YouSaid · the spoken record

Khalid

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS KHALID

lines on the record: 178
first: 1970-09-24
most recent: 1974-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Here they are: "The competent authorities will seek those responsible, in order that justice may be done". The result of what he called "rigorous enquiry" is, in his own words, "a total absence of the alleged facts in the places alleged by the accusers". 222. The second question is that of the fate of the hundreds of detainees in South Africa and Rhodesia. The world knows about Father Sithole and Joshua Nkomo in Rhodesia, Nelson Mandela and Alexander Neville in South Africa, luminaries who have been silenced behind bars for a decade or so. We do not know about the others. We call upon this world community and other international institutions to take up seriously the matter of those men and women whose sole guilt is standing up for their inalienable right to independence and freedom to determine their future.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Portuguese soldiers asked Zostin whether she knew the sex of the child inside her. They opened her stomach with knives, violently extracting her entrails, showing her the foetus which throbbed convulsively. They told her that she then knew and were chucking like maniacs. What little Serina, a 13-year-old girl, told reporters about the massacre of her family is as horrifying. Vania, Zostin, and Serina should find their way to sainthood. The hundreds of churchmen we honour, but must not content ourselves with honouring them. 221. To begin this process, the Sudan joins with those who call for an investigation of the atrocities in Wiriyamu, Mucumbora and other areas. The investigation conducted by Portuguese authorities cannot be convincing. Evidence is in the shaky words of Prime Minister Caetano.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Wc have a duty to show every African citizen that he can count on our solidarity in securing his right to self- determination". At long last the All-Africa Conference of Churches is not alone. Surely these men are rejuvenating the Church, injecting into it a spirit that centuries ago impelled a few similar souls to petition the Pope to intervene with secular authorities for the purpose of prohibiting slavery. According to press reports, Father Martin Hernandez and Father Alfonso Valverdi have been in gaol since early 1972. 220. There must be others because several missions have been closed for fear of missionaries informing the world. And inform it of what? I can tell you. Vania's story is too well known now to recount. Zostin's story is too gruesome not to mention.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“If the Christian Church were to seem by its silence to give ' its consent to a system of government inspired by racial prejudice, any discrimination against men, or harassment of them on account of their colour, condition of their life, or religion, it would be contrary to the mind of Christ." Noble words in the true tradition of the sacred books, but never before brought to light as forcefully as this. 219. Equally forceful in encouraging to men and women in the bush lighting for their freedom is Cardinal Bernard Albrink. He is no less a man than the Archbjshop of Utrecht and, at the same time, the international president of the Pax Christi movement, a man to reckon with. In a letter to Bishop Ferrcira de Silva he calls upon him "to take all necessary measures and probably make a public protest. ...”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“We shall be failing these brave souls if we do not take up their case seriously, see to it that those in gaol are released, and that those who had to leave their flock go back. I am certain there are ways of achieving this. It is the will that is needed. 218. The Church has definitely set itself on a new course. Let us contemplate the words of the Roman Catholic Bishop of Umtali, Ms. Donald Lamont, looking into the origins of racism. It is, he says: "... a pernicious heresy, deep-seated in theological origins and disastrous in the conclusions it could lead to.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Three aspects of the tragedy presently played on the scene there need to be brought to the fore: first, the commendable role of the Church in unravelling the brutalities of Portuguese armies in Mozambique; second, the inhuman manner in which hundreds of men and women are languishing in the detainee camps: and third, the indifference of world conscience to the tragic drama played out there by South Africa, Portugal, and Rhodesia. 217. It is our duty as the voice of the world here to recognize. in some formal manner, the part now being played by many priests, bishops and cardinals of the Catholic Church in Portuguese Territories. Some young men and women not only are bringing the details of massacres to world public opinion, but are also risking their lives: indeed, some of them are in gaol.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Eban, who did not budge an inch from the position taken after the June 1967 hostilities. I refer to the recurrent theme of "negotiation between the parties". The United States and Western Europe have the means to advice Israel to come out of the quagmire it has drawn itself more and into which it is about to pull the whole world. There is no point in wailing about being alone and outvoted. Israel must produce something other than rhetoric, or must be made to do so. It is no use quoting Al Akhbar and Al Gumhuriya often out of context, deluding itself and tormenting the world. 