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Rapacki

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS RAPACKI

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182
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1957-09-24
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1964-09-24
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6
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un-general-debate

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  1. The socialist; States, being ready to discuss and seek mutually advantageous solutions, are willing to meet half-way those who choose action in favour of peace, but are resolutely opposed to those who choose action likely to lead to war. 45. We must embark on the greatest revolution which has ever been seen in the history of mankind: the elimination of war. No one can as yet imagine the changes which that will involve in human relations and in man's way of life and manner of thinking. It would be Utopian to think that such an upheaval could be effected without struggle, without crisis, without danger. 46. Once again the German problem is at the centre of the current dangerous tension. It is German imperialism which is mainly responsible for it.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  2. Blind anti- communism, colonialist interests, the desire to dominate, interest connected with armaments, all these factors operate in favour of the arms race, tension, the cold war, the policy of risk, intervention and local wars and, consequently, in favour of a worldwide atomic conflagration. 43. Yet the question of peaceful co-existence has reached its decisive stage: there are on the agenda such matters as the German problem, the final abolition of colonialism, and general and complete disarmament. The contradiction between common sense—the supreme universal interest of peace—and the rash actions of blind selfishness is becoming more and more acute. The West must make its choice. 44.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  3. We have seen the growth of the forces of peaceful coexistence, the socialist forces and the anti-colonialist forces, and the development throughout the world of the mass movement for peace. 41. All over the world people have become increasingly aware of the fact that a nuclear war would be a disaster for all the nations, for all the social classes, for every family and for every man. 42. There are, I believe, few people even among responsible western circles who would deliberately provoke a nuclear war. But not all those who do not want such a war are working against it. Those who, even if they do not want anatomic war, are increasing ' the danger of one, are still powerful.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  4. Permit me, Mr. President, to offer you my warmest congratulations upon your unanimous election as President of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations., Your election is an achievement for your country, Tunisia, whose destiny has been of great interest to my country, particularly during the last few months. I wish you every success in your work. 38. If we were to look back to the fourteenth session, the one which has been called "the session of peace", it might seem that we had lived through two years of disillusionment and retrogression. 39. We Poles are not under this impression. No, those years have not been a period of retrogression, but rather years of difficulty engendered by progress. 40.

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

  5. We are taking an active part in the political, economic and social work of the United Nations. We are devoting particular attention to the disarmament problem in the Disarmament Commission and in the ten-nation Disarmament Committee. We shall maintain, and as far as possible increase, our activities within the United Nations. 76. We firmly believe that Poland's efforts on behalf of peaceful coexistence between nations will be effective, for in making such efforts we are not alone. We know that the United Nations will fully satisfy the peaceful aspirations of all peoples.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  6. Our relations with the great majority of the western countries, with the Scandinavian, Western European and North American countries are steadily improving. We are strengthening and establishing relations with some of the Latin American countries. We welcome their efforts to develop their economies and we see in them the prospect of increased trade between us. We feel, too, .that opportunities for closer cultural contacts have existed for a considerable time. On the whole, there has been a considerable increase in economic, scientific and cultural exchanges and in the number of visitors in both directions. We are increasing our co-operation with international organizations in the fields of culture, economy, social affairs, communications and technology.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  7. We hope that all the efforts we have expended since our liberation and in recent years may yield results, if possible rapid results, so that the needs and aspirations of our people may be progressively satisfied. Our close ties with the other socialist countries, based on our common principles, make it possible for us to carry out our plans, to fulfil our historic duties and to safeguard the security and territorial integrity of our country. They enable us to do our utmost to work effectively for the relaxation of international tension and peaceful coexistence. 75. While we are constantly strengthening these ties, we are developing broad international relations. We are on friendly terms with many Asian and African countries.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  8. Time is working against those who are clinging obstinately to that kind of policy and in favour of nations which want to live in peace and friendship. 73. Poland is pursuing an active and constructive policy of peaceful coexistence and international cooperation. This policy is consistent with our past experience, the vital interests of our people and our position as a socialist State. 74. Our internal policy is based on the premise that the international situation will develop peacefully. We are drawing up plans for the development of our country for many years ahead. The reforms which we intend to carry out are attuned to the pace of economic development and the social conscience of the citizens of our country, in the hope that we shall be able to pursue this course free from the threat of war.