YouSaid · the spoken record

SHUKAIRY

lines on the record: 192
first: 1957-09-24
most recent: 1961-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“In the second place, the admission of new Members has brought into this Organization new nations that have shaken off the shackles of colonialism. In a short while the United Nations will embrace 100 Member States, thus doubling its original membership. It will become a new United Nations, quite different from the United Nations of 1945 and even from the United Nations of 1947, which wrote into the annals of history that catastrophe of Palestine. 125. The third reason for the presentation of the Palestine problem here, apart from the fact that its tragedy continues, is to be found in the statement made from this rostrum by Mr. Nkrumah, the President of the Republic of Ghana [869th meeting].”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I refer to the problem of another people striving to restore their national life, to live in dignity in their homeland and to exercise their inherent right of self-determination. The homeland is Palestine, and the people are its lawful and legitimate nation. 122. This session of the Assembly offers a commanding, a demanding, occasion to state the Arab position on the question of Palestine fully, frankly and to the last point of finality. I propose to undertake this task for many reasons. 123. In the first place, this is a unique meeting of so many Heads of Governments; thus, in the interests of peace, the case of the people of Palestine should be presented in full. The Palestine case is still being misrepresented, and the Zionist forces never tire of distortion and misrepresentation. 124.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Recently the matter has been causing tension in the Far East. The tour of the Netherlands aircraft carrier would have led to a flare-up in the area had it not been for the wisdom of the Japanese Government in calling upon the Netherlands ship not to anchor in Japanese waters. 120. It is our ardent hope that the Dutch will surrender West Irian to Indonesia, to which it belongs. The Dutch would be best advised to come to an agreement with Indonesia on the matter. By so doing the people and the Government of the Netherlands can earn the friendship and co-operation not only of Indonesia but of all the African-Asian peoples, who stand here in the United Nations for every cause of liberty and freedom. 121. I should now like to turn to another cause of justice, another cause of self-determination.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We would wish him to silence the British guns before he speaks of freedom and the principle of self-determination from this rostrum. In all honesty and sincerity, we would wish him to dismantle the British military bases in the area and leave the people of Oman to live in peace quiet, sovereignty and liberty in their home. 119. The third problem is that of West Irian. Although this question has been considered by the General Assembly at previous sessions, it is not on the agenda of the present session. Some of the problems that are not included on our agenda are more explosive than those that are. And there lies the danger. West Irian, I submit, is one of those problems — and an explosive one indeed. West Irian is part and parcel of Indonesia, and no power on earth can separate that territory from its mother country.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But freedom is not a religious sermon; neither is this rostrum the Mount of the Beatitudes in the Holy Land. Freedom and self- determination are matters of deeds, and deeds only, that can be translated into actual facts and events in our international life. The question of Oman is the test case for the eloquence and oratory of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. It is for Mr. Macmillan to be faithful to Mr. Macmillan. In the last four years the people of Oman have been fighting the British for their liberty. Shall we believe Mr. Macmillan here on this rostrum or shall we believe the thunder of British guns on the land and people of Oman? Bather I would wish, at least out of sympathy and mercy, Mr. Macmillan would give the lie to events.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The people of Oman are fighting for their independence, and the British are sparing no effort to suppress this cause of liberty with guns, tanks and let aircraft spitting fire on defenceless villages and towns. Should friendly intervention prove unable to persuade the British, we shall have no alternative but to invoke the intervention of the United Nations. 118. Yesterday, in his statement before the Assembly Mr. Macmillan, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, was in the prime of eloquence, at the peak of oratory, for which there can be no equal, among the English-speaking delegations at least. In colourful terms and ringing and resounding phraseology, so rich in English style, Mr. Macmillan spoke of freedom and self-determination.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The international status of Tangier has been abolished, and the Spanish and the French zones have been re-united — all to make Morocco a fully independent and fully sovereign State represented here in the United Nations. What remains is the restoration of Mauritania to the fatherland, and that is the whole problem. It goes without saying that we shall spare no effort to defend the cause of Mauritania in its struggle to restore its existence as part and parcel of Morocco. 117. The second problem is the question of Oman which lies on the eastern fringes of the Arabian Peninsula. This problem has been on our minds for a number of years. Its inclusion on the agenda has been postponed one year after another through the intervention of friends.