216. The African scene is another case of peace thrown to the winds, and barbarity rampant.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“They need the urgent attention of this Organization. The machinery existing at the moment has not been able to check the wiles of Israel. That is a fact. To wait until it is improved is no intelligent counsel either. Let us admit it. There are Powers that could do more than they say they can. They must move. The United States of America and Europe have the means. If they are intimidated by the hell Israel can raise in face of any State that goes counter to its wishes, as witness the case of Austria, then we have nothing to say to them except "What of the peace on earth that you say you serve?" They would do well to remember the African voices raised yesterday and today by two of our dynamic leaders, prompted by nothing but a sense of justice. I should like us to contrast them with the hollow rhetoric indulged in the other day by Mr.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Attributing to him obliquely ideas never put forward by him, some publicists are working hard to create hostility between him and the people of the United States. How far can mischief go? Some want to assume that "the "gnomes of Araby" are an unthinking bunch of tribes, given to histrionics — an image that might lull the untutored into false comfort but would not change the facts which will ultimately determine the settlement. 214. But what are the facts? David Hurst, whose knowledge of the Middle East cannot be improved upon, put them in a simple way: "... as a result of the energy crisis, never have America's vital interests in the Arab world seemed so precariously , exposed by its commitment to Israel as they do today — never has 'bastion Israel' seemed quite the glaring fallacy it is." 215. These are no dead facts or unfounded views.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The sane Israelis can take it or leave it, and the world will have to lump it, along with statements like that made on 3 October, and right here from this rostrum, that Israel's policy "is not unilateral annexation" [2139th meeting, para. 79]. Sanity must live in the shadows, unheard and unseen. 213. Third, there is a current rush of propaganda against "the gnomes of Araby", as a senior senator in Washington referred to oil-rich emirs. King Faisal is quoted and misquoted almost daily. The publicist twists both his words and his intentions. I personally detect a deliberate campaign to belittle the importance of the writing on the wall, as well as the man's diplomatic pragmatism and his capacity to influence events.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“I will be the voice of the ideological Jewry of silence and never, at any price or in any form, will I ever vote for the document." Such emotions did not appeal to the Prime Minister and the most eligible contenders to the throne, and Eliav had to be chided and pilloried for entertaining such sentiments. "I have lived through 50 years of political activities" — the Prime Minister said to him — "and never before have we had a comrade who set himself up as a Messiah." The Israel Land Authority, she went on to say, "will acquire land by every effective means". Benjamin Disraeli must have been the mentor. "Damn your principles. Follow your Party", he once said. 212. In 10 years there will be a different Jerusalem.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It is worth noting that since 1967 some 4,000 Israelis have been settled in territories occupied then. The present plan is to bring in a further 10.000 Jews by the end of the four-year scheme. The idea is prompted by the race for power inside Israel, and not because of any tender-heartedness about the Jews living outside Israel. 211. With that in his mind and in his heart, Mr. Ariel Eliav commented at the last meeting of the Israeli Labour Party: "... this programme is brought before us with the lashing of the whip of time and the scourge of haste and panic. There are many in this land whose souls weep in silence because of this document.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“What gives credibility to that sort of plan is Israel's view of itself, brazenly put to American television audiences by Mr. Teddy Kollek in 1967: "You are supporting Israel" — he said — "only because it is in your self-interest to do so and not because you are doing us any favour". One trusts that these voices of insanity will be silenced in time, good time. Let loose, they are not unlikely to get their way. If they do. that "will make Viet-Nam look like a picnic", to use the words of Elmer Bennet. 210. Second, in spite of all pleas to Israel not to change the face of the land and implement the policy of "creating facts", Israel is planning a $375 million scheme to develop the West Bank — "develop" being a euphemism for "annex". The Israel Land Authority says it will acquire land on the West Bank and in Gaza for new Jewish settlements.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The happenings in the Middle East cannot help anybody who is pondering over a formula for restoring peace and stability. I shall deal briefly with three developments that have started to vitiate the air, and even more so since the Security Council's special meetings in June 1973. 209. First, I would mention the irresponsible talk about occupying the oilfields in the area. It may be loose talk, but it is widespread. We have recently been hearing and reading about an Israeli professor who declared that his country might occupy Kuwait, there being no force capable of standing up to Israeli power. Senator Fulbright must have sensed the folly prevailing when he indicated that it was not unlikely that the United States might go out to control the oilfields through Israel, a militantly potent surrogate.