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  9. We well know that in West Germany there are many people and some circles and politicians who are anxious to see good relations established with Poland and we appreciate that fact. Up till now, however, their attitude has not affected the policy of the Government of the German Federal Republic. Despite the Polish Government’s positive approach, there is no evidence whatsoever that the Government of West Germany wants to improve its relations with Poland. There has recently been talk of alleged conciliatory gestures towards Poland but in point of fact the real policy behind them amounted to nothing more than ridiculous attempts to weaken the ties between Poland and its friends. There again, as in other fields, the policy of the cold war will have to give way gradually, admittedly not without resistance but, in my opinion, inevitably.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  10. That is why, in its own interest and in the general interest, Poland attaches such importance to the conclusion of the peace treaty with Germany. We also think that a satisfactory solution must.be found for the position of West Berlin. 71. One of the lessons that Poland has learnt from its own unhappy experience is that German-Polish relations must ultimately be based on respect for the principles of peace, security and good neighbourliness. The German Democratic Republic, with which we are associated by close ties of friendship and co-operation both on this question and on broader issues, has from the first day of its establishment drawn the same conclusions from its own past experience. 72.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  11. For some years now, there have been two German States. The only way in which the German question can be finally settled is through the gradual restoration of normal relations between the two States and through their co-operation. It is only in an atmosphere of reduced tension in Europe, of progress towards disarmament and of peaceful coexistence that such a course can be successfully pursued. That is the direction followed by the German Democratic Republic. 70. Poland is in complete agreement with this approach to the solution of the German question, which, in its view, constitutes the only sound method, the only policy which is realistic and in conformity with the interests of the German people and of European security.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  12. It is a policy of rejecting every realistic attempt to make a start towards the restoration of normal conditions and the gradual solution of the German question. It is a policy of aggravating the German situation in the hope of being able subsequently, from a position of strength, to settle it in its own way. It is a policy which aims at acquiring such a position in the Western Alliance as to enable the ruling circles in Western Germany to involve the other members in the execution of their own plans and the accomplishment of their own aims. Such a policy is dangerous not only for those against whom it is at present directed but also for all Germany’s neighbours, for Europe as a whole and for peace in general. 69. There is another approach, another policy for the solution of the German problem. This policy takes realities into account.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  13. In the view of the Polish Government, the Soviet proposal is realistic, it takes into account the possibilities and the essential needs of the present international situation and it responds to the vital interests of our people. We think that it should be thoroughly discussed by the General Assembly. 67. While speaking about current political questions, I cannot ignore the German question, for it is of crucial importance for the maintenance of peace and security. 68. There are two views, two different policies on the German question. The first, represented by the ruling circles in the Federal Republic of Germany, consists in denying the facts, in denying the existence of two German States. It is a policy of remilitarization and nuclear armaments. It is a policy of territorial claims against other States.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  14. The proposal matte here by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union has a number of important practical advantages. For example, the interminable discussions on the balance of the military forces of the two groups would become pointless, since with general and complete disarmament the problem would no longer exist. With the prospect of complete and universal disarmament, the establishment and extension of the control system becomes much simpler. 66. The welcome and support which the Soviet proposal has already received in the two weeks since its presentation show how far it goes towards meeting the present needs and the peoples’ aspirations.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  15. Obviously it will take some years to work out and carry through such a disarmament plan. It is with this in mind that we must now do everything in our power to prevent any deterioration of the present situation. That is why we hope that the negotiations on the permanent cessation of nuclear tests will be successful. 64. We must also take steps to ensure that we are not confronted with "faits accomplis" in the armaments field. This applies first and foremost to central Europe, the key area in so far as the easing of international tension is concerned. In any case, the manufacture there of nuclear weapons and rockets must be prevented, as must the equipment of armies which do not as yet possess them with such weapons. This would certainly make future disarmament efforts easier. 65.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  16. In the last resort, there are only two possible solutions: either the weapons manufactured at such great expense are consigned to the scrap-heap or, as the result of an incident or by some accident, the launching ramps will be put into operation and the greatest piece of folly in history will become an accomplished fact. 62. What, then, are we waiting for? There are some who advise us to wait for a radical improvement in the international situation, the advent of an era of mutual confidence. But how can it be attained if the intensive armaments race continues? 63. In our opinion, the surest way to bring about an improvement in the situation and to create an atmosphere of mutual confidence is in fact to make a start towards complete and universal disarmament.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  17. First and foremost, it should be understood that, in these new circumstances, the time has come for the disarmament problem to be considered from the point of view of peaceful coexistence in the broadest sense of the term; what might quite recently have appeared to be unattainable then becomes feasible. Basically, there is no other solution but to tackle the problem afresh and boldly. 61. If we admit that war would be a catastrophe of such proportions that it would be folly for anyone to engage in it, the idea of military superiority loses its whole point and the arms race becomes equally senseless. The question arises: how much longer, and for what reason, will this senseless armaments race continue? How much longer, and for what reason, shall we have to bear the burden of the exorbitant expenditure and the sacrifices which it involves?