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We whole-heartedly support the position taken by Morocco on this matter. Mauritania, the territory and its people are part and parcel of the territory and people of Morocco. But France, as usual, is playing in Mauritania a game of independence — and independence has become, for France, so valuable and so sacred in Mauritania — thereby endeavouring to cause the territory to secede from the mother country. France should know better; we all know elementary history. Morocco, having fallen prey to power politics, has been partitioned. In the north a Spanish zone was established, while the south became a French zone. Mauritania fell under French rule, and Tangier was made an international zone. This is the history of Morocco in simple terms. 116. This picture exists no more.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“This is the position of the East. This fact adds challenge to the challenge, If the West is a free world, as it always claims; if the West is a world of democracy, as it always advocates; if it is in support of the United Nations, as has been the catchword at this session in discussion of the United Nations; then here it is invited to meet the challenge, in accordance with its own standards. The people of Algeria are urging a plebiscite, and the time has come for the West to say what President Eisenhower asked it to say and to do what President Eisenhower asked it to do. 114. Three other problems, one in Africa and two in Asia, call for serious consideration by the Assembly. 115. The first is the problem of Mauritania. This item was included on the agenda at the request [see A/4445 and Add.1] of the Government of Morocco.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Let us see whether the Western Powers can put this question to Algeria and whether France would abide by the answer. The answer, we are sure, would not only bring about a cease fire; it would stop war and, what is most human, it would grant a people their liberty, the most sacred possession on earth. 113. I have put the challenge before the Western Powers not because of any special position or feeling towards the West or the East. I am not here to offend the West nor to defend the East. We are here to decide each problem on its own merits, with respect for all and friendship to all. But it so happens that the East- and God only knows whether it is out of tactics, out of strategy, or out of conviction — has been in the past, is at present, and will be for the future, pledged to support the cause of Algeria.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In his concluding words, the great President of the United States expressed a sublime hope, couched in these sublime and noble phrases: "I should like to see a universal plebiscite in which every individual in the world would be given the opportunity freely and secretly to answer this question: ’Do you want this right?’" [868th meeting, para. 84.] 112. This is the question which President Eisenhower wished every citizen in the world to answer freely and secretly in a universal referendum. What an outstanding question, falling from the lips of an outstanding international figure. "Do you want this right?" is the question Algeria is clamouring to answer, freely and secretly; and the answer will be of far-reaching significance.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Now is the time for the United States delegation and all the delegations of the West to apply these principles to Algeria — for Algeria is no exception and should not and could not be an exception. Should these delegations act in this manner, in accordance with the letter and spirit of Mr. Eisenhower’s speech from the rostrum of the United Nations, as we have urged them to do, they would worthily honour the statement of Mr. Eisenhower, they would give it full meaning, they would practise what it preaches and, what is more important, they would not make of it simply a statement from the rostrum. 111.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We were not impressed by this argument coming from the States that claimed themselves to be the free world. 109. The outcome was no action. The Western Powers by hook or crook have succeeded in preventing the United Nations from taking any action. But what do we see now? The war in Algeria is in full swing, with Its devastation of property, loss of life — to French and Algerians alike. In the course of this year, France has not moved one single iota in the direction of the solution. France is still prosecuting the war and there is no evidence that France means to engage in negotiations — real and genuine negotiations. Thus we are left with the only alternative, the only peaceful alternative — a United Nations referendum. 110. President Eisenhower, speaking from this rostrum, has highlighted the principles of self-determination.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is a challenge to the Western World, and has become more challenging, I would say, after the admirable statement of President Eisenhower made from this rostrum in support of the principle of self- determination. The delegations of the United States and of the United Kingdom, whose Prime Minister spoke yesterday [877th meeting] so eloquently about the principle of self-determination from this rostrum, as did other Western Powers, are therefore called upon to act accordingly. We urge action this year for we suffered from a regrettable inaction last year. 108. That was the catch-word of the session in 1959- inaction. At the fourteenth session the United States, the United Kingdom and other Powers urged that the United Nations should take no action — to give France enough time to put into effect its declared policy of self-determination.