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“That is not only an incontrovertible proposition; it is a peremptory truth. History points to that with an infinity of examples. So we need peace to develop, to make progress and possibly to surpass ourselves. In our clamour for peace and liberty we are neither trouble-makers nor "noisy riders of great causes", as some would like to think. We are plain and simple fighters for the reconquest of our independence and the affirmation of our dignity, and this we do at a very heavy cost in life and property. Nobody knows that better than people who are conversant with Africa's past and present. 207. It is in that spirit that I now turn to some events in Africa and the Middle East in this year that marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 208.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The proletarian nations of the world, exhausted by monstrously frequent internal upheavals, can well join the President of this Assembly in saying: "With few exceptions, the industrialized countries amassed their wealth as true colonial or neo-colonial Powers. In one way or another, they rely upon exploiting the natural resources of the less developed countries — whether or not they were politically independent — since they provided cheap raw materials in return for costly manufactured goods." [2117th meeting, para. 84.] That is a truism, and one hopes that none of us will be driven to bickering and recrimination. 206. But let us not forget that in our world progress and the well-being of man are not segregated variables; they are an integral part of world peace and international tranquillity.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“This potential has not yet been exploited, save certain partial efforts. The example of my own country is striking in this respect. The arable land in the Sudan is estimated at about 50 million hectares, but only 6 million hectares have been developed. Some would perhaps wish us to accept penury and pestilence, in the best Malthusian tradition, as a destiny that must visit the human race. 204. It is in this sense that we note with interest the call for a world food conference in 1974. This call tallies well with the resolve of the developing countries, as expounded in the decisions of the Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers from 5 to 9 September 1973 to convene a world meeting on food and trade. 205.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The poor nations are not cynical, but how can a skeleton of a man have the wits to be bothered about anything but a bowl of rice and a calabash of water. On the contrary, even an empty stomach can be a menace without knowing, a factor of instability at home and abroad. Indeed, it was as early as 1912 when Woodrow Wilson said — and right here in New York — that no one can worship God or love his neighbour on an empty stomach. 203. One cannot escape the feeling that a considerable part of the food crisis is largely artificial. It is ironic indeed that extensive means for production of food are at our call while people die of hunger and fall victims to prolonged droughts. We in the developing world have generous potentialities that could lend a hand to the combat of hunger beyond the limits of the boundaries of under-development.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Among the risks resulting from this situation would be not only those of conflict and other disasters (for present-day means of mass destruction might well fall into the hands of destitute and rebellious groups) but the fundamental risk of dehumanisation. affecting privileged and oppressed alike. For the harm done to man's nature would harm all men." 202. There is need for a mental revolution, a revolution that defies the origins of contemporary social and political thought. The poor of the world, some 800 million of them, cannot be wildly interested in peace in the world, which preoccupies the big Powers. They own nothing to lose; they arc unaware of this preoccupation of some of us here. Detente, dialogue and accommodation are but vacuous utterances.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It is becoming a threat to the very fabric of human society. Edgar Faure, in his brilliant introduction to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization report on education — the first international survey of the geography of ignorance — has put it sc ably: "The great changes of our time are imperilling the unity and the future of the species, and man's own identity as well. What is to be feared is not only the painful prospect of grievous inequalities, privations and suffering, but also that we may be heading for a veritable dichotomy within the human race, which risks being split into superior and inferior groups, into masters and slaves, supermen and submen.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“He reckons that over the coming 12 months between 10 and 30 million additional deaths in Africa and Asia might occur because of starvation and because of disease rendered fatal by malnutrition. He goes further and marks the egotism of the countries which can do something to avert the oncoming disaster and says: "America's garbage over the next year will contain a large enough amount of thrown-away food to prevent a significant proportion of the famine deaths that will otherwise occur in Asia and Africa." 