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  18. For many years, the debates have dealt with partial solutions, owing to the serious difficulties which hampered all attempts at more complete disarmament. It is in this direction, and I think rightly so, that the constructive efforts of many countries and various shades of opinion have been tending. It was also in this direction that the research and proposal submitted by Poland in 1957, and amended in the autumn of 1958, tended. But today, the proposal concerning complete disarmament is in the forefront and that is the problem which we should take up first. 60.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  19. That, moreover, is the very essence of the Charter and its reason for existence. 57. I now come to the most Important question on the agenda of this session: that of general and complete disarmament. Progress towards disarmament, and certainly the role the United Nations will be able to play in solving this fundamental international problem, will depend largely on the manner in which the General Assembly deals with the question. 58. It is the first time that the disarmament problem has been placed before the United Nations in such bold terms, and the very boldness of the Soviet proposal [A/4218] is, at the present stage in the development of the international situation, its greatest advantage. 59. General and complete disarmament has always been the ultimate goal of all sincere, effective and constructive efforts in that field.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  20. These things are all the more regrettable in that, generally speaking, the improved atmosphere has already been given practical expression in renewed efforts by the United Nations and many of its organs. For instance, we see with satisfaction that amongst the specialized agencies there is more rapid and more effective exchange of experience and that more work is being done in the various social, cultural and technical fields. The regional economic commissions have been strengthened and we welcome the establishment and the first steps of the Economic Commission for Africa. We have also recently observed more harmonious and more effective co-operation in the Economic and Social Council. The United Nations could become a leading architect in the construction of a system of peaceful and lasting coexistence.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  21. There are still many obstacles in the way, especially at the political level. 54. Once more, during this session, we are working without the participation of the People's Republic of China. Although it is only some of us who are responsible for this situation, the entire Organization will suffer the consequences. 55. That, unfortunately, is not an isolated case. At this very session, a session which we should have liked to be able to remember, as our President so aptly said, as the "session of peace", a proposal has been made concerning the so-called question of Tibet. That proposal is devoid of any legal basis, it is unjust and can only prove detrimental to the cause of relaxation of international tension. 56.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  22. At the international level, however, it should be our aim to establish a forum where it would be possible to discuss the key problems of the world economy and to create a permanent organic framework for international trade. Together we should seek out methods which would make it possible to develop economies by a continual increase in the volume of world trade. 52. By basing the development of future International economic co-operation on the principles of peaceful coexistence, equality and mutual interest, we shall transform it into one of the most effective instruments for the stabilization of peace and one of the most powerful factors in progress. 53. The United Nations should be guided by these principles in all fields of its activity. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  23. It is not only in the interest of the economically under-developed countries but also in the vital interest of all nations and of world economy to make a persistent effort to close the steadily widening gap between the advanced peoples and those whose economic development has been retarded. The accelerated development of those countries, which have been retarded through no fault of their own, is an integral part of one of the fundamental historical processes of our age: namely, the elimination of the last traces of colonialism and of all other forms of oppression of peoples. 51. The United Nations is called upon to play an important part in the work of international economic co-operation; the task devolves primarily upon the regional economic commissions, to which we attribute particular importance.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  24. Assistance to under-developed countries can become an admirable means to progress or it can serve to bring about the economic and political enslavement of peoples. 49. These questions of international co-operation should be dealt with from the angle of peaceful coexistence, not only as a matter of political necessity but simply from economic necessity. 50. It is in the interest of all countries, and in the interest of the economy of the whole world, to abolish discrimination in international trade and the other artificial barriers which date from the time of the cold war.