YouSaid · the spoken record

SHEVARDNADZE

lines on the record
272
first
1985-09-24
most recent
1990-09-24
sittings or episodes
6
sources
un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

  1. Therefore we shall continue to work to protect outer space from attempts to turn it into a military domain of one or two Powers. Today those designs are being camouflaged with high-sounding pronouncements about a defense program, which supposedly would do away with the threat of attack once and for all. One hears moving and soul-stirring stories about a dream which when realized would free mankind from the fear of nuclear death. Evil designs are being purveyed as good intentions, and swords as shields. Let no one be misled by such talk. It serves to conceal an attack against the main pillar of stability, the anti-ball is tic-missile Treaty. The intention is to get the Treaty out of the way within a time frame of seven years.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  2. We agree with those States which believe that the question whether mankind will live in a nuclear or a nuclear-free world must be decided by the whole world community and not by a small group of nuclear Powers. This also applies fully to the future of outer space, for near-Earth space is the common heritage of mankind and should be used for the benefit of all. However, if weapons gat into space, this heritage would become a threat to all? just two or three States enjoying the status of military-space Powers would then dominate the rest of the world. Is that what we want? Do we want a military-space fiefdom to be established? The question is posed by the course of events, which may become tragic for international relations as a whole.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  3. Its proponents iWe a favorite argument, verification. But that argument increasingly resembles a tattered curtain. Broadly speaking, there is no longer any problem of verification. In the conviction that there can be no trust without verification, the Soviet Union is open to any form or method of verification. In our view the summit conference of the non-aligned countries at Harare made some very valuable recommendations in this respect. The United Nations could support the proposals of the Delhi Six - Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Tanzania and Sweden - on monitoring compliance with the obligation not to carry out nuclear tests. The Soviet Union will accept recommendations formulated under the auspices of the United Nations.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  4. That is what they had been expecting from the United States President, I have been authorized to state that the Soviet Union is ready, at any time and anywhere, to sign a treaty on the total prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests. We are ready to do so here at the United Nations, so that the entire world community could become part of this great act and historical turning-point which would be a sign of respect for its will. Words not matched by deeds are worthless, but words supported by deeds are a country's gold reserve. We urge those who make verbal pronouncements in favor of eliminating nuclear weapons to follow up with practical deeds. Otherwise whatever they say about the inhumanity of nuclear weapons is no more than a rhetorical mirage behind which there looms an altogether different policy.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  5. I am referring to the attempt to provide a philosophical rationale for the assertion that new sophisticated military technology is capable of reliably ensuring security. It is precisely that kind of philosophy that caused the tidal wave of armaments which has been growing year after year and now threatens to obliterate the Earth. There is only one path to security - destroying existing weapons instead of replacing them with new ones. The technology of destruction must not be allowed to determine policy. One can imagine the sigh of relief among people if they heard that in this International Year of Peace the United States, too, had decided to stop nuclear testing.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  6. We are putting so much emphasis on the renunciation of nuclear-weapon tests because it is precisely this that is the real test of the sincerity of declarations. Yesterday we heard the statement of the President of the United States. It is regrettable that the rostrum of the General Assembly was used in such a way. To respond point by point to that statement presents no problem. However, to enter into polemics would be to show a lack of respect for our audience. The subject under discussion is far too serious to turn it into a grindstone for sharpening political wit. Time is too precious to be wasted on refuting misconceptions and prejudices that distort reality and facts. Nevertheless, there is one key point to which we must refer, because it is of fundamental importance.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  7. Let there be no mistake - we have our pride like anyone else. However, the prestige and dignity of a great Power are things we associate with the equal security of all. We are motivated by our sense of responsibility both to our own people and to other peoples. It is for this reason precisely that we are willing to agree to sensible compromises and make realistic concessions when we put forward proposals for the reduction of strategic offensive weapons and medium-range missiles. This reflects the new approach to the realities of the nuclear space age outlined most fully and comprehensively in Mikhail Gorbachev's report to the Twenty-Seventh Congress of our Party. The sincerity of our intentions and the integrity of our position are matched by our determination to put an end to the dangerous course of world events.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  8. One thousand, five hundred such missiles seemed too few, so it was necessary to add 20 more. The tribunal of history is merciless in its verdicts. If political leaders fail to take timely and responsible decisions, history will not forgive them. We have a chance to lay the foundations for lasting peace. Of course it is not just a matter of adopting yet another resolution. The United Nations must establish a system of values which gives the highest priority to practical actions. Let ma emphasize that this is being stated by the representative of a nuclear Power. We never wanted to acquire nuclear weapons, but from the time we were forced to acquire them we have constantly sought to limit, reduce and eliminate them. We are not the last member of the "nuclear club", but we are proposing its dissolution.