200. The situation is one of tragic pauperdom on one side and insolent surfeit on the other. The poor nations in question are 2 billion people who lose 25 per cent of their children before their fifth day; 800 million of them live on the equivalent of 35 cents a day. 201. The problem is no longer one of inequities and inequalities.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It is not only the periphery of West African Sahara; it is also the area lying between Senegal in the west and Ethiopia and Somalia in the east, some 4,000 miles. The Sahara, after all, is a creation of uncontrolled natural forces; left unchecked, it may extend farther south. Superior intellects have warned us before, but we did not heed their words. C. P. Snow was one of them. Long ago he put the poverty problem in plain everyday words: "We know it is happening. We see people starving before they die. We know they are going to die. We know so much and do so little. We draw what in England we call curtains, and we try to make an enclave of our own." 199. Professor Prosierman will not go the same way of the late Sir Charles Snow — I hope.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Valiant Nigeria, among many other African countries, offered all it could in the way of airport space and labour; but the use the world community made of the facilities at its disposal was depressing. I saw a solitary cargo aircraft waiting to be used, while hundreds of people in Africa were turned into fainting forms. 197. What I heard from Africans nearer the misery and suffering was to do with the present. The tales were distressing; they left me with a dismal feeling. In this age that prides itself on its technological achievements, that part of the world is in for an even worse predicament. It is not the short-term problem of relieving the stricken but the urgent need for long-term ecological strategies that seemed to disturb the peoples of the region. How to reduce and eventually eliminate future droughts? 198.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The problems holding man by the scruff of the neck, enumerated by speakers before me, give authenticity to this view and corroborate the vision you put to us. I crave your indulgence and that of my colleagues to sound as grave as I do. I have my reasons. 196. Recently I accompanied my President on a tour of some western and northern African countries. We have not been to all the drought-stricken areas; we have been to some and as near as a person could be to the others. The experience was unwholesome. Never before have I felt the need for international co-operation. The misery of famine and disease one could visualize from world press reports and photographs. What struck more was the scanty relief given by the world.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“194. Mr. President, your opening remarks [2117th meeting] were worthy of the civilization you represent. The ethical and legal principles on which that civilization is based are today's most needed commodity. It was refreshing to hear you present your views in the light of those principles. It was about time we all did. Those principles are flouted by many every so often — in the name of national interest sometimes, in the name of self-defence at other times, and many other times out of wooden logic. All have paid you compliments. I sincerely join them. 195. Ours is one of those periods in history which you have so aptly depicted as "stormy periods when [man] can find no haven in which to pitch his tent" [2117th meeting, para. 93].”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“To that end the Sudan pledges its support to the Organization, which remains, despite all its failings, the abiding corner-stone of world peace and stability as well as of the well-being of man.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“it would be futile to develop a planetary strategy based on the unity of man with other life forms while ignoring those factors of inequality that frustrate and destroy the unity of mankind, and those realities of tension and conflict that impair the quality and threaten the existence of human life itself..." [2038th meeting, para. 110.] 119. The irony is supreme. But, despite all the alarms on violence and terror as well as all the frustrations and desperations of the afflicted, we cannot but continue our pilgrim's progress. The United Nations will have no choice but to devote all its efforts to those human tragedies that are still awaiting their catharsis. 120.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“The results are wide-spread poverty, endemic malnutrition and inadequate education. 117. The present international economic order may not be capable of accommodating the needs and expectations of the developing world, whether because of the wasteful distortion of priorities, the widening gap between the national interests of the affluent and those of the have-nots, or the absence of generally accepted norms. To those questions and others we shall devote our efforts in the appropriate Committee of this Assembly. 118. For many of us this year is the year of the environment. It is the year of man's unity with nature. However, there is an irony in this situation which did not escape the attention of my learned friend the Foreign Minister of Guyana. He said: "...”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Peace and security cannot be fragmented into political, economic, social or cultural components in the vain hope of solving the one without tackling the other. Development is a precondition for stability and expansion and a fundamental prerequisite for international peace and security. As such, the development of the proletarian nations of the world is an international responsibility as well as a national one. The very philosophy underlying the provisions of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] stems from the awareness that the international community has a global responsibility for the solution of social and economic problems. 