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The referendum and the elections that took place in Algeria two years ago, lead to the irresistible conclusion that with France in Algeria there cannot be a free choice for the people of Algeria. The very "raison d’être" of the war in Algeria is the presence of France in Algeria. Thus the United Nations should step in and a general plebiscite should be arranged under the United Nations. Nothing short of United Nations supervision would secure the freedom of choice for the people of Algeria. And that is the challenge to France — and a challenge to all the Western peoples, the Western delegations here seated in the Assembly. It is a challenge to France to prove that France is sincere and faithful to the principle of self-determination and that President de Gaulle is consistent with President de Gaulle. 107.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We shall not allow France to gain that victory either in the military field or in the political field here in the United Nations. France is anxious to exploit every well, particularly the oil of Algeria. To stay in Algeria is the determination of France, which has been kept in the heart of France under different pretexts. In the past the guise was civilization; later the guise was pronounced to be pacification. Today, Paris went into another fashion: self-determination. If, however, it is self-determination, it is one that France is striving to implement, by France and for France. 106. The free choice which France has offered cannot be free under France.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The Melun episode has also proved to be a modern version of the Merchant of Venice where the genius of Shakespeare has made a comedy out of a tragedy and has made a tragedy out of a comedy. The "pourparlers" were again made by France "les sales pourparlers". Thus, the problem of Algeria in all its aspects has been "sale" in every respect "la sale guerre", la sale politique", and "les sales pourparlers". 105. And this is what has led to the inclusion of the problem in the agenda of this session. But this time the problem comes before you from an entirely different angle. By now, there is ample evidence that France is playing a game. France is determined to score a victory in Algeria by military or political strategy.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“They were treated simply as prisoners of war. When he set foot on France, Ferhat Abbas, the Head of the provisional government, of the Algerian Republic was to go in accordance with French protocol, into a cage of tranquillity and peace, talking to no one and meeting no one. He should not talk with this person, nor with that person. And with the French delegation, the Prime Minister of Algeria cannot talk, except — cease-fire and the surrender of arms and ammunition. 104. This is nothing except an ultimatum. This is no negotiation, it is capitulation, and by definition I would say it is surrender. No, the Algerians will fight for their liberty to the last breath of the last man and they will not surrender. To be accepted by the provisional government of the Algerian Republic it would be self-domination and not self-determination.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“will continue to fight in Algeria in order that Algeria may permanently remain French soil". Thus the? principles of self-determination and free choice have been thrown into the dirt, into the mud. These sacred principles have been made "la sale politique" in pa sale guerre". 103. At a later stage, in June, talks were held in Melun between France and Algeria to set out the preliminaries for "pourparlers" between the parties. What was the result? The talks have failed, not. through the intransigence of the oppressed, which is their right — but through the intransigence of the oppressors which is their might. The Melun talks were no talks. France did not go to Melun to talk but to dictate. The envoys of Algeria were invited not to negotiate but to hear conditions — to receive instructions — and to abide by varieties of restrictions.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In a radio broadcast on 29 January 1960, President de Gaulle, dressed in uniform — to give it the prestige of a military uniform, to give it the strength of a military operation — addressed to the settlers in Algeria a question in the following terms. And I invite the attention of members of the Assembly to this statement, the translation of which was furnished by the French delegation: "Frenchmen of Algeria, how can you listen to the liars "— liars is the word of President de Gaulle. This is part of his statement, it is not my phraseology. This is what he says "... who tell you that in granting free choice to the Algerians, France... wants....to pull out of Algeria...?" In support of this position, the Commander in Chief of the French Armed Forces in Algeria had proclaimed on 27 January 1960 that "the French Army...”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In spite of the many mines hidden in this declaration — and I use the word "mines" with all intention — planted skilfully by so skilful a soldier as General de Gaulle, this declaration on self-determination was hailed by all the world and the provisional government of the Algerian Republic was the first to accept its principles. 101. But no sooner had the declaration been made, than the Prime Minister of France, the Minister of Defence, the French Delegate-General and the Generals in Algeria pronounced in categorical terms that French Algeria would continue to be France, and that the French Army was there to keep France in Algeria for ever and ever. 102.