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  9. Stop once and for all this deadly gambling with nuclear death. It is within the powers of the international community, the sole sovereign master of its own fate to do this. No single nuclear Power has the right to take decisions on behalf of all, and the USSR refuses to do so. In his historic statement of 15 January, the Soviet leader proposed something quite different - to scrap all nuclear weapons. Once again the criterion is experience. Political responsibility is the opposite of political arrogance. The problem of nuclear testing clearly highlights these mutually incompatible approaches. There are other facts. Look at the fate of the SALT I and SALT II treaties. They are being torn up now because they allow no room for equipping a 131st bomber with cruise missiles.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  10. That accident has meant for us more than grief over our losses and compassion for its victims. It has reinforced our anxiety for the future of the Earth. Chernobyl was a tragic mistake on the part of human beings working with the peaceful atom. But still less are there any guarantees against mistakes with the military uses of the atom. Given the existence in the world of 50,000 nuclear warheads, we are living on borrowed time and no one knows when that time will run out. What should be done? Continue to play the game of nuclear roulette? It is clear even now that, sooner or later, this could lead us to collective suicide and self-destruction. There is only one way out: before it is too late, while there is still time, the game played for insane stakes and in which there can be no winner must be stopped.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  11. Here, we are looking forward to a most democratic and constructive discussion and the collective creative efforts of all countries. The idea of comprehensive security presupposes first and foremost material guarantees of peace, political and international legal safeguards and the establishment of principles of civilized and respectful relations among States. A safe world is a world of law and order, in which there is strict compliance with the united Nations Charter and respect for all rules of international law, for human rights and freedoms. Our initiative contains an answer to the question of what should be done to save life on Earth. As we speak of this the abandoned villages in the area of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant stand before our eyes.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  12. In its determination to make this a reality, the Soviet Union, together with other socialist countries, has submitted proposals on this subject for the Assembly's consideration. We are convinced that the creation of this system that would embrace the political, military, economic and humanitarian fields would be in keeping with the interests of all States and peoples. The sponsors of this proposal make no claim to have discovered a hitherto unknown political "continent". If there are any blank spots today they exist mainly in the field of concrete, practical measures. To clear the way for such action would indeed be a discovery of the highest order. The proposed bases for security are consonant with the principles of the United Nations Charter and designed to promote their implementation within the specific conditions of our day.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  13. If it were accompanied by a similar silence at United States test sites, that more than any words would tell mankind that what we are witnessing was the beginning of a movement towards realizing the idea of a nuclear-free world. Stopping the tests means not allowing the emergence of new types of nuclear weapons and barring the way to the creation of nuclear space weapons. We call upon the United States to join us in this forward march and not call us back to carrying out explosions, as it proposed here yesterday. A bilateral moratorium, followed by a multilateral one, is one of the most important links in the chain of actions which could lead to the creation of a comprehensive system of international peace and security.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  14. At the same time, not a single seismograph in the world is registering nuclear explosions on our territory - not because of any lack of sensitivity on the part of the instruments, but because the Soviet Union is responsive to the will of the world community. In pursuing the foreign policy proclaimed at the Twenty-seventh Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, our co lei try is taking specific, practical steps. One of the most important is the unilateral moratorium on nuclear explosions. This is precisely the kind of action that proves the sincerity of our intentions and the seriousness of our concern for the future of the world. For more than a year now the Soviet testing sites have remained silent. Listen to this silence? it is very eloquent.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  15. Instead of building up and counting warheads, they should be counting the votes of these who call for the complete elimination of weapons of mass destruction. Unfortunately, in some countries the institutions of democracy are being outweighed by the immoral arithmetic of military superiority. But it is an indisputable fact that the call for action is no longer a voice crying in the wilderness. On the contrary, even in the wilderness of the Nevada desert calls are being heard for an end to nuclear testing. The Nevada explosions are new registered not only by us but also by United States scientists with their instruments installed near the Soviet city of Semipalatinsk.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  16. This new way of thinking is bringing that truth into the foreground. Whole groups of countries, the Non-Aligned Movement, political parties, public organizations and anti-nuclear forces are putting forward promising ideas for ending the nuclear deadlock. A favorable background is emerging for developing a dialog. An exception to this trend is the policy pursued by the imperialist forces. This contrast, however, only emphasizes the general will for action, for concrete practical deeds. It is becoming a fact of life that vast territories are being declared nuclear-weapon-free zones. Democratic majorities are taking such decisions through democratic procedures. Political leaders who claim that they are committed to democracy, should become aware of the contradictions between their behavior and their declared principles.