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  25. International co-operation in all fields will have to be increased by persevering and steady efforts on the part of all countries, large and small. 48. The development of international trade and economic co-operation plays a central part in this field. The problem may be tackled either from a cold war position or from a position of peaceful coexistence. International trade may be considered either as an extension of the position of strength policy or as a means of bringing peoples closer together. Various formulae for the organization of international economic life can be applied either to divide the world or to unite it, to impede the normal development of an increasing flow of goods and services or to help in a rational international distribution of labour for the greatest good of all.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  26. The solution was already there but the problems remained insoluble by reason of the application of a method, in fact of a doctrine, which consisted of pushing very grave problems to the point of crisis, in the hope of settling them from a "position of strength". 46. Such problems can be settled, and in the cases where settlement must be a gradual process we can at least make a start, provided we initiate our efforts from a position of peaceful coexistence, for that, after all, is the only possible solution. The policy of positions of strength is materially out-dated and morally discredited. 47. To build up this system of stable and peaceful coexistence, it is not enough to settle the most outstanding political problems by negotiation and agreement.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  27. Coexistence should al jo mean co-operation, for without co-operation it could be neither stable nor truly peaceful. The historical necessity of our time is peaceful and stable coexistence and not an armed truce. That means peaceful competition, international co-operation, disarmament and collective security. 44. We all know that the transition from the cold war to stable and peaceful coexistence is a process calling for the elimination of many obstacles and prejudices, as also of many deliberate obstructions and objective difficulties. 45. We shall have to settle a whole series of key problems which have been familiar for years, which have hitherto been discussed without result and which are growing graver and are poisoning international relations.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  28. The existence in the world of two different economic and social systems is an abiding characteristic of our time. The second of these essential facts is the ultimate crisis of the colonial system and that too is irreversible and final. The third of these facts is the development of twentieth century science and technology; this has made it imperative for our generation to make its final choice between war and peace. The logical conclusion is being more and more widely recognized: the only possible form of existence in our day is peaceful and lasting coexistence. 43. The very fact of the existence of two divergent social systems means that coexistence cannot but be a form of competition, but it can only be peaceful competition, competition in the matter of progress.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  29. But that is by no means all: the deep significance of this meeting is, inter alia, that it will enable us better to understand the important changes which have recently occurred in international relations and the prospects of their farther evolution, and to consider in a new light the problems which have for many years been the subject of international discussions and of debate in our Assembly. 42. We have to our credit in recent years the progress made along the path of political realism and good sense in international relations. Awareness of essential contemporary historical facts Is becoming general. The first of these essential facts is the development of the socialist system; that is an irreversible process which nothing can halt.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  30. It is, in my opinion, a happy coincidence that the present session Of the General Assembly should have opened simultaneously with the meeting of the Heads of the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States. We have thus been the direct witnesses of an event which has initiated a new stage in the East-West dialogue and will have a lasting effect on the political thinking of millions of people in the world. 41. That fact should have some Influence on the atmosphere in which our future debates will take place.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  31. 38. I regret that, on the occasion of offering Mr. Belaúnde, the President of the General Assembly, my delegation's congratulations on his election, I am also compelled by the circumstance of his illness to ask your, Mr. President, to convey to him our sincere wishes for his speedy recovery; I hope that those wishes will soon become a reality. 39. During the year which has passed since the last session of the United Nations General Assembly there has been an appreciable change in the international atmosphere. There can be no doubt that in the widest circles of world opinion there is an increasing awareness of the need to seek and find a solution to the international problems upon which world peace hinges. 40.

