading as wars of national liberation.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“80. Allow me on behalf of my delegation to extend to you, Mr. President, our warm congratulations on your election to preside over the deliberations of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session. Your election as the first representative from the socialist countries of Eastern Europe to head the General Assembly is a significant event in the history of the United Nations. It symbolizes the gratifying degree of maturity, tolerance and understanding which the United Nations has attained since San Francisco and through the period of the cold war. We have come to realize that although our countries may profess divergent political beliefs, this should not deter us from devising a practical working relationship that would enable us together to strengthen the fabric of peace in the world and to advance the welfare of mankind. 81.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)