116. Our economic and social development is keeping pace neither with our own needs nor with the growth of world trade and development.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“This is the first time in the history of international refugee efforts when refugees, hundreds of thousands of them, are returning to their homes both peaceably and voluntarily, out of their own accord and volition. 114. The international dimension of the Sudanese experience is evident not only in our accommodation of multiplicity and diversity within unity and community of interest, but also in the co-operation and assistance we have received from the outside world-co-operation and assistance from sister countries, joined to us by bonds of brotherhood, and a world family that saw in our experience a fresh breath of sanity. 115. And now, with peace restored, we cannot fail to address ourselves to the other phase of peace-making: social and economic development.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Our Government realized that the common good of the nation was interdependent with the interests of all its citizens as reflected in their sharing in political power and in the advantages of the economic, social and cultural development of their region. By formulating and implementing a system of regional autonomy, the Government met the political aspirations of the people of the South and has now embarked on an extensive program of immediate relief, resettlement, and rehabilitation of refugees and returnees. 113. The refugee example is noteworthy because it is unprecedented. For over half a century, since Fridtjof Nansen embarked on the first international refugee program, problems of refugees were solved through either their assimilation in host countries or their return to their homes following military victory.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“The case in point is our solution to a national problem which has afflicted our country with civil strife 17 years old-which cost us many lives, frustrated our development and fostered resentment and bitterness instead of solidarity and patriotism among brothers and sisters. The so-called Arab North and African South of our country are one people with a lot more in common than the world has heard, but the legacy of colonial isolationist and divisive policies left deep gulf that erupted into hostilities which the successive Governments tried-some genuinely and some half-heartedly-to end, without avail. 112.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Such alignments may frustrate international cooperation in the tackling of political, economic, social and cultural problems. 110. Fortunately this is not invariably the case. We in the Sudan do not boast of any achievements in this field but we have an experience which, though local, is a microcosm of many problems now faced in many parts of the world. The co-operation we have received from various friendly Governments, the United Nations and its specialized agencies, as well as from voluntary organizations, also testifies to the significance of our example as a microcosm of world problems and the potentialities of co-operation in their solution at all levels. 111.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Such an endeavor must be undertaken with both imagination and realism. And realism might lead us to accept, but not become resigned to, certain facts of life. Article 2, paragraph 7 and Article 27 of the Charter, lead together, teach us that there is a two-tier concept of equality. What is to be challenged, therefore, is not the weighted power of some States, inherent in the Charter, as much as the wanton exercise of such power. Power is to be disciplined and its exercise civilized, for, when power is unguided by enlightened principle and high purpose, it can only spell disaster in the end. 109. I have alluded to regional realignments and endeavors which are motivated by the desire of nations and regional organizations to tackle their immediate problems, thus enabling them to come to grips with their own urgent needs.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“We have all called for the democratization as well as the increased universalization of the United Nations. China is now in our midst and we are the richer by its presence. 106. Institutions, like men, grow and become obsolescent. Change is imperative if there is to be a new international order based on justice and fair play; it is only the dead who do not change. To achieve this goal, some modification of the Charter and review of the role of various organs are indispensable. 107. The process is not unknown to the United Nations. Amendments have been introduced to the Charter. Less dramatic, but equally important, is the evolution of the Charter provisions through the various liberal and creative interpretations given to them. The Charter, like all living constitutions, was meant to be adaptive and self-regulating. 108.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“It requires positive co-operation towards the achievement of the common goal of human dignity in all aspects of life. It requires the global sharing of power, of material wealth, of spiritual well-being and of scientific and technological advantages. And all this requires a change in the fundamental chemistry of international relations. 