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  17. In the words of Mikhail Gorbachev: "Everywhere in the world there is a growing conviction in the minds of the peoples and in political public circles and widely differing in their orientation and outlook that what is at stake is the survival of mankind and that the time has come for decisive and responsible action." Wfe see a glimmer of light in the fact that at a time so crucial for mankind the peoples of the world, and an increasing number of Governments, are becoming aware of the need to adopt a new way of thinking in line with the realities of the nuclear and space age. The time is at hand when considerations of groups, blocs or ideologies are beginning to give way to the understanding that peace is the supreme value. Only if peace is translated from declarations >a x> practical action is there a chance for survival.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  18. I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to some trends which enable us to speak of glimmers of light on the world's horizon. They should be noted by everyone of us, for they should strengthen our resolve to act even more vigorously. They should be noted by all the peoples, who are tired of bearing the burden of fear and anxiety. They should be noted by the world as a whole, which is becoming an increasingly interdependent and indivisible whole, and which may no longer be able to withstand strain and destruction. Hope breeds optimism.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  19. We all come in turn to this important rostrum to speak of our perception of the world, our combined efforts produce a picture of present day international realities. What is the picture that we see today? At first glance, the interval since the last session of the General Assembly has done nothing to brighten the panorama of our time. The intervening period has been marked by a number of factors which have aggravated existing concerns. The arms race has not been halted; it is advancing in a steep spiral. The danger of its spreading to outer space has become more real. Dangerous hotbeds of armed conflict persist. In many parts of the world, misery and poverty are becoming more acute. Despite all this, we still believe that the International Year of Peace will go down in history as something more than just a symbol of peace.

    1986-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 41 (1986)

  20. Gorbachev: "Our goal as we see it is to resolve together - for no one is able to do it alone - the major problems which are essentially common to us all: how to prevent war, how to end the arms race and embark on disarmament, how to settle existing conflicts and crises and prevent potential ones, how to create a world climate that would allow every country to focus attention and concentrate resources on finding solutions to its own problems - show me a country that has no problems - and how to join efforts in resolving global problems."

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  21. Much useful work for the benefit of peace and international co-operation has been done by the United Nations over the past 40 years. However, the united Nations has still a great deal more to do since it appears that we are now altering upon a most crucial period in the history of mankind, when it will have to take a decision on this question of paramount importances whether to live in peace or perish in nuclear war. In this regard, I should like to quote the following policy statement by Mikhail S.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  22. It is our view that such co-operation could best be carried out within the framework of a world space organization. And this could become a reality provided that all channels for the militarizing of the boundless regions of outer space are blocked off. To counter the sinister plans of "star wars", the Soviet Union is placing before the international community the concept of "star peace". The Soviet union hopes that its proposals will be carefully examined by the General Assembly. The Soviet delegation has set forth the views and proposals of the Soviet Union which we have found it necessary and timely to submit for the consideration of the United Nations. It is our hope that they will be regarded with understanding by all States represented in this Hall and by all the peoples which make up a united mankind.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  23. In wishing to contribute to man's progress towards new heights of civilization, our country has taken a new initiative by proposing the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly of an item entitled "International co-operation in the peaceful exploration of outer space in conditions of its non-militarization". At the same time, the Soviet Union has submitted to the General Assembly specific proposals regarding the main directions, areas and principles of broad international co-operation in the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes. Outer space is indivisible and all States should be able to take part in its peaceful exploration. This means that progress should be made by joint efforts in both basic and applied areas of space exploration, so that all peoples can benefit from space research.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  24. There should be no repetition of the mistake made four decades ago when states and the peoples of the world were unable to prevent the great intellectual achievement of the mid-twentieth century - the release of the energy of the atomic nucleus - from becoming a means of mass annihilation of human beings. This is a folly which should not be allowed to recur at the end of this century when mankind, having filled the first pages of its space history, is facing a choice: space will either help to improve the living conditions on our planet or it will become the source of a new and deadly danger.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  25. I should like once again to draw members' attention to a problem, the solution to which will largely shape the world of our children, grandchildren and great grandchildren. I am referring to the problem of the peaceful exploration of outer space. Until only recently, space was the realm of science fiction, but it has now become a theater of man's practical activities. The peaceful exploration of space holds out for mankind truly limitless prospects of utilizing scientific and technological achievements to promote the economic and social progress of the peoples of the world and to solve the tremendous problems facing mankind on Earth. However, these truly cosmic dimensions - and here I am not speaking figuratively but literally - also present new requirements to the inhabitants of the Earth and above all to the leaders of States.