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I would not wish at this stage to go into the details of the torture of civilians, the execution of prisoners, the abuse of the judicial system. It is enough to know that the free thinkers of France have condemned this colonial war, which, in their eloquent French they have described as "la sale guerre". Nothing is more condemning to France than condemnation by its free thinkers. Their verdict, "la sale guerre", will go on record in the annals of history. 100. However, we must remember that this adjective, "sale", is not confined to the field of military operations. It has penetrated into the political field as well. Let us see. It is now a historic fact that on 16 September 1959 President de Gaulle made his famous declaration offering the principle of self-determination to the people of Algeria.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Yet, this is not the end of the paradox. There are other aspects that should not escape our attention. First, this is not a war of equals. The Algerians have put into the field their bravery and their courage. The French have sent into the field a mighty army, one million strong, with modern weapons and with some divisions trained in atomic tactics. Second, France is being assisted militarily and economically by the NATO organization with its vast, unlimited resources. Algeria is supported by peace-loving and freedom-loving peoples with but the limited assistance that can be provided. Third — and this is the most abominable aspect — France is prosecuting this colonial war in violation of all the humane provisions of the Geneva Conventions.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is a war of liberation, a heroic war not free from many a paradox — many a tragic paradox, I would say. This paradox is manifold. The war is against France, which has given the world, through the French Revolution, the concepts of liberty, freedom and the principle of self-determination. It is a war fought by France against freedom and self- determination. Further, this war is being fought by the brave people of Algeria who have given the flower of their youth in two world wars in helping France to regain its freedom, maintain its unity and rise up from the abyss of defeat. And as the last of the paradoxes, the war is being fought at a time when France is led by President de Gaulle, that same General de Gaulle who led his country in the liberation movement that restored to France its freedom, its liberty and dignity. 99.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The Congo situation, however, with all its gravity and magnitude, cannot erase from the international arena the gravity of another problem in Africa — Algeria. This is the problem of all problems in Africa, the most crucial and the most flagrant. 97. The problem of Algeria is a novelty neither to the United Nations nor to world history. The United Nations has considered the problem of Algeria during the last five years; but in terms of world history, the problem of Algeria is 130 years old. This whole span of time has been one of heroic struggle on the part of the people of Algeria; on the part of France, it was a record of repression, destruction, bereavement and destitution. 98. The Algerian war has entered its sixth year, leaving no heart in the world unmoved and no conscience unperturbed.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The United Nations Command and the United Nations Force are a necessity in the Congo; they are a "must" if we mean to help the Government of the Congo — the legitimate Government of the Congo — to maintain its independence and preserve its unity, But if we are to carry the cold war right into the United Nations Command, right into the rank-and-file of the United Nations forces in the Congo, then we had better pull the United Nations out of the Congo entirely. The Congo, assisted by the African States, would settle its own affairs, and the United Nations would be saved from becoming a contingent deployed in the cold war in the Congo. The African States can become a small United Nations in the Congo, assuming all the responsibilities of the Organization. 96.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Had this land teen plain desert with no treasures slumbering under Its soil, the Congo would have aroused the appetite of none and would not have become an item an explosive item — on the agenda of the General Assembly. 94. The barometer in the Congo, we must warn, is falling, and dangerously falling. It is the wind from outside, not the heat of Africa, which is behind the tempest. We have passed a resolution on the question of the Congo, but not even a pile of resolutions will remove the crisis if this tug-of-war between East and West over tide Congo is not halted. The Congo could be destroyed and world peace endangered in spite of the United Nations presence and in spite of the still- fresh resolutions we have adopted on the question of the Congo. 95.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It must not infringe on the political independence of the African countries, nor should it pressurize them — and I use this term "pressurize" in its full meaning — into political groupings or military alliances. Such tendency is the most pernicious evil confronting the nations of Africa in their upsurge for freedom and liberty. 93. I emphasize the words "the most pernicious evil" with the testimony already in hand. I refer to the Congo. That wretched territory has become the axis of the present cold war, the hotbed of conflict and a battlefield for international intrigue, rivalry and conspiracy. The Congo, or rather its uranium, its mineral resources and its strategic position in the heart of Africa, have become a magnet of international rivalry.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“When imperialism pulls out from the area, Israel is there, and is there to go ahead. But such tactics can deceive no one. Africa shall remain closed to imperialism and its manifestations, to all colonialism and to the satellites of imperialist and colonial Powers. 