105. But in all this where does the United Nations come in? The Georgetown Conference, whose final Act is now in the hands of the Secretary-General, precisely addressed itself to this question. We have all reaffirmed our faith in the Charter of the United Nations, but the Charter is not a fetish. And we have all pledged our support to the Organization, but the Organization will have to change with time.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“In so far as those meetings are focusing on regional or selected international problems, where the minds are at one, the trend is positive and promising. But in so far as the trend is founded on the failure of the international Organization to solve problems, it is disconcerting. 103. The new alignments and international syndicalism are duly leading to what the Foreign Minister of Brazil has aptly described, in his open statement here as the "diplomatic marginalization of the United Nations" [2038th meeting, para. 33]. Some of us might be deluded into thinking that our salvation is in clubbism and interdependency of interests. 104. But interdependency of interests implies more than building policies on competitive interaction and interdependence.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Detente and the composition of differences are welcome as long as they do not reflect a preoccupation with problems of immediate national interest, to the exclusion of international problems, or degenerate into a conspiracy of silence. The absence of a single reference to Africa in the Moscow Declaration that mapped out all the problem areas of the world is an example of the former. The irrational position of some western Powers on the issue of Rhodesia in the Security Council is an example of the latter. 102. On the other hand, new alignments among the small Powers are taking place; old ones are being reinforced. The Rabat meeting of the African Heads of State and Government and the Georgetown Conference of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, and their outcome, are reflections of this trend.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“the phenomena of violence as a mode of expressing a grievance or rebelling against an injustice, and that of detente as an outcome of new alignments among States, are not necessarily paradoxical. The dynamics of human endeavor are now revealing new trends of realignment in search of alternative methods of tackling problems. We are witnessing a narrowing gulf between the big Powers in their attempt to solve their problems and promote their mutual national or regional interests, thus averting violence on their soil while continuing it, by proxy, on foreign soil. In other words, violence is being exported to us. 101.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“And unless a better and more civilized system of world order is established, in which states breaking the law of nations are brought to account, incidents of wanton terror can neither be isolated nor adequately controlled. 99. A world organization that does not address itself to those objective realities of multiple yet interdependent and interactive dimensions is likely to be fragmented and preoccupied with the visible manifestations of problems on the international level, while leaving their root-causes embedded in the deceptively remote and even isolated national or regional corners of foreign lands. Such an organization will be not only ineffective, but indeed shaken by the undercurrents of frustrations and discontent in those remote corners. 100.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“This mode of social behavior is neither African nor Asian. It was the United States itself that won its independence through violence, years before Robespierre delivered to the world his dictum that in revolution "terror is justice, prompt, secure and inflexible" and that revolution should "conduct people by reason and enemies of the people by terror". And unless flagrant injustices are removed, unless gross inequities are eradicated, unless bitterness is basically extirpated from the hearts of men, the concept of people and enemies of the people will remain to be determined by subjective measuring rods depending on whom and what you relate to.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“It takes a lot of courage for a plaintiff to come to equity while engaged in unconscionable practice, one basic maxim of the law of equity being; he who comes to equity must come with clean hands. And it takes a lot of arrogance to seek justice while showing contempt for the bench and ridiculing the jury. 97. On the same theme, the United States has come to this Assembly with a draft resolution[A/C.6/L.851]. The basic defect in that draft resolution is that it ends where it should have begun. The main point should be to urge Member States to address themselves to the sources of tension. As long as there is subjugation and inequity people will always resort to violence to reach goals that are unreachable otherwise. 98. Revolutions have never been concomitant with the sanctity of human life.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“It was therefore no surprise to anybody that the Israeli statement, in addition to its disdain for all United Nations resolutions relating to the rights of the Palestinian people, was devoid of any reference to Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which the Foreign Minister of Israel himself described last year as the only basis of United Nations jurisprudence in the matter [2015th meeting]. For the rest of us, Mr. Maurice Schumann spoke lucidly and aptly when he said "... does any people or country of the Middle East not understand that for its independence to be definitively ensured it must be sheltered from the interplay of outside scheming or rivalries? To this fundamental question there can only be a definitive and sure answer here, not elsewhere" [2041st meeting, para. 80.] 