    1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)

  32. It is our opinion that this should be the aim of the general debate and of all the work of the United Nations.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  33. We consider that the strengthening of cooperation, solely on the basis of common interests, between countries belonging to different political systems is a contribution to the cause of peace, relaxation of tension and coexistence throughout the world. We shall continue to foster such co-operation by stressing, in our relations with other countries, all that we have in common, more especially economic interests, historical traditions and cultural contacts. 82. I have endeavoured to set before you the point of view of Poland on current international questions. I know that opinions represented in this Assembly differ considerably on these matters. Nevertheless, I am fully convinced that ways must be found for us to reach agreement on those problems on which the peace and well-being of all our peoples depend.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  34. Despite the distance which separates us, we have established, and are anxious to extend, friendly cooperation with most of the countries of Asia and Africa, to which we are linked by a common tradition of fighting in the cause of freedom and by common views on the basic principles governing international relations. 81. Following as it does a policy of constructive coexistence and co-operation with countries belonging to different systems and ideologies, Poland considers it to be self-evident that such co-operation should not in any way involve attempts to bring about a deterioration in good relations between either side and other nations.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  35. Close and cordial relations link us to all our neighbours. We shall strengthen and develop our relations with them as with all the Socialist countries. We feel that this offers the best guarantee for our security and for the protection of the fundamental interests of the Polish people. 78. Consistently with our policy, we shall continue our efforts to maintain our relations with the German people on the basis of mutual security and good neighbourliness. Our close friendship with the German Democratic Republic, we feel, constitutes a distinct achievement in this respect. 79. The constant improvement in our relations with many Western countries, and more especially with our near neighbours across the Baltic, is a source of satisfaction to us, and we hope that these relations will continue to develop in a favourable manner. 80.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  36. It is hard indeed to follow the argument that atomic disarmament would make the reunification of Germany more difficult, whereas atomic armament would make it easier. The arguments against the proposal for creating a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe are in our opinion neither convincing nor decisive. So far as we are concerned, the discussion is still open and we propose to return to the matter. 76. It is common knowledge that during the same period certain political circles in the West have made other proposals with a view to lessening the tension in Europe. We are giving those proposals the careful attention they deserve. 77. The foreign policy of Poland is based on friendship and solidarity with the Socialist countries and on constructive coexistence and co-operation with other countries.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  37. Various objections were put forward against them, though the Polish Government had shown clearly in its memorandum that it was open to constructive observations and opinions, and also appreciated the special difficulties of its partners. Nevertheless, it is difficult to accept the arguments most commonly used against the Polish proposals. So far as the military side of the question is concerned, it was never our intention that any change should be made in the existing balance between the forces of the two groups. Our proposal implies nothing of the kind. Certain statesmen who set themselves up — not always sincerely — as champions of the reunification of Germany, express the fear that that cause might be impaired by the creation of a nuclear weapon-free zone in Europe.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  38. On the contrary, this policy plays into the hands of revisionist and militarist elements within the Federal Republic of Germany and strengthens the special position of Germany in NATO. 74. The decision by the Bundestag came not long after Poland had delivered to the Governments concerned a memorandum which contained definite proposals previously approved by the Governments of Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic. As you are aware, the suggestion made in those proposals was that a nuclear weapon-free zone should be set up covering Germany, Poland and Czechoslovakia. It will be remembered that the proposals met with a favourable reception in many Western countries, including the Federal Republic of Germany itself. 75.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  39. I have no desire to recall now the bitter experiences of the all too recent past, which must still be fresh in the memory of many representatives. All I will say is that what is implied is arming with atomic weapons the only European country which still has designs on the territory of other nations. 73. We do indeed realize that there are elements in West Germany which are anxious for peace and for the establishment of satisfactory relations with neighbouring countries. But it is not the peaceful elements that are supported by the NATO policy of remilitarization and equipment of the Bundeswehr with atomic weapons, a policy which tries to evade the definite recognition of the present frontier between Germany and Poland, though every realistically-minded statesmen knows that that frontier is final.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  40. For the people of Poland, the disarmament problem and indeed the whole question of a general easing of international tension is of particular importance, for the dividing line between the two opposing military groups runs through the heart of Europe and close to Poland. 72. At the beginning of this year, the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Germany took a decision which opened the way for equipping the West German army with atomic weapons. The delivery to Germany of American guided missiles of the "Matador" type, which can if necessary be equipped with nuclear warheads, is the first step towards giving effect to that decision. If the plan is carried through, not only Poland but — let us make no mistake about it — peace for every nation will be in peril.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  41. The reasons for this seem clear enough to us and, indeed, we have already reviewed this in the General Assembly. I presume that there will be an opportunity during the present session to debate the matter in greater detail. At all events, we feel that the United Nations will never achieve any results in regard to the disarmament problem, which is one of its responsibilities, unless we can set up within the framework of the Organization the necessary conditions for genuine negotiations, instead of encouraging moves whereby one side foists its point of view on the other side by means of a majority vote. 71.