92. To ensure its success, the programme of President Eisenhower, we urge, must be all-African in planning, direction and execution. Africa knows best its own needs and feels most its own suffering. We must warn, however, that this operation of assistance — or any programme of economic, technical or educational assistance — should not be employed as a lever to interfere in the domestic affairs of Africa, nor should it influence policy-making.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Ben Gurion to France and Belgium just on the eve of the events in Africa, and goes to disclose the strategy and the tactics. But such conspiracies will not escape the attention of the African people. The people of Africa are not naive, not to be led into a trap by such naive machinations. 90. Israel’s survival up to this moment is due mainly to economic assistance from abroad and it is inconceivable that Israel can lend a helping hand. He who survives only through outside assistance cannot afford to provide assistance to anyone. 91. The game is glaringly obvious. Imperialist- Powers, unable to come face to face with the African peoples, find it more tactful to hide behind Israel. In fact, this is one of the reasons why Israel was established on the fringes of Asia and not far from Africa.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But the greatest honour that can be conferred on Africa is by answering the challenge which Africa presents to the commonwealth of nations. Everything in Africa is a challenge. And, as a giant continent, its challenge must be a giant one indeed. 89. Yet the cornerstone of any programme for Africa must be within the framework of the United Nations. We are particularly glad that President Eisenhower has underlined the role of the United Nations in this field. I say particularly glad, for the colonial Powers in Africa are still dreaming of Africa. They are still conceiving plans to maintain their economic domination. Some of these Powers have pushed Israel into the African scene. Israel thus undertook to penetrate into Africa under the guise of giving economic assistance to Africa. This explains the recent visit of Mr.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In the days to come the United Nations will also be enriched by statements from other great leaders of their countries. This is what makes of this session of the General Assembly a United Nations summit, a session that is bound also to go into the records of history as the session of the continent of Africa. I say the "session of Africa" with full justification. Many of our past sessions have been named for their outstanding events; it is only fair and proper that this session should be called the "session of Africa". The giant continent of Africa, as President Eisenhower eloquently phrased it, deserves to have our session borrow its name. Africa has suffered long; it is now time for Africa to be honored. 88.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“He is head and shoulders too high to need an introduction — a great national hero and a great international figure. Were I not head of an Arab delegation, I should be at liberty to praise his victories. From this rostrum President Nasser has placed before the Assembly [873rd meeting] the cause of Arab nationalism in its purity, in its simplicity and, I would say with all honesty, he has voiced with sincerity and candour the deep-seated yearnings of the Arab people for ultimate liberty and unity. President Nasser has given Arab nationalism, in its modern awakening, the whole of his mind and his soul. Ever since he rose to leadership he has been scoring victory after victory. In fact, Nasser is victory by name, but he is also a triumph by deeds — deeds already achieved and deeds that remain to be achieved. 87.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Nkrumah, the President of Ghana, also made his contribution to the work of the General Assembly [869th meeting]. His vigorous stand for the Congo, for Algeria, and for the whole of Africa has sounded a siren to all corners of the world, a siren of warning to all to leave Africa to the Africans. 85. Mr. Fidel Castro, Head of the Cuban Government in his speech [872nd meeting], strongly pleaded his cause and voiced his grievances. And this is what we are here for in the United Nations. Whether one agrees with him or not, Mr. Castro has come to the United Nations not only in field uniform, but filled with zeal, patriotism and profound conviction. If this United Nations is the parliament of man, then Mr. Castro could be the typical man. 86. Then comes President Nasser. And what can I say of President Nasser?”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Prime Minister Khrushchev, the other giant of the other side of the world, made his contribution too in his own way. Mr. Khrushchev, a great master in the arts of international affairs, whose humour is as instructive as his anger, has confronted the Assembly [869th meeting] not only with exciting problems, but also with surprising solutions. We need not be reminded minded that Mr. Khrushchev speaks here not only as the Head of a State. He is more than that. On earth he is the incarnation of a world social, political and economic system. In the outer universe he is the joyous man roaming in outer space. With the world as ft is — and I stress, with the world as it is — the United Nations cannot rise fully to its responsibilities without meeting Mr. Khrushchev half way on the road to peace and international security. 84. Mr.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As one of the founders of a school of thought, of a political philosophy based on positive and active neutrality, President Tito enunciated in his speech [868th meeting] principles of peaceful coexistence and set out the measures for disarmament and the necessary steps in the field of economic development for the small nations. 