96.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Such an outlook is not conducive enough to a rational consideration of the question at issue. 94. The crowning irony comes when Israel requests this Organization to engage in a process of law-making banning international terrorism. And the irony is doubled when this request is made in the very statement telling us, in dealing with the Arab-Israeli question, that the United Nations atmosphere-and I quote Mr. Eban is hot "congenial to the craftsmanship of peace" [2045th meeting, para. 68]. That statement is the supreme contribution of Israel to the demise of the United Nations peace-keeping effort in the Middle East. 95.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“But we do not have to quibble with words to establish the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, their existence being a reality denied only by Mr. Eban. Mr. Eban is the last person to be unaware of the reason why the General Assembly resolution of November 1947 [resolution 181 (IIj] -to which Israel owes its very existence- was called "the partition resolution". Partition of what? And partition between whom? 93. This very Assembly resolved, by its resolution 194 (III), that the Palestinians had a right to return to their homes or to be compensated if they chose not to do so. That resolution has recurred at every ensuing session. But neither repatriation nor compensation has taken place, because of Israeli intransigence, which Mr. Eban crowned last week with his negation of the very existence of the Palestinian people.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“The Foreign Minister of Israel, by the prevarication of established historical facts acknowledged by this Organization and reaffirmed repeatedly by different organs, wanted to relate this violence to what he considers the villain of the play. He asked: ". .. is it true that there is a distinct people" meaning the Palestinian people-"deprived of self-determination, languishing in poverty, squalor and humiliation, dependent on organized violence as its sole prospect of redemption? " [2045th meeting, para. 109.] And without taking a breath Mr. Eban replied, unabashedly, to his own question: "Nothing could be further from the truth." [Ibid.] Here again we have an example of the futility of this debate on terror, where words mean different things to different people. 92.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“If Africa resorts to force, as indeed it has, and with the blessing of its heads and elders who decided at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] at Rabat to double their support of the liberation movements, it is doing so only to rid the world of an affliction which is insidiously undermining civilized society and to lance a festering sore that is about to pollute its whole body. 90. In the Middle East, where territories of three Member States have been under foreign occupation for over five years, where a whole people has for nearly three decades been suffering the indignation of forced refuge, and where ceaseless bombardments are carried out on the innocent, violence also is rampant. 91.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“88. All these are not isolated incidents and the United Nations has not failed to relate them to world peace and order. The Security Council and the General Assembly have since 1961 resolved that apartheid would endanger international peace and security and requested all States to consider such steps, singly or collectively, as were open to them to get South Africa to abandon its policies. 89. The United Nations has also committed itself, since 1968, to economic sanctions under Articles 42 and 43 of the Charter, having determined that the situation created by the Rhodesian rebellion "constitutes a threat to peace".”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“For all its involvement in those questions, spread over a quarter of a century, the United Nations has not been able to improve the lot of Africans and thereby halt the now accelerating drift towards a major conflict and the escalation to more violence; and the extent of this spiral is any body's guess. 86. In Rhodesia a rebellious white supremacist clique representing only 4.9 per cent of the population is growing in arrogance and reveling in repression. Its racialism is too deeply implanted to abdicate its place to charity and reason, 87. In the Portuguese Territories about one half of the still dependent 30 million people of the world live. Portugal has yet to learn that the invariable purpose of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)] was the hastening of independence.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“In Africa, for example, if the United Nations were to be judged only on its record in questions of decolonization and racial discrimination there would be little reason for gratification over its achievements. It is now exactly 26 years since the Organization became involved with African problems, when India in 1946 raised the question of racial discrimination in South Africa. Since then the General Assembly and the Security Council have between them passed about 130 resolutions, while the International Court of Justice has delivered not less than half a dozen opinions, all on questions of decolonization and racial discrimination in Africa. Many of those resolutions and opinions have disappeared into the morass of good ideas that "might have been".”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)