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  26. The United Nations, by virtue of its Charter, must play an important role in encouraging and developing respect for human rights throughout the world. This provision, which laid the groundwork for international co-operation in the field of human rights, was included in the United Nations Charter on the initiative of the Soviet Union. Forty years have gone by since that time but, regrettably, to this very day flagrant, massive violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms are taking place. This is an inherent characteristic of a society where the power and wealth of a minority exist at the expense of the majority of the population. Such violations have become a norm of life in those States whose leaders are trying so hard to depict themselves as champions of human rights.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  27. Thanks to the advantages of the socialist system, the peoples of the Soviet Onion, oppressed in the past, backward and divided, now stand together, united and therefore strong, and have over a historically short span of time reached the most advanced frontiers of economic development and created a flourishing spiritual culture and attained the heights of human civilization. We believe that this is the path that not only leads to economic and spiritual prosperity but also contributes to the building of trust between peoples and, on this basis, to bringing them closer together and concerting their efforts in order to attain the goals common to all mankind. That is how we understand the essence of the question of the rights and freedoms of the individual and peoples.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  28. The rights and freedoms of the individual are inextricably linked with the rights of peoples. The unique experience of our country eloquently testifies to this. Socialism has not only ensured that each and every citizen enjoys equal rights to work, housing, rest and pensions, has not only made it possible to obtain all kinds of education and medical services free of charge, but has also provided comprehensive guarantees of those rights. The standards of social justice were established in close co-ordination with the realization of the principles of self-determination of all nations and nationalities, including the preservation of their identity and the development of such national phenomena as language, literacy, literature and the arts.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  29. We support the demands of the newly free States for the establishment of a new international economic order on a just and democratic basis in accordance with earlier decisions of the United Nations and we also support their apposition to what is known as cultural and information neo-colonialism and all other forms of neo-colonialism. It is inadmissible that the States of Asia, Africa and Latin America should be regarded as a sphere of someone's "vital" interests, as an arena for confrontation with socialism. Those States are the influential Non-Aligned Movement and actively support disarmament, detente and the peaceful settlement of conflicts, which has mice again been convincingly demonstrated at the recent Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Luanda.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  30. In this matter, too, the United Nations should speak out unequivocally and definitively. It is important that the newly free countries and peoples should be given assistance in ensuring their genuine political and economic independence. The United Nations quite rightly can and should raise its voice against the exploitation of developing countries by imperialist Monopolies, against the plundering of their natural resources and the strangling of their economies with the noose of indebtedness. Cuba and some other States Members of the United Nations have proposed ways of solving the problem of financial indebtedness.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  31. What needs to be done here is for the Security Council finally and fully to exercise its authority with regard to the racist South African regime, which, in violation of the United Nations decisions on the subject, refuses to transfer power to the Namibian people and poses a threat to the security of African States and global security. A quarter of a century has gone by since the United Nations adopted, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, a decision which has contributed substantially to changing the face of the world today, namely, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The work that was started then has now been almost completed - almost, but not entirely. There should be no room on our planet for the remaining fragments and hotbeds of colonialism.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  32. The basis for such relations is gradually taking shape and the countries concerned are perfectly capable of establishing a negotiating mechanism. What is important is that no one should stand in the way of their wish to read agreement with each other. We support the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea designed to bring about the peaceful reunification of Korea and the demand for the withdrawal from South Korea of all foreign troops as well as the proposal to make the Korean peninsula a nuclear-free zone. The question of the situation in southern Africa is an urgent one today.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  33. What is necessary for this is that everyone should recognize the right of the Afghan people to build their life as they wish and that armed and other forms of outside interference in the internal affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan should be ended. When such interference is ended, and if there is a guarantee that it will not be resumed, it will then become possible to withdraw from Afghanistan, by agreement with the Afghan Government- the Soviet military contingent. The sooner a political settlement is achieved, the better it will be for everyone. The proposals of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea provide a good political framework for building good-neighborly relations between all the States of South-East Asia, particularly between the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations and the States of IndoChina.