82. President Tito was at his greatest as a man when he championed the cause of Algeria in its struggle for liberty and independence. President Tito has given the General Assembly a living example of how to be true to the United Nations and faithful to the cause of freedom. President Tito has proved himself ready to translate words into deeds, dreams into schemes and the principles of the Charter into actual implementation. He is worthy of the admiration of the United Nations. 83.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“President Eisenhower reiterated his belief in the concepts of freedom, self determination, peace with justice, principles which, if practiced as preached — and particularly by the Western Powers — would make life on this planet peaceful, secure and free from any domination or exploitation. I stand here to salute President Eisenhower for his constructive proposals, for his conciliatory tone, and for hiss ardent appeal for world peace and justice. 81. President Tito, hero of liberation and freedom, has stood before us as a symbol of independent thinking and free judgement.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“They have mirrored the international situation in its totality and prescribed the remedy in its reality. After all, human affairs are not the monopoly of one man, no matter what a giant he may be; nor of a single nation, no matter how great and mighty it may be. 79. Indeed, our session has become a great congregation of great men of every creed and colour. In the past the word "colour" was simply figurative. Now it is representative. Men from every continent come to this rostrum, 80. In his statement [868th meeting] President Eisenhower, a distinguished soldier who became a great leader of peace, enriched the Assembly with principles and proposals furnishing the diagnosis and prescribing the treatment.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The African-Asian countries, now the largest group in the United Nations, are here to defeat none and to bring victory to none. They strive for the triumph of the United Nations and the principles embedded in the Charter of the United Nations. 77. That is the type of environment that has surrounded the General Assembly at its present session. But, be that as it may, we can feel greatly relieved that humanity has at its full command this platform, this very platform of the United Nations, a platform which radiates our hopes and beams our yearnings not only to our close surroundings but to distant lands all over the world. 78. At this rostrum, great men from all corners of the globe have stood before the bar of history. These great men have brought to the Assembly the truth in its universality.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But our motives and objectives have been diametrically reversed in the Press and elsewhere. A campaign — I would say a malicious avalanche of misrepresentation — was unleashed, portraying the African-Asian resolution as a victory for the West and as a defeat for the East. All this was a glaring distortion. The African-Asian resolution on the Congo is neither a victory for the West nor a defeat for the East. If there is any victory at all — and we hoped there would be a victory — it must be one for the United Nations, one for liberty and for the peoples of the Congo. To say that it is a victory for this, or a defeat for that, is simply to fan agitation and tension and to drive the cold war right into the heart of the Congo. 76.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But my complaint, I should like to assure the Assembly, springs from reasons entirely different from those offered by the Soviet Union. We follow none and we submit to none. It is the emergency Special session on the Congo, and the picture it was given which aroused our grievance. 75. At the emergency special session, as we all recall, the question of the Congo was disposed of by a resolution [1474 (ES-IV)] submitted by African and Asian Powers. For us African and Asian nations it was a source of pride and satisfaction that the problem of the Congo was decided on the initiative taken by the African-Asian States. This initiative was taken, I should like to declare from this rostrum, entirely and solely in order to uphold the cause of the Congo and the national interests of the Congo — no more and no less.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Geneva could be one such place and, with the lands of freedom expanding, the United Nations could find a peaceful haven in more than a few countries. 73. I should like to stress, however, that our grievance is not a matter of courtesy pure and simple. It is a matter that goes right down to the bedrock of our Organization. Distortion is damaging — and, I say, most damaging — to the prestige of the United Nations. Even this issue of distortion that I am speaking of at this moment can become a substance, a fibre, a subject for distortion — and I would not be surprised to find tomorrow that my complaint with regard to distortion may itself be distorted. 74. It may be alleged that, in raising this issue, I have followed the path of the Soviet Union. What a dreadful path, that can lead only to hell!”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“There has been a total blackout for one side and an extensive accessibility for the other side. 71. The international community, I submit, cannot tolerate such a situation of bias, of prejudice, of distortion. Should such group pressure continue and, what is more grievous, should such a freedom of bias — and again we have such a freedom of bias, a freedom of distortion — should it continue, this Organization must look for a sanctuary that can afford to be free and fair. 72. We shall have to seek refuge somewhere, anywhere, where we can breathe freely — unmolested, undisturbed and, virtually and literally, unthreatened — where our thoughts are not misinterpreted and our speeches are neither suppressed nor mutilated.