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  42. Thus, we have before us, in the first place, the memorandum by the Soviet Government [A/3929]. which deals in a very constructive way with the problem of disarmament as a whole. The conclusions it contains were examined by the Polish Government and received its full support. Again, the Soviet proposal [A/3925] for a reduction in the military budgets of the four great Powers was submitted to the General Assembly, and we should devote special attention to it. There is also agreement to hold a conference to work out means of protection against surprise attack. 70. Yet, in spite of certain favourable developments, the world in general and the United Nations in particular, have reached an impasse over disarmament and have not yet found a way out.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  43. The Conference of Experts held in Geneva, in which Polish scientists played their part, reached the definite conclusion that the detection of test explosions was perfectly feasible. But all this did not prove sufficient to persuade the Western Powers to put a stop to their experiments, even six months after the Soviet Union's decision. 68. The world learned with new hope that discussions on this question would be taking place in a few weeks between the USSR and the United States. We consider that it is the duty of the United Nations to make its voice heard and to lend its weight to the final settlement of this most urgent of problems. 69. As regards disarmament, proposals have been put forward from many quarters and they should, at the very least, receive careful consideration.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  44. That is why the system of power politics has reached a stage which is clearly critical; that is why the climate of opinion in the Western world is increasingly in favour of coexistence, and why the idea of a summit meeting has met with such wide popular support. That is why the whole world calls for an end to nuclear experiments. Lastly, that is why there is such widespread Interest in disarmament proposals especially where specific solutions, even partial or regional ones, are concerned. And, once again, there are lively discussions about all the matters which come under the general heading of freedom from commitment. The main problem of disarmament becomes increasingly urgent. 67. One of the great Powers, the Soviet Union, took the first step in March 1958 and unilaterally ceased making any further nuclear experiments.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  45. For years, the peoples of the West have been adjured to make every effort to keep ahead of the Socialist camp in armed strength. And what has been the result? The balance of forces is today much more favourable to the Socialist countries than it was in the past. 65. More and more frequently, people in the West are asking what the world in general, and the West in particular, has gained from this armaments race. They ask where this increasingly dangerous game is leading them; for at the present stage of technical development in military matters, the very idea of superiority is open to question. People are saying "even If we are now able to kill our enemy five times over, while he can only kill us four times, what is the point? You can only die once". 66.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  46. It has shown up the absurdity of the reasoning which sought to find justification for a policy based ultimately on military strength, the armaments race and faith in the atomic bomb — in short, the Atlantic policy. 62. A world which for years has had the technical and scientific superiority of the West drummed into it finds itself suddenly faced with the achievements of Soviet science, which open the door to a new era in the historical development of man. 63. For years, every effort has been made to set up a network of bases and a wall of economic restrictions around the Socialist camp. Suddenly, from one day to the next, all the artificial obstacles erected between peoples have been swept away and it has been realized that the policies of so-called "encirclement" or "containment" are but delusions. 64.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  47. Meanwhile, the de facto situation, the debates in this Assembly, the change in the voting majority, everything in fact indicates that the day is near when China will resume its place in the United Nations. 61. The past year has seen great strides in science and technology; the barriers separating mankind from outer space have been crossed. And this fact has confronted us all more acutely than ever with the fundamental dilemma of our time — what use will man make of the power he has created? Will he use it to bring about universal well-being, or will he use it for universal destruction? It is an event which has had an impact on every mind.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  48. The laws of history are inexorable; there is no other way to solve the problem of China but to bow at long last to the Inescapable changes which have taken place in that vast and powerful country and to draw the necessary political conclusions from that fact. 60. It is indeed unfortunate that the thirteenth session of the General Assembly has not brought that solution nearer, for it is the only possible one. It is deplorable that once again the majority of delegations have not considered it proper or feasible to give their votes in favour of restoring to the population of the People's Republic of China its right to be represented in our Organization.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  49. Yet, all the time arms are being supplied to that foe for rise against the Chinese Government. It is this use of force which is preventing the Chinese people from achieving the restoration of their country's territorial unity. It is owing to the use of force that the mainland of China is threatened with an invasion based on Taiwan and the off-shore islands. Efforts are being made, by intervention of foreign troops, to transform a purely internal Chinese problem into an international conflict. Had it not been for intervention by the United States, fighting in the Taiwan area would have come to an end years ago. 59.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

  50. We share the general anxiety aroused by the situation in the Far East; and we too trust that fighting will come to an end in the Taiwan Strait and that the general situation in that area will cease to constitute a threat to peace. But there is only one possible solution to that problem — the United States must put a stop to its armed intervention in the internal affairs of China and cease fanning the flames of civil war on that front. For that is the source of the constant tension in the area in question. 58. To use pacts signed with Chiang Kai-shek as a pretext for keeping United States troops on Chinese territory is merely to justify one unlawful act on the grounds of invoking another. The legitimate Government of China, which enjoys the support of the people, is accused of "using force" against an aggressive, armed, internal foe.

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)