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  34. It is widely supported by the States and peoples of the region, including the Government and the people of Nicaragua, the country which is the target of the spearhead of imperialist aggression. It is important for the United Nations to support the efforts of the Contadora group and contribute to overcoming the resistance of those who, instead of peace, seek to restore their domination in Central America. It is also possible to break the deadlock in the Cyprus problem provided that an end is put to interference by imperialist forces and that the recognition of the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Republic of Cyprus is laid down as a firm basis. I should like to make some specific comments about Afghanistan. A political settlement of the situation that has arisen around that country is also possible.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  35. I should like to recall, in this connection, that Israel ewes its very existence to a decision of this organization, a decision which also called for the establishment in Palestine of an Arab State. It was a dual decision. The Soviet Union actively supported precisely that decision and, incidentally, it was among the first to recognize the State of Israel. In principle, a negotiating mechanism also exists for settling the situation in Central America which was indeed conceived by the Latin American countries themselves. I am referring to the Contadora group^ with which several more South American States, recently expressed solidarity. There is also a draft act of peace in Central America drawn up by the Contadora members.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  36. A negotiating mechanism for such a settlement has long ago been proposed as well, namely, an international conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, and a number of other countries, including the Soviet Union and the United States. There may, however, be some people who think that the Middle East knot can be untied by separate deals, but experience has already shown that such actions can only result in aggravating the conflict instead of settling it. We believe that this year the Genial Assembly will take an even firmer stand in favor of an early and just political settlement in the Middle East, and will demand that those who continue to resist such a settlement should stop their sabotage.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  37. Let us now turn to the situation in the Middle Bast. The main parameters for solving the Middle Bast problem in a manner that would take into account the legitimate interests of all parties have long ago been defined. They include the return to the Arab States of all their territories occupied by Israel since 1967, the exercise of the right of the Arab people of Palestine to establish an independent State of their own and ensuring the right of all States in the Middle East, including Israel, to live in peace and security.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  38. But it is a fact that the Pretoria racists receive support, and that this support comes from a major Power that 40 years ago was among the founding Members of the United Nations. Of course, expressing indignation at the crimes of the racists and condemning the aggressor does not in itself mean that those crimes will be eliminated. The peaceful settlement of any given conflict with full and just regard for the legitimate interests of all sides requires a political basis for a settlement which would not be prejudicial to those interests, as well as a negotiating mechanism appropriate to each specific conflict situation. Such political platforms for the just settlement of all or nearly all existing regional conflicts have already been or are being formulated. Suitable negotiating mechanisms either already exist or can be established.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  39. Only chauvinistic arrogance could lead anyone to deny the Palestinian people their right to independent statehood while recognizing that right for the people of Israel. All peoples and nations have equal rights. Who is unaware of the brutal record of the South African apartheid regime, which is executing hundreds of the country's indigenous inhabitants and jailing thousands of others? Who is unaware of the acts of aggression it is constantly committing against Angola - as we see today - as well as against Mozambique, Botswana and Lesotho? It would indeed be blasphemous even to think that this inhuman regime acts in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  40. All that is needed is to compel all States to comply fully and scrupulously in their actions with their commitments under the United Nations Charter and equally firmly to deny support to those who violate those commitments. For instance, it is hard to imagine that any delegation would venture to assert here that the monstrous crimes of the Israeli aggressors on the ravaged soil of Lebanon and in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter or that the financing, arming, training and infiltrating into Nicaragua of thousands upon thousands of counter-revolutionaries - contras, as they are called - are consistent with those principles.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  41. We have as great an interest as anyone in effective verification of compliance by all States with their obligations in connection with disarmament measures. We call upon the States represented in the united Nations General Assembly, both members of politico-military alliances and non-aligned and neutral countries, to support this approach, which we are convinced is constructive and at the same time realistic. I would now like to offer some ideas as to what might be done to eliminate, through our collective efforts, local wars and conflicts, which result in untold suffering and innumerable casualties. Viewed in a purely United Nations context, the solution to this problem may seem simple.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  42. In some cases it is a question of a freeze; in others of a reduction. The Soviet Union continues resolutely continues to support proposals to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones, chemical-weapon-free zones and zones of peace in various parts of the world. It favors a limitation of naval activities and naval armaments and resolutely opposes the development of any new weapons of mass destruction. In the context of the proposed arms limitation and reduction measures, the Soviet Union believes it necessary to provide for adequate measures of verification and control, in some cases national, and in others national combined with international, whenever there is an objective necessity for this.