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“At that time, Geneva was a strong candidate and had many supporters. Ultimately, through persuasion, lobbying and pressure, New York was chosen, and we had to accept, wait and see. 70. The experience — the bitter experience — has been discouraging and most painful. New York did not prove to be the ideal home of the United Nations. The United Nations has fallen victim to group pressure and has been subjected to a campaign of wilful misrepresentation. It is not my wish to weary the Assembly at this stage with the facts, deplorable and regrettable as they are. It is enough to know that many a cause, national or international, has either been unjustly magnified or unduly minimized. There has been an entire absence of fair play, and equal chances have not been afforded in all the media of information.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In spite of the noble appeal of President Eisenhower for "calm and reasonable conduct”, more than one incident has taken place against more than one head of government. We all recall the discourteous and outrageous incidents that took place in New York on the occasion of the visit of His Majesty, King Ibn Saud, to the United Nations. We bow in homage and respect to the worthy behaviour of the people of the United States. They are really distinguished hosts. But when it is staged in the capital of the United Nations, such a lack of courtesy is most deplorable and most regrettable. 69. We all recall that New York was chosen as the seat of the United Nations under heavy pressure from the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Stettinius, assisted by the great talents and gifts of Adlai Stevenson.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“They are not the heads of their respective Governments simply from the point of view of title. Many of them are great liberators of their countries, skilled organizers in the political and economic fields, and ardent inspirers of their peoples. If evidence were needed, we have in our midst, I rejoice to say, Mr. Nehru — not only Prime Minister of India, but a great leader of the peoples of Asia and Africa. 67. The only retrogressive phenomena as far as this session is concerned have been felt in the matter of our environment. A number of heads of government who have come to the United States on this peacemaking mission have been ill-received, to use perhaps an understatement. 68.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It is true that we are assembled in the regular session, but what a session, what a drama we have come to witness on this international stage — a living drama that will decide the destiny of mankind for a long time to come. I say a living drama, for the characters are its actors, its very authors and, indeed, its living heroes. 65. That this session is such a wondrous event should cause no surprise. It is self-explanatory. The explanation lies in the very atmosphere of the session, an atmosphere charged with mixed feelings of hope and fear. It stems from the very exciting nature of the session and precisely from the singular composition of the delegations attending the session. 66. We rejoice that this session has attracted great figures of high eminence, stature and authority.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In the past fourteen years the General Assembly has been convened under many a political climate. We have assembled in regular and in special emergency sessions. We have had sessions which were highly tense and timidly dull. We have experienced all sorts of weather, and we have encountered many a tempest. With contribution or no contribution, all of those sessions have left a deep imprint in the annals of the United Nations — indeed, in the history of mankind. 63. But the present session stands unique in our living memory. We come here, to meet in this fifteenth regular session, captured by wonder and enthralled by marvel. 64.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“World public opinion is becoming the greatest invisible force ever known in the long history of the human race. The voice of public opinion lives with us. It speaks not but we hear it in our innermost. All these forces assemble with us, under the flag of the United Nations, to fight a battle common to all and sacred to all. For surely, we are here fighting for liberty against imperialism; struggling for plenty against poverty; striving for knowledge against ignorance. It is a battle aiming at no aggression, at no expansion or domination. It is a battle to banish the danger of war for all time to come — a battle that registers defeat to none, but scores victory for all.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Cold war hangs in one area, intimidation reigns in another; while armed conflicts are dominating in more than one country. To our deep regret, the questions of disarmament, atomic weapons, nuclear explosions, unsolved as they are, continue to arouse general anxiety throughout the whole world. On the regional level the question of West Irian and the question of Cyprus — two legacies of colonialism — are among the outstanding problems that disturb the minds of freedom-loving peoples. Thus, in general, the world is not at ease and the pendulum of war is swinging on the horizon. 118. But the picture is not entirely gloomy. There is a bright side which should not escape our attention. With us, in this Assembly, are assembled the hope and faith of millions.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)