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  43. Such an agreement could bring about a turn for the better in the entire course of world events, avert the threat of nuclear catastrophe and open up for the peoples of the world the prospect of a world free from fear for tomorrow. Mankind would be moving towards the new millennium which is already almost with us, confident that civilization would continue to advance. The Soviet Union has put forward proposals on the whole range of issues relating to the cessation of the arms race. I am not going to mention each of those proposals for all of them will, in one way or another, become the subject of an exchange of views at the General Assembly. Let me just say that they cover the nuclear field, including the cessation of nuclear tests, as well as chemical weapons, conventional weapons and the numerical strength of armed forces.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  44. Notwithstanding the importance of such steps as moratoriums designed to curb the arms race, the peoples of the world have every right to demand that radical measures be taken to reduce and eventually eliminate nuclear - and not only nuclear - weapons. From the very beginning of the Geneva negotiations on nuclear and space weapons our country has been determined to achieve a radical solution to these interrelated problems and has taken a constructive position. The Soviet delegation had brought to the current round of negotiations substantial, large-scale and far-reaching proposals, we believe that agreement to ban space-strike weapons and to bring about truly radical reductions in nuclear arms would today have the most positive effect.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  45. Finally, there is our moratorium on nuclear explosions. It is clear that by their very nature such unilateral steps could not be taken as measures of unlimited duration; but they could be of unlimited duration if the United States followed our good example. That would constitute significant progress towards a relaxation of military tension in the world. If, however, the United States fails to heed the voice of reason, no one will be able to blame us when the unilateral moratoriums we have declared come to an end as their terms expire. It is not for us but for the United States to make the choice.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  46. In an attempt to establish a favorable climate for the resumption of the process of arms limitation and reduction, and, ultimately, the complete elimination of nuclear weapons everywhere, the Soviet Union has recently taken some substantial steps on a unilateral - I stress "unilateral" - basis. These steps include the decision not to place anti-satellite weapons in outer space so long as the United States does not do so. Unfortunately, however, the united States, disregarding the interests of political and military stability, recently tested an anti-satellite weapon against a target in space. Those steps also include the suspension of further implementation of our counter-measures in Europe consequent upon the deployment of united States medium-range nuclear systems on the territories of some Western European countries.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  47. We know - and many other States now realize this too - that there is no more time to waste, for it may turn out to be too late. We have gathered in New York in the final days of the first month of autumn. It is a time associated in many countries with the harvest, when farmers look to the coming winter with a feeling of work well done. This thought brings to mind another metaphor which, regrettably, has already taken root in the vocabulary of mankind - the metaphor of the "nuclear winter", we want the word "winter" in all the languages of the world to retain its one and only meaning, its original meaning and to be identified solely with the season of the year which is so beautiful and joyful.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  48. Nuclear war in these conditions could result not only from a deliberate decision but also from attempts at blackmail or from miscalculation by one side as to the intentions or actions of the other. It could also break out as a consequence of someone's reckless behavior prompted by a sudden aggravation of the situation or because of malfunctions of computers, which are being increasingly relied upon in the operation of modern, sophisticated weapons systems. Such is our understanding of the current strategic and political realities. It is based on grim facts that cannot be ignored. It is precisely for this reason that the Soviet Union has been so persistent in seeking not merely the maintenance but a lowering of the existing level of strategic equilibrium and the early adoption of effective measures to stop and reverse the arms race.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  49. Those who may expect that the Soviet economy would not be able to stand up to the strain of the qualitatively new stage in the arms race which is currently being forced upon us are profoundly mistaken. Our country and the Soviet economy have had to withstand even greater pressures. Today, the economic might of the Soviet State and its scientific and technological potential are such as to leave no doubt whatever in anyone's mind concerning the ability and determination of our people to meet that new challenge. However, it should not be forgotten that the higher the level of military confrontation in this nuclear and space age, the more shaky and the less secure, even if strategic equilibrium is maintained, become the foundations of world peace.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  50. Yet this is precisely the purpose of the new United States military programs, work on which has already begun or is about to begin. It could be argued that this is a purely hypothetical danger since the Soviet Union has repeatedly stated that it would not allow the other side to achieve superiority and would take appropriate counter-measures to restore the balance. But would that mean that the problem of the danger of nuclear war would simply disappear? It is true that our country would not permit military superiority over it. The State and Party leadership of the Soviet Union has instructed me to reaffirm this once again in this United Nations forum.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)